Ep 403 | Pushing Back Against Postmodernism | Guest: Victor Davis Hanson
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Summary
Victor Davis Hanson is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and a military historian. He is also a Fox News guest on Fox News and a frequent contributor on conservative media outlets. In this episode, we talk about how postmodernism and moral relativism have affected not just our view of our country, but also our views on foreign policy.
Transcript
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Hey guys, welcome to Relatable. So excited. I know I say that every time, but I truly am
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so excited about this conversation with Victor Davis Hanson. He is a senior fellow at Stanford
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University's Hoover Institution. He is also a military historian, and he is just a fascinating
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person. Today, we're going to talk about how postmodernism and moral relativism have affected
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not just our view of our country, but also foreign policy. And I learned so much from him in this,
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and it is going to not just kind of teach you why American foreign policy is the way that it is and
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how we got to the place that we are, but it's also going to make you think about your worldview in
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general and the worldview that is being taught in academia and is being perpetuated by corporate
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America and in the media. And he also leaves us with some wisdom and some advice that I found
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like really courage, inspiring, and just very fortifying. And I know that's something that
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we all feel like we need. So again, just so looking forward to you guys hearing this conversation and
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sending me all kinds of positive feedback about it, because I know you're going to love it. So
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without further ado, here is Victor Davis Hanson.
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Thank you so much for joining me. First, I think, well, I think a lot of people listening and
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watching know exactly who you are. They have watched your interviews, you're a guest on Fox News a lot.
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But I'm wondering if you can tell us a little bit about the Hoover Institution and the mission of the
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Institution and what your role is there first. Well, it's 100 years old. And the institution was founded
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by Herbert Hoover in 1920. And originally for the first, say, 45 years, it was an archival
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library centered in the middle of the Stanford campus. And its purpose was, in Hoover's words, to
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collect all of the documents that he could find in his food relief efforts to feed the impoverished
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and famished after World War I, and then to discover the roots and origins of the Russian Revolution.
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So the practical effect was he brought back millions of documents from war-torn Europe in 1919,
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20, 21. And then he got a lot of the white, so-called white Russians, that's the term for the
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anti-red Russians, and to put their papers at Hoover. And then for the next, oh, 50 years,
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the tower was built, the iconic tower was built in 1947. But the point was, it would be going to be
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an archival library for the issues of war, revolution, and peace. And then he had a mission
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statement that the institution was going to promote limited government, free enterprise,
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and human freedom. Sometime in the 40s to the mid-50s, that changed, or I should say it was augmented
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to a research center with fellows. And then it made a, Hoover was in a constant war with Stanford
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University, Stanford being very liberal, he being very conservative. At various iterations of the
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institution, it had degrees of autonomy, and then subservience. And finally, it was worked out,
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he felt, right before he died in the late 60s, with the appointment of a very young, dynamic Glyn
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Campbell. And the story of the institution for the next 60 years, until 2015, were two 30-year
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directors, Glyn Campbell, John Rayson, who created the current Milton Friedman, Robert Conquest, Tom
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Soule, Shelby Steele, conservative trademark. And now, because Stanford's got Silicon Valley money,
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and it's so huge. And it's, as you know, the liberal left has become the progressive hard left.
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There's a constant struggle to remain autonomous with a lot of pressures in Stanford. And that's
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where we are today. Yeah, I've always wondered about that. When you think of Stanford, you don't
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really think about conservative values. And there are many of you who hold such conservative values that
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come out of the Hoover Institution. Could you talk about how you got involved with the Hoover
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Institution? And a lot of you, a lot of people listening know your story. But for those, for
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those who don't, can you just tell kind of a brief summary of how you got to have the voice that you
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do, and how you kind of got plugged into the circles that you're in now?
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Well, I graduated with a PhD in classics at 26 in 1980 from Stanford. And then I had grandparents
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and parents that were not able to take care of this farm. So I had a brother who was going to
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medical school. And the two of us came back and we farmed the 180 acres. I did that full time for
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about five years. And then in my late 20s, I went to Cal State Fresno, the nearest campus and started
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a Latin and Greek classical studies, ancient history program that got pretty big. I did that
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for 21 years and wrote books on history, classics, agrarianism, modern and ancient farming, and op-eds.
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I started to write op-eds in the 90s. And then somewhere after 9-11, I became a regular columnist for
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National Review. So I did that for 20 years. And I was appointed to the Hoover Institution in 2003.
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2002 and 2003. And I did both. I was a professor of classics. And I went up to Stanford, which is
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about 180 miles from where I'm speaking at my farm. And then I transitioned in 2004 completely. And I've
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been there, oh, for the last 17 years at the Hoover Institution. And I, my responsibility is to, as I was told,
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my contract is to write commentary on political events, try to produce scholarly books every three
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or four years. And in addition, books that appeal to popular issues. Try to do your part as a Hoover
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citizen at retreats of the donor and overseer class and promote funding for Hoover. And then finally,
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have institutional support. So I run the largest task force at the Hoover Institution called the
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Military History Working Group. And we, and I edit along with my managing editor, David Berkeley,
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something called an online magazine called Strategica. And the purpose of that group is to
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bring about 40 scholars world over of all different political persuasions and to discuss contemporary
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crises, China, the Middle East, Taiwan, Iran, in the context of history, what does history have to tell
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us about these particular crises? And you can find that every three weeks online, under the rubric
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Strategica. And that's exactly what I want to talk to you about. I, I saw an interview that you were a
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part of in a documentary. And I watched this several months ago. And as soon as I started watching it and
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listening to your answer, you were talking about how the postmodern worldview has affected liberal
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foreign policy in particular under Barack Obama. And I found what you were saying so fascinating that
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I immediately jotted you down and said, okay, I want to talk to Victor Davis Hanson about this because I,
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I had never heard it talked about in those terms. Obviously we know as a conservative perspective,
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we hear the apology tour by Barack Obama and how he kind of desired to lower the ranking
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of America and kind of do away with what they might call the myth of American exceptionalism or
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American greatness. But I never thought about it in terms of kind of this larger postmodern movement
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or worldview. Can you talk about that? What postmodernism is and how it's kind of affected
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in particular liberal foreign policy over the past couple of decades.
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Well, we all know what modernism and that was reaction to the traditional and classical Western
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civilization. So it meant in art, you could, you could paint something like Jackson Pollock that
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had nothing to do with what your eyes saw or in poetry, you didn't have to rhyme or have a poetic
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vocabulary or in school, you could bring in subjects, you know, like sociology or anthropology that weren't
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part of the classical curriculum. So it meant it was a reaction against the mores of the last 2,500
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years. People would have sexual Congress that were not married. People who were outside the nuclear
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family would have viable alternatives, etc. Postmodernism just means after modernism.
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And what was different about postmodernism, they didn't just reject traditional America,
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they rejected the means of adjudication, the whole system. So they said to the modernists,
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your problem is you're reacting to traditional. We don't believe there are facts. We just think a
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ruling largely white class created a system and called it rational, but it was rigged because it's
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not based on truth because there is no truth. Truth is what any particular person says and it becomes
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truth only when they have power. So it was a revolutionary but entirely nihilistic idea. And it
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came from, you know, Friedrich Nietzsche and Hegel and the German nihilists, but it also was imported
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first to France, Michel Foucault in the 1960s and 70s, Lacan, Derrida, and now it's here in the
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university. And this woke culture that we see is a manifestation. And how that works out practically
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is it says to Americans, you know, you think you have a constitution. It was basically you've been
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fooled. It was just a bunch of white slave owners who rigged the system and called it truth, freedom,
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declaration of independence, but it perpetuated their oppressions. And then they would say, you know,
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you think you're better than other countries or that your safety or prosperity or freedom is
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preferable to that in Venezuela. But that's just because you've artificially defined those words,
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given them false definition. Who's to say that something is not better? So it's a very dangerous
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ideology because it doesn't reflect reality. The people who promulgate it are usually very white,
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very wealthy, very privileged, and they don't live by it in their own lives. I mean, they put their
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kids in private school. They want them to go to the Ivy League. They're professionals. They make a lot
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of money. They have beautiful homes. So they really do believe in concrete realities and hierarchies and
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privilege. And they mask all that by saying that people who do not have privilege, the white working
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class in particular, they despise, which lacks the culture of the wealthy and the sympathy of the poor
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in their eyes. They lob that on them. They say, you have privilege. And that virtual signals
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an exemption they seek from their own privilege.
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And how do you think this affects, this kind of view affects foreign policy? How did it affect some of
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the decisions in your mind that Barack Obama made in his so-called apology tour, even the Iran nuclear deal,
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what some people would call appeasement towards hostile foreign powers? Do you think that that did have an
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effect on Obama's administration and the policies that he pushed forth?
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Oh, yes. And that's a good question. It affects it in so many insidious ways from the pragmatic to the
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ideological. Let's take the ideological. It basically says, when we look at the Middle East,
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and we see that Israel is a constitutional republic, a democracy, an honors freedom,
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we can't really say that, because those reflect artificial values that we put importance or value
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on that are not fair to other alternative systems, i.e. the Palestinians or the Saudis or Libyans. And
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therefore, we have no right to go into that area and judge one group over the other. And therefore,
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if anything, we have to apologize to people in the past, because our dynamic economic system was built
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on exploitation and colonialism and imperialism are the only legacy of the West. And so that's one
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problem. But in a very superficial sense, it sends a signal to our opponents that we are very weak,
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in the sense that they can use our own absurdities as weapons against us. And I'll take a good example
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of some foreign policy. If we know that the Chinese sort of corrupted the World Health Organization to
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lie about the origins and the nature and the transmissibility of the COVID virus. And if we know
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that China has a million Uyghurs in camps or destroy democracy in Hong Kong or destroy the culture of
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Tibet, it doesn't really matter because then they come back to us and say, you know what, you're just
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a typically racist Western country and you oppress Chinese students. And every time you find a so-called
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quote unquote Chinese military attache on your campuses, that's just an excuse for your blanket
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condemnation of Asian people, just like the 19th century yellow peril. So our enemies look at this
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and they say, wow, we're just going to mimic the complaints of the left and they take it seriously
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and it disarms them. And so now in the Biden administration, we're losing sort of that edge or
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that desire we had to stand up to China's crimes. And it's very, I mean, it can be, it can enter the
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realm of the absurd. When bin Laden was at his peak, he and Dr. Zawahiri wrote a book. And I mean,
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there was a book published by Raymond Ibrahim, all of their collected writings, and they were accusing us,
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believe it or not, of decadence because we didn't have campaign finance reform. We didn't sign on to
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radical global warming ideology. So they just read American newspapers and said, half the country is
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trying to eat itself alive. We're going to join that cannibalistic attack on the West. And so
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self-criticism and self-reflection is really important for society. We're the only culture
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or civilization in the West that does that. But sometimes it gets to excess and turns from
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constructive criticism to cannibalistic self-hatred.
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Yep. And Joe Biden actually recently explicitly said that he had a phone conversation with
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Jinping and that he kind of had to understand that, you know, that he has different priorities,
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that it's culturally different, that China, you know, the reason that they are doing what they're
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doing with Taiwan or Hong Kong or the Uyghur Muslims. It just has to do with different priorities
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of the regime. It has to do with, you know, different cultural norms. And I was really alarmed
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to hear that. But I'm afraid that there's a lot of people in charge, a lot of people in what you
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might call the elite class, that doesn't disturb them at all. And they're perfectly fine with that
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kind of mentality. And they actually think that America weakening or kind of going lower on the
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totem pole will be better for the whole world. What do you think the consequence is if America
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does continue to go down this path of kind of shrinking and trying to lessen our power in the
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name of, I don't know, tolerance or intersectionality? Well, we don't appreciate the fact that the reason
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that you or I can, when this epidemic ends, can get on a plane and there's going to be common rules
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and regulations, how it lands and takes off and the safety requirements it must meet, or how we get
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on a cell phone, and who we communicate with Asia or Latin America, or how what is legal or illegal in
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trade, the whole system of global cooperation is based on Westernism after World War Two, and Western
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technology. And the enforcer, if I could use that term of this system, is to be frank, the United States
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economy, which is the largest in the world, it's almost in some terms of measurements twice the
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size of the Chinese economy. And we do that with one fourth of the population. So it's an astounding
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achievement. And we're critical to make the world work. When we doubt ourselves, as you pointed out,
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and then other people see, you know what, the United States doesn't really believe in itself,
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it doesn't really believe in the system. And we're going to take advantage of it. And we know how to take
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advantage of it, we just emulate the left's hatred of the system. And then they're kind of befuddled,
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they don't know quite what to do, they don't want to be called racist, or sexist, or homophobes, or
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nativist, or xenophobes. And so they become paralyzed. In the case of China and Joe Biden,
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there's two things going on very quickly. One is that our elite, our bipartisan Washington to New York
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elite and Silicon Valley to Hollywood elite. So many of them are compromised by China, whether it's
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the NBA who can't say a word, right, an objective objection, or it's Hollywood who calibrates their
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pictures on the on the orders of Chinese to eliminate black actors that they deemed too dark
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and wouldn't be acceptable to the lucrative Chinese market or the Biden family itself, Joe Biden's son,
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Hunter, who still has interest in China. I can't believe he still retains interest in the Chinese
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communist sponsored company, or it's Mr. Blinken, the Secretary of State, who was had a lucrative career
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in Chinese investment. All of them are compromised either financially or ideologically. And what was
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unusual about Trump, to break that cycle, I guess the only person who could do that was someone who was
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not only not part of it, but was a little bit uncouth. I accrued loud and just said, I don't really care.
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I'm going to go into this glass store of hypocrisy and break everything up. And of course, he wasn't
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reelected. And then people said, Well, we stopped that. And then now even more emboldened they were
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than before he came. So I'm not optimistic that we're going to have the wherewithal to resist the Chinese
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and the way that they need to be resisted. I've been interested to see other countries like
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Australia and France kind of criticize the United States for the kind of self loathing mentality that
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a lot of people in the elite class have taken on or our softness against China or our unwillingness to
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call out China. Does that surprise you at all that some of these more what you might consider
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progressive countries are actually stronger in their stances on some of these positions than the
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United States is? You know, it doesn't. And I can explain why very briefly. There's two or three
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reasons why they have a long colonial and imperial history that other than the Philippines at the turn
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of the 20th century, we have not really had. And so when we start to become woke or radical, and we did
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it in the 1930s, they get scared, because they're worried that we would become not the stabilizer
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enforcer of the post-war order, but rather ourselves, sort of a revolutionary society that might join
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their enemies or critics and saying, you know what, we're woke now, we reject our own Western past,
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we're no longer a Western country. And you guys colonized Asia and Africa, and you're still
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have influence in India, and we're free of that. We're a revolutionary society. And they're afraid,
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secondly, because they're very dependent upon us. They have asymmetrical trade with us. They do not,
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until Trump came along, the vast majority of the NATO allies did not meet their 2% defense
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contributions. More do, I think eight do now out of 23 countries. But my point is that they, for
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practical reasons, they say, you know what, the US has to be firm, it has to be a protector. Our role
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are the ancient Greeks. They're the ancient Roman. They're the muscle and the economy. We're the
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philosophers. We're going to ankle bag them, make fun of them, tweak them. But we just, we only can do
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that if they stay firm. They're the parent, we're the whiny juvenile. But when the parent acts like a hippie,
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then the juvenile says, wait a minute, who pays the bills? Who enforces, who tells? And that's where
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we are right now. They don't, they're scared stiff. And they're scared stiff because if America goes hard
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left, it could, in theory, be as critical of them as it is itself. And they don't want that to happen.
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You know, that's interesting. I've never thought about it in quite that way. And it doesn't seem to
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be that it's just kind of our more woke allies, like France and Germany and Australia and Canada,
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that you're saying that they rely on American exceptionalism or American strength, but they
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like to use America as a punching bag, I guess, to gain their own woke points. And the same thing with
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the NBA, the same thing with a lot of major corporations, they depend on the American economy,
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obviously, America being the strongest country in the world. But at the same time,
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they know that they'll gain points both here and abroad by bashing America as systemically racist and,
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you know, an enemy of social justice or whatever it is. Is that kind of what you're describing?
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Yeah, I think you described it very well. I would call it the court jester syndrome,
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where once the court is stable, then they hire a jester to come in and make fun of them on the
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pretense that they're not going to be dangerous enough to disrupt the workings of the court. So
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we have in the system, market capitalism, free enterprise and the protection of private property.
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And that's makes us that makes Mark Zuckerberg or Bill Gates, or any of these leftists very wealthy.
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And then they have court jesters. These are the people in the universities that make fun of it,
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and they kind of amuse it, they go, they sign on to the New Green Deal. They do all these left wing
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things. But in the old days, there was an area where you couldn't intrude upon. You didn't go in
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and break up monopolies like, you know, Facebook, they thought they could control their their capitalist
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juggernaut, and control the court jesters. I don't think they can anymore. Because I think that
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Joe Biden administration is hijacked by Elizabeth Warren and AOC and the squad. And I think pretty
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soon, the woke Wall Street, woke Silicon Valley, woke NBA, all of these institutions are going to
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have to deal with real socialist agendas that I don't think even their, you know, their protections
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that they have from the consequences of their own game plan or ideology is going to help them.
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And we'll see about that. But yeah, it's very dishonest. And it works on the transatlantic sense
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in the same fashion. They view us as monolithically capitalist and productive and strong with all
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these aircraft carriers and this huge domestic consumer market. And then they can kind of make
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fun of it up to a point. And that point has been reached now, because when they look at the writing,
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and they look at the name changing, and the statute changing, top lane in the school,
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they think this is crazy. Wait a minute. We've got a reign of terror in the United States. This is like
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the Jacobin takeover of the French Revolution. And these people don't understand that if they change
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this country, we're not going to have a market. We're not going to have protection. We're not going
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to have it. We went too far in making fun of it. And now we're starting to see, you know,
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actually conservative. So Eastern Europe especially is worried. They're much more conservative than we
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are. And now, as you point out, people in the UK, France, people in Southern Europe,
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they're very scary, because it's not just France going left wing, it's this huge economic and military
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power. And when they look at retired generals, who start lecturing about this David Petraeus did about
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taking down statues, or accusing Donald Trump of being an insurrectionist, or Mussolini, or
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Hitler-like, that gets them even more scared. My God, they think the Pentagon is becoming a national
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liberation army. And so I think they're very terrified. Yeah. And it seems like, as they should
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be, they seem to have a more clear perspective on what's going on here in America than we do. I don't
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really see an about-face by these corporations and by the establishment media to say, oh, we've
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caused, or we've helped at least exacerbate some of the chaos in the division and the weakness that we
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are seeing precipitated throughout the country. And so we're going to stop, or we're going to start
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criticizing the violence, or we're going to start calling Antifa and BLM what they are. I don't really
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see that kind of direction within the United States in corporate America and in the media. Do you think
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that it sounds like they will wake up? That's a very good question. They did not wake up in 1917
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when Lenin said to all of the Russian aristocrats that wanted to abandon the czar and did and try to
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make a deal to be saved and to augment and abet the Bolsheviks or the Kerenskyites, the legitimate
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socialist opposition to the czars. They all thought they could deal with Lenin. Lenin's attitude was
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you give a capitalist rope and he'll hang himself because they're greedy. So I think the left's
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attitude is we don't want to preserve market capitalism. We want to take over these big
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corporations and make them state-run enterprises and wake them up or have them woke sources of jobs
00:26:48.800
and money for us. And I don't think the corporations quite understand that. So
00:26:54.720
maybe they're going to fail and be as they did in Venezuela and Cuba and outsmart themselves, or
00:27:01.680
maybe they're going to wake up as they did in France in 1793. And, you know, Robespierre ended up on the
00:27:08.720
guillotine or maybe in as they did in the sixties, they thought they could handle the sixties revolution.
00:27:13.520
And finally they realized, no, we can't, we got to elect a guy like Ronald Reagan. So
00:27:19.440
there is a pushback right now, but what's different is that we've never seen with this electronic
00:27:25.520
octopus, the control of our means of accessing information, communicating social media, Facebook,
00:27:31.120
Twitter, Google, and all of that is controlled by the left. So it's much harder to gauge or calibrate
00:27:37.360
whether this grassroots pushback can be sustained or how big it is. But you, you're starting to see
00:27:44.000
people on the left, people who've been fired from newspapers, actors that can't get jobs,
00:27:50.400
people who've been canceled out for one word. They're starting to murmur that this is not
00:27:55.200
sustainable because the left is starting to eat its own and they've been eaten and they don't want it.
00:28:01.280
Right. And it's interesting because a lot of, obviously these people on the left who are advancing,
00:28:07.280
these causes and these goals, they, you know, they're soft towards socialism and communism,
00:28:12.640
but isn't the combining of corporate and governmental power also a form of fascism. And these are the
00:28:18.560
very same people who say that they're standing against the fascists who they say are the conservatives
00:28:23.600
or the Trump supporters. Yeah, that was the paradigm that, that fascism did in Europe in the 1930s,
00:28:30.560
whether it was in Spain or, or Italy or Germany, that is, they went to the industrial class,
00:28:35.520
what they called the industrial class and said, look, we're going to give you all these markets
00:28:40.480
and you're going to have a monopoly on and you're going to make a lot of profits because we have an
00:28:44.240
expansionary agenda overseas, but we don't want communism. We don't want leftism. We don't want
00:28:50.640
freedom. We don't want union. We don't want any of that, but you're going to have these. And they all
00:28:55.040
signed up for it. And notice that there are no unions in Amazon. I mean, Amazon said that
00:29:02.560
they wanted to promote workers' rights and that mail-in balloting was wonderful. And then we find
00:29:08.000
out that Jeff Bezos is trying to crush a union movement in Alabama by outlawing, trying to outlaw
00:29:14.400
mail-in ballots, which he said can't be verified. He sounds like a right-wing reactionary. But they're
00:29:20.240
starting to see that this deal they made with the left that gave them monopolies and cartels
00:29:26.320
an absolute exemption from federal jurisdiction or oversight, they think the left is a little bit
00:29:35.200
more ambitious than they signed up for. The left wants to control them. And you really saw that
00:29:39.040
after the last election when Mark Zuckerberg and his companies and Twitter, they were kind of saying,
00:29:46.960
well, we're going to slant the news and not report about Hunter Biden and de-platform occasionally
00:29:53.120
Donald Trump, but we're not going to cancel them out. Because if we do that, we're kind of a state-run
00:29:58.720
organization and we're going to lose half the country, our market. And yet the Obamas came out,
00:30:03.680
Biden came out, Hillary came out, all of these left-wing politicians said, shame on you to give
00:30:09.600
Donald platform 70 million Twitter followers and a huge Facebook audience. You're responsible
00:30:16.240
for all these. So then like a night of the long nights, we woke up on, I guess it was January
00:30:22.720
11th and they had destroyed Parler and then earlier they had de-platformed,
00:30:27.440
they being Twitter and Facebook, Trump for life. And notice the argument they used. It was the 1960s
00:30:34.240
racist lunch count owner or landlord who said to African Americans, we're not infringing on your right
00:30:42.720
to check into my hotel or any hotel. You can go to any lunch, just don't go to mine.
00:30:48.560
You know, I own it. I have a right to say, you know, the first amendment doesn't cover me. I just
00:30:54.480
don't want you in my lunch counter. I don't want you in my hotel, but you know, drive a hundred miles
00:31:00.000
somewhere else. And the courts and the country said, no, that's not realistic. And so they are playing
00:31:06.960
that role of the racist 1960s. They're saying to Trump or to the Parler people or to us, they're
00:31:12.720
saying, you know what? We believe in free speech, but we don't believe in free reach. So if you want
00:31:18.560
to commit, communicate over Twitter, just go get yourself another Twitter, but don't use ours. And
00:31:24.320
then we say, okay, we'll go to Parler and guess what? One o'clock in the morning on the 11th of January,
00:31:31.200
they shut it down and you can't get it on any app or any phone. And that's really scary because that,
00:31:36.320
that gets back to your point about state run fascism.
00:31:49.520
If you could just leave people with maybe one tip or one piece of advice, you know,
00:31:54.640
the average person kind of feels powerless in the midst of all of this. Do you have any, you know,
00:32:00.080
wisdom or, I don't know, a little bit of optimism or hope for people who are just worried about the
00:32:05.360
direction the country is going and what they can do?
00:32:09.040
I do. I would say, don't become depressed or disheartened. But remember that we are in a period
00:32:17.760
where the universities, K through 12, the foundations, professional sports, Hollywood,
00:32:24.720
entertainment, Wall Street, and Silicon Valley, they control our culture, our wealth and our
00:32:31.360
power. And they're woke, but they don't have 51% of the people. And for them to wake up and return to
00:32:39.760
normality and honor the Bill of Rights, it requires all of us, even though we're one wink,
00:32:44.960
one bad word, one good word, one facial expression from getting canceled. We don't care. We're going to say
00:32:53.760
what we want, when we want, how we want. And the more that we do that, it's sort of like a glass,
00:32:59.760
a screen, and we have a big illusion on it. And we need to take a sledgehammer in that famous Apple
00:33:05.120
commercial and throw it right through it, because there's nothing there, because it's not based on
00:33:09.600
ethics, morality, or logic. And we can just, you know, there's no logic in saying you can't name a
00:33:14.480
school after George Washington, he's a racist. You can't do that. If you do that, you have no country. So we're
00:33:21.440
going to say, yes, we can. We're going to name whatever we want, and then override that.
00:33:25.120
And you can call me anything in the world has no effect on me. When we start to do that,
00:33:29.840
sort of like that famous lawyer, Joseph Welch, in the McCarthy hearings of the 1950s, McCarthy
00:33:37.520
would come like the modern left and say, I have a list here of all these people that I'm going to go
00:33:43.200
after. And he would do things like that, make up stuff, kind of like the blacklisting,
00:33:48.160
the Lincoln Project and others have engaged in. And finally, the army council said,
00:33:53.360
have you no decency, Senator McCarthy? And as soon as he said that, it was weird. It just,
00:33:57.680
it destroyed the illusion. And McCarthy was rendered what he was, kind of an alcoholic,
00:34:04.240
has-been demagogue. And I think we could do that with a lot of these woke people.
00:34:09.200
You have no control over me. I'm a free person. Say what you want. It has no effect on me. I don't
00:34:14.000
care what you say about me in the New York Times. I don't care what you say about me at the local
00:34:17.520
school board. I'm going to continue. And once we all do that in unison, it's our problem just to
00:34:23.680
finish is, remember the ease of fable about the mice get together and they say, you know,
00:34:27.920
these cats are picking us off one by one, this bad cat. And we never know he's coming. He's so
00:34:34.560
stealthy, so clever. And so they, the mice get together and say, ah, we got an idea. We're going
00:34:39.920
to go put a collar with a bell on it around that guy's neck. And so every time he comes,
00:34:46.720
he'll be so loud, we'll just, he's irrelevant. We can scramble him plenty of time. And then one
00:34:50.880
person in the crowd says, ah, who's going to bell the cat? And no one's willing to be
00:34:56.160
the beller of the cat, but we need a lot of them.
00:35:00.080
Yes. Yes. That is so good. Thank you so much. That truly is encouraging. And I really appreciate
00:35:05.120
you taking the time to talk to us. We'll make sure that people know where to follow you and support
00:35:09.360
you and the Hoover Institution. Thank you so much for talking to us today. Yes.