Ep 533 | RIP, Roe v. Wade
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Summary
Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Center is a Supreme Court case that centers around abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy. In this episode, we discuss the case and the arguments from both sides of the case. We also talk about the first trimester of pregnancy and what it's like to be pregnant at 15 weeks.
Transcript
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Hey guys, welcome to Relatable. Happy Monday. Hope everyone had a wonderful weekend. So
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if you follow me on Instagram and you see my stories, you know that I am recording this
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episode that you are listening to or watching on Friday. Today, as you are listening or
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watching, I'm in Nashville on Candace Owens' show. So make sure that you tune into that.
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If you are a subscriber and I asked you guys on Instagram what you wanted me to talk about
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on Monday's episode, and I gave you a lot of options. And honestly, I was a little surprised
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that the option that you guys chose was Dobbs versus Jackson Women's Health Center. We touched
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on it just a little bit last week when the oral arguments were being presented to the Supreme
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Court by both sides, but you guys wanted me to dig into it. I offered, okay, we can have
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a theological episode where we talk about, we break apart a particular hymn and we talk
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about what scripture it corresponds to. We can talk about how I feel about Santa Claus
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and what we should do about Santa Claus with our kids. But you guys, most of you, picked
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Dobbs overwhelmingly. I will still do those things. I know there is a large section of you who really
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like the strictly theological episodes. I love those episodes too, by the way. And so we will
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definitely be doing those in preparation for Christmas. But because you guys are my executive
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producers and I do what my executive producers say, I wanted to deliver what most of you said
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that you wanted. Your wish is my command. So we will be talking a little bit about Dobbs versus
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Jackson Women's Health Center today. Now, the reason I say a little bit is because we cannot
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get into all of the minutiae of all of the different, all of the legalese that corresponds
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with this case. And you guys don't come to me for that. You guys might go to people who have been
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reporting on the Supreme Court for a very long time. You guys might go to some legal expert to tell you
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exactly what that all means. It would take a really long time. Thankfully, that kind of information is
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accessible to all of us. But that's not what you guys typically come to me for. I'm going to give
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you a summary of what this case is about based on the expert analysis of people who have been
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reporting on SCOTUS for a long time and have been reporting on abortion law, abortion cases for
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decades. And then we're going to look at some of the arguments that were presented, some of the back
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and forth between some justices and the legal teams representing both sides. So if you don't know,
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if you missed the episode last week where we explained it, or if you haven't read about it
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online, Mississippi in 2018 passed a law to ban abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy. And now let
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me just pause there because before I got pregnant for the first time, I didn't really know anything
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about pregnancy. I probably couldn't have told you which trimester 15 weeks is, which is,
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you know, it's just not something I would have thought about. Obviously, it's pretty obvious if
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you know what a trimester is, but I just hadn't thought about it. I didn't really know that much
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about fetal development. I didn't really know very much about gestation, what pregnancy was about,
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which is why when I had my second ultrasound at 11 and a half weeks, so typically you have your first
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ultrasound at eight weeks just to make sure that everything is all good. That's typically where you see
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the heartbeat if you have a healthy baby inside you. So I saw that beating heart. I didn't hear
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the beating heart the first time, but really just that first ultrasound, he or she, which she is,
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he or she, she has a he or she at conception, even though you can't tell yet and blood work wouldn't
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even tell you as early as eight weeks probably, but you see that beating heart and it looks like
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a jelly bean. It just looks like a little jelly bean. It's hard to believe that this thing
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will turn into a full-size baby and then will grow into a full-grown adult. But then by the time 10
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weeks rolls around and then even more so at 11 weeks, so we're still talking first trimester here.
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When you hear first trimester abortion, you typically hear that talked about very flippantly as if
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that's just nothing, as if it really just does look like a clump of cells. Well, that's not the case.
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If you look at an ultrasound at 10 weeks and then 11 weeks and then at 11 and a half weeks when I had
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my second ultrasound, what you'll see is what looks like a fully formed baby. And that is when, for me,
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I had a very emotional experience. It's kind of strange seeing something inside your body that you can't
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feel the first time, but it just kind of, it looks like a blob the first time around. And then by the time
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that you're at the end of the first trimester, you've got a fully formed, of course, it still
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has to develop and it still has to grow a lot more for several more weeks before he or she can enter
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the world. But you're looking at this little child with arms and legs and fingers and toes that's
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kicking and slipping around that you can't even feel. Think about how strange that is. If you found
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out another human being was inside your body and you couldn't even feel this thing moving around,
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that's how tiny it is. And yet I could see her brain, her skull, even where her teeth would come in.
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You see the beating heart, you see the spine, you see the stomach, you see all the intestines and she's
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flipping around, she's kicking. And again, we are talking still about the first trimester. That was a very
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emotional experience for me. And honestly, it's very hard for me to understand how a woman could have that
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experience in the first trimester and still somehow justify, sanitize abortion to the point to where she
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thinks that it is in any way morally acceptable. It's really hard for me to understand that because
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no matter the circumstances surrounding that child's conception, it's still a life. It's still
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a child. I mean, you see that in the ultrasound. And that's why, for example, for that's why certain
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laws, for example, like ultrasound laws or regulations that require a woman to hear a heartbeat
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before she decides whether or not she wants to have an abortion or see the image of the ultrasound
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before she decides to have an abortion is so powerful. Knowledge is power. And if we really are for
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informed consent, if you really are pro-choice, then you should want that choice to be as informed as
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possible. And yet, interestingly, the pro-abortion, pro-choice lobby is always lobbying against any
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requirement for a woman or even just the encouragement for a woman to see the ultrasound image or to be
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able to hear the heartbeat. So that just shows me that they're not actually pro-choice. If you're
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pro-choice, you want the woman to be presented with all of the information, all of the options truly
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available to her. And yet they're always trying to keep the woman in the dark because the pro-choice
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lobby is, in essence, a pro-abortion lobby. So 15 weeks of pregnancy, that's when Mississippi,
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this law, wants to ban abortion after 15 weeks. So after 15 weeks, we're talking second trimester.
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So if what I'm telling you is true, that still in the first trimester at 11 weeks, even before that,
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10 weeks, you're seeing arms and legs. You're seeing this kicking, flipping baby. Then 15 weeks,
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you're looking at an even more developed baby that's obviously even bigger than that. Second
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trimester, this baby is very close to being viable. Babies as young as 21 weeks gestation have
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survived outside the womb, obviously, with a lot of medical help. And when I talk about the
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development of the baby and the viability of the baby, viable means the baby can survive outside the
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womb. I am not saying that babies who are bigger or babies who are more developed or babies
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who are viable are innately worth more than a baby at six weeks gestation or a zygote or an embryo,
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a fetus, whatever language you want to use. The fact of the matter is that this is still a
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developing human being. It is not a potential life. He or she is a human being. It is a human life.
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And therefore, from conception onward, the only logical, the only consistent view is to say that
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from every second, from conception onward, that pre-born child, that baby has innate worth and has
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the fundamental right to life. So I talk about viability. I talk about size. I talk about development.
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That's just trying to get people to picture what we're really talking about here. I am not saying
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that babies who are more developed are innately worth more than babies who are less developed.
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So I just want to clarify that. But this particular law does give women several weeks to decide whether
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or not they want an abortion. Obviously, that's not something I'm for. But this Mississippi law doesn't
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even try to ban abortion outright. We're talking about 15 weeks well into the second trimester.
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We're talking about a very developed baby who is about to be able to survive outside the womb.
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And Mississippi is simply saying, OK, after this point, after you have had several weeks to decide
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this, after the point that most women, the vast majority of women, if you're paying attention
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at all, will know, they will know confidently that they are pregnant, you can't have an abortion.
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And of course, the pro-abortion side thinks that this is so draconian, so awful,
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so terrible, as you can see by some of the tweets of the pro-abortioners on Twitter,
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just absolutely losing their minds over this. It's a good reminder that the United States is one
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of only seven countries in the entire world that allows abortion after the point of viability.
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The vast majority of countries do not allow abortion that's far into pregnancy. And two of the other
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seven countries that allow abortion that late in the game, North Korea and China. And so it's
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interesting that the side who always talks about empathy and compassion and being on the side of
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equality and liberation and human rights, and also they are always trying to compare us to other
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countries and say that other countries are so much better. They seem to be perfectly fine with the fact
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that when it comes to the human rights of pre-born babies, that we are right on par
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with the biggest violators of human rights in the world. So the Supreme Court heard this case
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the other day, last week, to decide whether or not this law may be upheld fully, partially,
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or not at all. If parts of this law are upheld, this could allow for states to enforce abortion
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restrictions before viability for the first time since Roe v. Wade. So as it stands right now,
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because of Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood versus Casey, it's really impossible for states
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to restrict abortion before the point of viability, which is said to be about 24 weeks. But like I said,
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there are babies who have survived at 21 weeks gestation outside the womb. And so if this Mississippi
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law is upheld, which as I'll talk about, it kind of looks like it will be, then essentially that
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undermines Roe and the states are going to be able to make their decisions when it comes to how much
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they want to restrict abortion. So abortion isn't going to go away if Roe v. Wade goes away. That's
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a piece of propaganda that a lot of pro-choicers are trying to throw at you. I mean, I would say
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amen, hallelujah, if that were the case. If abortion were banned, then that would be an amazing feat.
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And I would celebrate and praise the Lord, and that would be such an act of mercy of God.
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But that's not what happens if Roe v. Wade is essentially overturned and this Mississippi
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law is upheld. It will simply say that states, and they will be Republican states, can restrict
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abortion as much as they want to. And you're still going to probably be able to get an abortion through
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nine months of pregnancy far after a baby can feel pain in states like California or Illinois or Hawaii
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or New York. The very liberal states will allow and will fund and will encourage and will celebrate
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abortion without apology for any reason through nine months. So a woman will still be able to get
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an abortion, but the red states with a lot of pro-life voters will also be able to restrict abortion
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or hopefully be able to ban abortion outright. This Mississippi law also allows for,
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it allows for exemptions for the life of the mother. And I think there are some also,
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there are also some other exceptions when it comes to fetal anomalies. And so this is not
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trying to ban abortion altogether. So even after 15 weeks, a woman may still be able to get an abortion
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for particular reasons. It does not make exceptions for rape and incest. And again, this is after 15 weeks.
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So if a woman is raped or a victim of incest before 15 weeks, she will be able to get an abortion under
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this Mississippi law. Now, we will not know the decision of the Supreme Court until summer of 2022.
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So the oral arguments have already been presented, and we're not going to know how the Supreme Court
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decides until the summer of 2022. And so that gives Christians such an opportunity to pray and to push
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and to change minds and hearts until then. Like you can bet that the pro-abortion, pro-choice side
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is not going to forget about this. They're going to be pushing hard. And again, as we'll talk about
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to the Chief Justice Roberts, he really cares about public opinion. He actually seems to care a lot about
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the so-called or the reputation of the Supreme Court and what people think about the Supreme Court,
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what he might see as the integrity of the Supreme Court. He doesn't really like to rock the boat,
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even if that means, you know, not deciding in a way that would uphold the Constitution. He really
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just likes things to simmer down. And so you can bet that there are going to be forces on the left
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that are pushing a particular decision. And you can bet that the liberal justices on the court are going
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to be trying to persuade Chief Justice Roberts, as they already have in some of the arguments that
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we'll read today. And so we need to pray. We need to pray for strength. We need to pray for
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wisdom. We need to simply pray for true justice and righteousness and constitutionality to win over
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here. We're not talking about trying to get the Supreme Court as pro-lifers to align with our
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particular religious views. We're saying uphold the Constitution, and the Constitution does not
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include a right to abortion. It would have been completely confounding to the authors of the
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Constitution to hear that in some kind of implicit nook or cranny of the right to privacy, that there
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is also a right to kill a human being, that there is also a right to kill a child simply based on the
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location of that child. I mean, it's bizarre. It's truly any argument for abortion. It's truly,
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Okay, so let's see what Ed Whelan has to say. He reports on, he's reported on several abortion
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cases, and I read him often in National Review when it comes to, when it comes to the law,
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when it comes to Supreme Court cases. So he writes for the Wall Street Journal, and he really breaks
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this all down for us. What's on the line? What's going on? He says this, quote,
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the Supreme Court hears its most important abortion cases in, sorry, most important abortion case in a
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generation on Wednesday. So he wrote this last week, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization
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concerns a Mississippi law that bans most abortions after 15 weeks gestation. That's more permissive
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than the laws of nearly every country in Europe, as we already noted. But because it applies before
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viability, it conflicts with Roe and Planned Parenthood v. Casey. Many observers expect Chief
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Justice John Roberts wary of overturning precedent and anxious to defend the court from political
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attacks to search for a compromise. But his record provides compelling reasons to think he will
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forge a super majority of justices to overturn Roe and Casey definitively. So that would be amazing
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news. In Roe, the justices imposed a uniform national policy on a contentious social issue.
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In Obergefell v. Hodges, that was the case on gay marriage that legalized gay marriage. The court did
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the same thing with the Chief Justice Roberts in dissent. Just who do we think we are, Roberts asked
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plaintively. The majority's decision is an act of will, not legal judgment. The right it announces to
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same-sex marriage has no basis in the Constitution or this court's precedent. And so Whelan is arguing
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that because the Chief Justice was in dissent on Obergefell for the particular reason that he just
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listed, if you follow that reasoning, that he would also be against the decision in Roe. He says,
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the majority seizes for itself a question the Constitution leaves to the people. At a time when
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the people are engaged in a vibrant debate on that question, the same was true of abortion in 1973.
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And so Whelan is looking at the dissent that Roberts put forth when it comes to Obergefell,
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which basically he said, look, this is not a question for the court to answer. This is a question that
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should be answered democratically, which is true. This should have been left. Obergefell should have
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been left to the states. The states should have been able to decide whether or not they wanted to
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legalize gay marriage where they live. It should have been up to the constituents. It should have
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been a democratic process. And the same is true of abortion. Whelan is arguing and he is saying that
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probably Chief Justice Roberts feels the same way, that it should have always been left up to the
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democratic process because the Constitution doesn't actually talk about it. It doesn't talk
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about gay marriage and it doesn't talk about abortion. Therefore, this should be a matter of
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legislation. Now, people on the left don't like that. They really like to use the court.
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They weaponize the court. They use the court to simply push what they think is good, whether or not
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what they think is good is constitutional. And so you'll hear them saying, like, I heard I saw Reese
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Witherspoon post on Instagram that she hopes that the court will see women as full human beings and
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make the right decision. Actually said she's she didn't even just say she she's hoping she said
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demonically that she's praying that the court will see women as full human beings. And there are many
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problems with that, obviously, that the right to abortion, the right to abortion doesn't make a woman
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a full human being. A woman is a full human being, but so is the baby inside her womb at every single
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stage of development. All that child needs is time in order to grow into a baby that is ready to live
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outside of the womb. But at no point is that human not a human being. So the baby is also a full human
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being and as such deserves human rights. It's really, really simple. But the court is not deciding
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whether or not a woman is a full human being, whatever the heck that means. Reese Witherspoon,
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the court is deciding whether or not this Mississippi law is constitutional. That is the role of the court.
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The court, any court, not just the Supreme Court, is not simply to put forward whatever one side of
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ideologues wants or thinks is good or even thinks should be a human right. Really, the left doesn't
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like to leave things up to democratic processes. Ironically, since they're always talking about
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the importance of democracy, really, they are authoritarian in nature. Progressivism is and a lot
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of people who adhere to progressivism are. They really just want things to be decided that they think
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are good and they call that democracy. So they really don't they really don't care whether or
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not gay marriage is a constitutional issue. They're just glad that the court sided with them. They don't
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really care whether or not abortion is constitutional. They just want the court to do what they think is
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right. That is why they threaten to pack the court. That's why Joe Biden, when he was running,
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wouldn't put that off the table. And what they mean by packing the court is not just
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putting justices on the court. If current justice resigns, putting the justice on the court that
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they nominate. Of course, every president does that, but actually expanding the court to, for example,
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13 seats and filling those new four seats with liberal justices who will do what they say.
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That is packing the court. That is something that that President Trump did not do. And yet they say
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that he did. And he obviously didn't. He didn't expand the court because they are authoritarian in
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nature. They are authoritarian in wanting to push the things that they want. Apparently, there's a good
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chance that this is going to be overturned. And the New York Times saying that there were four opinion
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writers for the New York Times that all agreed that their guess is that it gets overturned. So this is
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Lulu Garcia Navarro Ross Duthat. I think that's how you pronounce his last name. He had a really good
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opinion piece. I'm thinking, I think that it was the same person. I'm just remembering this off the
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top of my head, who he had a really good opinion piece in the New York Times recently, the case
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against abortion. And he just so eloquently talks about why abortion is a moral travesty and why it's
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not constitutional and why we should be against it. And I thought it was really good. And then Charles
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Blow and then one other writer that I forgot to include in my notes. But they basically they all
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agree that it's probably going to be that the Mississippi law is going to be upheld and that
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Roe will, in essence, be overturned. So Garcia Navarro says that the plainly or that the liberal
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justices plainly spoke about the politics of the issue. Justice Sotomayor's comment about whether the
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court can survive the stench of overturning Roe was almost a direct appeal of Chief Justice Roberts.
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So when Sotomayor was asking questions to each side, to the attorneys that were arguing in front
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of the court, she was basically saying that, look, if we overturn this, if we uphold this law,
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this is going to be damaging to the reputation of the court. And she's appealing to the chief
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justice, who is a swing vote in this particular case, basically saying, look, you don't want to
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ruin the reputation of the court. Do you? It's funny. Whenever the reputation of an institution
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is on the line, the Republicans are always the ones to acquiesce. The Republicans are always the
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one to say, OK, you're right. We care about the reputation. We care about the so-called integrity
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of this institution. So we'll just do a Democrat say it never goes the other direction. And so that's
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what Sotomayor is trying to do. She's talking about the politics of it because they care about the
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politics. But we don't want this entity to be political one way or another. Ross Douthat says,
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yes, it's a it's a peculiar situation where everybody assumes that none of the conservative
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justices think that either Roe or Casey was rightly decided. So the question then becomes,
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to what extent do they act like politicians? Something Roberts especially is always ready to do
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as opposed to just following their legal conviction. So that's like what I was saying.
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We don't want them to act like politicians. We do want them to follow their legal convictions,
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especially Kavanaugh, especially Barrett, especially Roberts, who are all kind of seen
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as swing votes. And actually, Gorsuch could, too, because we saw he made a decision in Bostock
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that we never thought that he was going to make as a conservative justice. Really, the votes that we
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know for sure are Alito, are Thomas, who are conservatives. And obviously, we know the votes
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of Sotomayor, of Kagan, and Breyer as well. And Charles Blow says, you know, that he agrees and
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basically that they think that it's going to be overturned. But if you read some other scholars,
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they say it's really not a shoo-in yet. There's a lot that could happen. There's a lot that has to
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be decided upon in the next several months. And we don't know for sure. We don't know for sure
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if it is going to be, if Roe is going to be overturned. There are a lot of factors that go
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into this, and we just don't know. And so I think that you'll see a lot of people, particularly in
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the liberal media, who are going to say that Roe is going to be overturned. What they're trying to do
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is they're trying to prepare for the midterms. They're trying to drum up outrage. And I think,
00:24:55.400
honestly, probably there are some Republicans that don't want Roe to be overturned in the summer,
00:25:00.080
as cynical and terrible and political as that is, because they're afraid it's going to hurt them.
00:25:04.000
In the midterms. Terrible. Terrible. But I think that that's probably true. However,
00:25:09.780
as people who hate abortion, who know that abortion is the true stench from which America
00:25:15.760
must recover, but may never recover. I mean, we're talking about a true holocaust of millions and
00:25:22.120
millions of babies over the past several decades, torn apart limb by limb with forceps. We're talking
00:25:29.060
about a brutal and barbaric procedure that happens thousands of times a day on defenseless human
00:25:34.840
beings that millions of people in the United States openly celebrate and advocate for.
00:25:41.820
It's hard for me to understand how the court or really the country is going to recover from the
00:25:48.480
reputation that we have gained by allowing and celebrating that. Now, I do want to point out,
00:25:55.980
again, what Andrew McCarthy National Review is saying, the consequences of all of this.
00:26:02.700
So here's what Andrew McCarthy says. He says, substantially, if Roe is overturned,
00:26:07.300
nothing will happen. That's why it's what he calls a big fake. Blue states will enact highly
00:26:13.400
permissive abortion laws. Red states will tightly regulate abortion to the point that it is available
00:26:17.760
only as a dire measure when necessary to save the life of the mother. Since we are the richest,
00:26:23.880
most mobile society in history with a political class that would find ways to subsidize abortion
00:26:27.960
for the needy regardless, no woman who wants an abortion will be unable to get one. And that's an
00:26:32.140
unfortunate reality. But I guess it's a comfort for the people on the left who are screaming like
00:26:36.840
banshees over this. Life will go on mostly as before. The disappearance of Roe will barely be
00:26:41.200
noticed. The federal courts will return to being what they should always have been on this matter of
00:26:46.320
democratic self-determination. So he's arguing that's what abortion should have always been.
00:26:50.460
Irrelevant. He's saying that the courts should be irrelevant when it comes to issues that should
00:26:56.920
be democratic. That's what ought to happen. And what I hope will happen, the justices will tune out
00:27:01.360
the demagogic noise, do their jobs, and realize that the hubbub will die down when it quickly becomes
00:27:06.720
clear that, in fact, catastrophe has not struck. And so we need to pray for the court to be insulated
00:27:11.700
from the demagoguery and from the cries and the complaints of people outside the court and simply
00:27:20.300
apply the law. They simply need to uphold the Constitution. I'm not even asking them to so-called
00:27:27.680
do what is right. I am simply asking them to uphold the Constitution. That's their job. There's no
00:27:32.380
constitutional rights to abortion. Read the entire Constitution. You will not find a right to
00:27:39.080
abortion in there or even implied. Now, I want to read you, and I'll even play you, some of the
00:27:47.780
arguments that were put forth in the court, some of the questions that were asked by some of the
00:27:54.920
justices, and we'll respond to a couple of those. But I want to read you the opening statement of Scott
00:28:02.500
G. Stewart, who is the Solicitor General for the state of Mississippi. He is arguing in defense of
00:28:07.860
Mississippi's abortion law, and he said things that I think deserve to go down in history and that are
00:28:16.540
very profound and that we should hold on to because he's absolutely right. So he said this before the
00:28:22.240
court. Mr. Chief Justice, it may have pleased the court. Roe versus Wade and Planned Parenthood versus
00:28:27.660
Casey haunt our country. They have no basis in the Constitution. They have no home in our history or
00:28:33.700
traditions. They've damaged the democratic process. They've poisoned the law. They've choked off
00:28:38.860
compromise. For 50 years, they've kept this court at the center of a political battle that it can
00:28:43.680
never resolve. And 50 years on, they stand alone. Nowhere else does this court recognize a right to
00:28:49.540
end a human life. Consider this case. The Mississippi law here prohibits abortions after 15 weeks. The law
00:28:55.940
includes robust exceptions for a woman's life and health. It leaves months to obtain an abortion. Yet,
00:29:01.400
the courts below struck the law down. It didn't matter that the law applies when an unborn child
00:29:07.080
is undeniably human, when risks to women surge, and when the common abortion procedure is brutal.
00:29:14.440
The lower courts held that because the law prohibits abortions before viability,
00:29:18.560
it is unconstitutional no matter what. And it is unconstitutional no matter what.
00:29:25.320
Roe and Casey's court holding, according to those courts, is that the people can protect an
00:29:29.020
unborn girl's life when she just barely can survive outside the womb, but not any earlier
00:29:34.200
when she needs a little more help. That is the world under Roe and Casey. That is not the world
00:29:39.980
the Constitution promises. The Constitution places its trust in the people. On hard issue after hard
00:29:45.440
issue, the people make this country work. Abortion is a hard issue. It demands the best from all of us,
00:29:52.440
not a judgment by a few of us. When an issue affects everyone, and when the Constitution does
00:29:58.000
not take sides on it, it belongs to the people. Roe and Casey have failed, but the people, if given the
00:30:05.280
chance, will succeed. So what he is primarily arguing here is not about abortion. Again, it is about who
00:30:12.800
should decide how legal abortion is, if at all. And he is arguing that this should be a democratic process
00:30:19.300
that is decided by the people who represent the people who voted for them and is done through
00:30:27.360
legislative process. So this is about principle. This is about constitutionality. What you will
00:30:32.420
often hear from people on the left and what you'll hear from Sotomayor, which I will play you in just
00:30:37.800
a second, is not really about whether or not it should be a democratic process. It's not really about
00:30:43.780
whether or not it's constitutional. It's about what they feel and what they like, which is so
00:30:48.280
typical for how leftists view every system. So I want to play you some of the dumbest
00:30:59.720
words that I've ever heard in my life from apparently one of the top legal minds in the
00:31:04.760
country and in the world. And I believe that is clip number eight. So if we can play that.
00:31:11.040
The literature is filled with episodes of people who are completely and utterly brain dreaded
00:31:20.160
There's about 40% of dead people who, if you touch their feet, the foot will recoil.
00:31:31.600
There are spontaneous acts by dead brain people. So I don't think that a response to, by a fetus,
00:31:44.320
this necessarily proves that there's a sensation of pain or that there's consciousness.
00:31:53.520
Talk about brain dead. She might be brain dead herself. And yet she's talking, which is amazing.
00:31:59.440
But what she's saying doesn't make any sense. So if you could understand that, what she is saying,
00:32:03.180
she's responding to the contention that around 15 weeks, a baby can feel pain. We have been studying
00:32:09.480
this for a very long time. And we know that their nerves are developed to the point to where
00:32:13.320
they can feel pain, which means that in a second trimester abortion, which is obviously what you,
00:32:19.480
what you have to do in around 14 weeks. So right before the cutoff of this particular law,
00:32:27.800
you have to, you have to kill the baby, starve the baby, and then you have to remove the baby using
00:32:33.480
forceps. And there have been testimony of people who have watched an abortion on an ultrasound when
00:32:41.240
the needle that is supposed to stop the heart of the baby is inserted through the woman's abdomen.
00:32:46.200
You actually see the baby flinch. You see the baby writhe in pain. You see the baby try to get away from
00:32:51.560
the needle. And yet the doctor is chasing that little baby around using his needle, looking at the
00:32:58.120
ultrasound to make sure that he can stab the baby and the baby goes into cardiac arrest and then dice.
00:33:05.560
That's what happens in a second trimester abortion. Okay. It's never fairy dust. It doesn't just
00:33:09.480
dissolve. The baby is brutally and barbarically and cruelly callously murdered. And in response to
00:33:17.540
that reality and the argument that look, a baby at this point can feel pain. We see all these things
00:33:23.180
that I just described. Justice Sotomayor, one of the most learned people in the country and in the
00:33:28.900
world, is saying, well, dead people also respond to stimulus. So just because a baby flinches during
00:33:33.640
an abortion doesn't mean that the baby is alive or doesn't mean that the baby has consciousness. But
00:33:38.620
of course it does. Of course it does. We know that the baby isn't dead. That's why the woman is having
00:33:43.580
an abortion, you idiot. I mean, what do you think is happening in an abortion? If the baby isn't alive,
00:33:49.240
then you don't need to have an abortion, right? You would just remove it. But because the abortionist
00:33:54.720
has to ensure fetal demise, that's why the baby is getting a needle inside his or her heart.
00:34:01.840
So why are they even weighing in on, why are they even weighing in on this? Does she have, I mean,
00:34:08.460
does she have some medical expertise that trumps the medical expertise of the people who have been
00:34:13.640
studying babies inside the womb for decades? And are she really trying to compare what we know is
00:34:22.220
a living baby? If it wasn't alive, it'd be a miscarriage and you wouldn't need an abortion.
00:34:28.100
Is she really trying to compare a living baby to a dead person that responds to stimulus because the
00:34:33.360
nerves are still alive? It doesn't make any sense. It doesn't make any scientific sense. It doesn't
00:34:38.380
make any logical sense. We know the baby is alive, okay? We know it's a living human being. That's not a
00:34:43.020
question. That's not a question. The only question that is relevant, well, not even to the court.
00:34:47.700
Really, the only question that is relevant to you in deciding whether or not abortion is justified is
00:34:52.100
whether or not you believe that in some cases it's okay to kill an innocent human being. If you are for
00:34:57.680
abortion, if you're for the choice of having an abortion, you believe that it's okay sometimes in
00:35:04.000
some cases to kill an innocent defenseless human being. That is your position if you believe that it
00:35:08.520
should be legal to kill a baby inside the womb. Now, you can try to obfuscate. You can try to avoid
00:35:14.580
that. You can try to say that that's not what you believe. But you probably say that you believe in
00:35:19.760
general that innocent people shouldn't be killed, that people do have a right to life, that you have
00:35:24.620
a right not to be murdered. You probably say that you believe that. You probably say that you believe
00:35:28.960
in human rights and empathy and compassion. But the reality is when it comes to abortion, if you're on
00:35:33.160
the pro-choice side, you are suspending that rule. You would say that the rule that you live by is that
00:35:37.660
you shouldn't hurt innocent people, I'm sure, and that you certainly shouldn't kill innocent people,
00:35:41.500
that that would be murder. There should be a punishment for that. But for whatever reason, you have
00:35:45.260
decided that you suspend that rule only when it comes to babies inside the womb. And you need to
00:35:50.720
understand and you need to be able to articulate why. Why do you suspend the rule that you say that
00:35:56.340
you abide by when it comes to babies inside the womb? Is it because of location? Is it because of their
00:36:01.180
size? Is it because of their development? Is it because of their dependence upon the mother? Those are all
00:36:06.720
very arbitrary reasons that you could also, by the way, apply to many people outside of the womb
00:36:11.840
to justify the killing of a baby. It should honestly encourage pro-lifers that someone like
00:36:18.280
Sotomayor, who is a Supreme Court justice, who I'm sure in a lot of ways is very smart, very learned,
00:36:25.360
very educated, knows a lot about the law, that this is the best and most sophisticated argument
00:36:30.680
that she can make. It should encourage you that the top legal minds in the world have no sufficient
00:36:37.760
logical argument for abortion. When I testified before Congress, and it was about abortion law,
00:36:49.080
it was actually about Missouri abortion law, and I was defending it. And I was the only pro-life
00:36:55.160
witness with four other pro-abortion witnesses that the Democrats called and Republicans called me to
00:37:01.080
testify. And I heard all of these arguments and I heard all these Democrats pontificate about abortion
00:37:07.680
and how mean and draconian anti-abortion law is. And what I realized, and I've said this before,
00:37:13.020
what I realized as I was listening to them is, wow, you guys, as smart as you are, are really stupid
00:37:19.400
when it comes to this. But that's what sin does. Sin makes you really stupid. Depraved minds are going
00:37:27.360
to spew out depravity, no matter how much knowledge, no matter how much education, no matter how many
00:37:33.220
books they've read. What does 1 Corinthians 1 say? That God shames the wisdom of the wise,
00:37:38.180
that he brings to nothing things that are, and he glorifies, he raises up the people that may seem
00:37:45.040
foolish to the world, that may seem small to the world, that may seem insignificant to the world.
00:37:49.000
And Romans 1 also tells us what a depraved mind actually produces. It produces a lot of stupidity.
00:37:56.060
And I know, I call Zedemayor an idiot, and I typically, I don't like to name-call. But honestly,
00:38:02.380
if that makes you madder than the fact that she is defending very idiotically, which I think is a
00:38:09.320
generous term, by the way, if that makes you madder, my calling her a name makes you angrier than the
00:38:15.720
fact that she is defending the barbaric practice of abortion, makes you angrier than the act of
00:38:20.160
abortion itself, your priorities are totally out of whack. I think that the God who called the
00:38:24.540
Pharisees a brood of vipers would be okay with calling a woman who is trying to defend the
00:38:29.640
indefensible an idiot. Her argument is idiotic. Now, I want to also play some good arguments.
00:38:38.120
I want to, I want to play, let's see, let's play what Clarence Thomas said in clip one.
00:38:48.500
General, would you specifically tell me, specifically state what the right is? Is it specifically abortion?
00:38:58.700
Is it liberty? Is it autonomy? Is it privacy? The right is grounded in the liberty component of the
00:39:08.740
14th Amendment, Justice Thomas, but I think that it promotes interests in autonomy, bodily integrity,
00:39:14.700
liberty, and equality. And I do think that it is specifically the right to abortion here, the right
00:39:19.720
of a woman to be able to control without the state forcing her to continue a pregnancy, whether to carry
00:39:25.140
that baby to term. I understand we're talking about abortion here, but what is confusing is
00:39:34.280
that we, if, if we were talking about the Second Amendment, I know exactly what we're talking about.
00:39:40.300
If we're talking about the Fourth Amendment, I know what we're talking about because it's written,
00:39:45.480
it's there. What specifically is the right here that we're talking about? Well, Justice Thomas,
00:39:53.200
I think that the court in those other contexts with respect to those other amendments has had
00:39:57.720
to articulate what the text means and the bounds of the constitutional guarantees. And it's done so
00:40:03.000
through a variety of different tests that implement First Amendment rights, Second Amendment rights,
00:40:07.680
Fourth Amendment rights. So I don't think that there is anything unprecedented or anomalous about
00:40:12.280
the right that the court articulated in Roe and Casey and the way that it implemented that right
00:40:16.560
by defining the scope of the liberty interest by reference to viability and providing that that is the
00:40:22.160
moment when the balance of interest tips and when the state can act to prohibit a woman from getting
00:40:28.600
an abortion based on its interest in protecting the fetal life at that point. So the right specifically
00:40:33.840
is abortion? It's the right of a woman prior to viability to control whether to continue with
00:40:39.020
the pregnancy. Yes. So he's making a great point there. Basically, he's saying, okay, where are you
00:40:44.880
deriving this supposed right to abortion that you say is found in the Constitution? Like what right are you
00:40:50.160
talking about? Are you talking about a right to privacy? What right? Because we see these particular
00:40:53.800
rights in the Constitution. We obviously don't see the word abortion. So what umbrella are you
00:40:58.460
putting abortion under? And basically what he causes her to narrow down to is that it's not
00:41:04.140
really essentially a right to privacy. It's not essentially a right to any kind of liberty or
00:41:08.500
autonomy. It is essentially a right to abortion. And what I'm guessing that he is implying is that,
00:41:13.520
well, there is no right to that. What you're arguing is that they have a right to abortion.
00:41:17.320
But where do you actually find that in the Constitution? And she, of course, will be
00:41:21.280
unable to say so. Now, we don't have time to go through all of the arguments that I think were
00:41:26.960
good that were put forth by the conservative justices. Roberts asks a good question. You
00:41:31.760
know, why is it 15 weeks enough? If you say that you're pro-choice and you're for the choice of a
00:41:36.000
woman to be able to have an abortion, why can't you do that before 15 weeks? What's the argument
00:41:41.100
there? So he asks that. That's a good question. Kavanaugh says, which this I think is a good
00:41:45.840
indication for where this case could go. Good in terms of where conservatives and pro-lifers wanted
00:41:51.540
to go. He says precedence isn't everything here. Really what the court has rested upon for
00:41:58.340
the past several decades is simply precedent. Not really looking at whether or not Roe is
00:42:03.340
constitutional, which is decidedly not. But what does precedent say? It's kind of an easy out so they
00:42:08.900
don't have to make the decision. And Kavanaugh says, well, precedent isn't everything,
00:42:13.180
even though justices like Kagan, like Breyer, like Sotomayor are saying it is precedent. They
00:42:18.700
know they can't argue constitutionally. And so they're arguing politically. They're arguing
00:42:22.020
emotionally. They're arguing stupidly. They're arguing on precedent. But Kavanaugh is pushing
00:42:27.960
back on that same precedent isn't everything. Barrett also, she pushed back on this idea that
00:42:36.680
this idea that was being put forth by one of the attorneys, I think it was Reichelman who argued,
00:42:43.900
you know, women who aren't able to have an abortion, you know, babies might not live the life that they
00:42:51.520
should live. Like this is not good for women. This is not good for children. And Barrett brings up
00:42:56.660
safe haven laws. There are safe haven laws in several states where if you get pregnant and you have a baby
00:43:02.020
and the baby is unwanted, like you can put this baby in a safe haven box and there is a person on
00:43:07.320
the other side of the safe haven box that will take that baby and make sure that baby gets to
00:43:12.580
a safe place. And so that should absolutely be taken into account. Let's take into account that
00:43:18.640
there are thousands and thousands of pro-life volunteers and pro-life pregnancy centers that
00:43:23.380
will help you take care of your baby and help take care of you financially, will help you find refuge,
00:43:29.780
find a job, find education, find supplies and clothes and everything that you need if you are
00:43:34.920
a woman who is pregnant in crisis. Like all of those things have to be taken into account if you
00:43:39.460
are honestly going to argue before the Supreme Court that a woman who can't get an abortion
00:43:43.140
and her baby will absolutely be destitute. That's not necessarily true. And then there were other good
00:43:50.220
things that were said by Scott Stewart when he talks about, you know, why this isn't constitutional
00:43:59.220
and the arguments that he put forth are all available. All of these, the entire transcript
00:44:05.580
of the arguments, I think it's about 125 pages, are all available online. I encourage you to read them
00:44:11.180
for yourself. We'll include the link to all of those in the description of this episode. It's a
00:44:17.160
contentious issue. Obviously, it's a very dramatic issue. There's going to be a lot of propaganda
00:44:20.660
in the next coming months. Certainly, it's going to whip up a lot of hysteria before the midterms.
00:44:26.620
That's the purpose. But at the center of all of this, there are babies. There are human lives.
00:44:32.440
We're talking about human beings, innocent, defenseless human beings, babies that deserve
00:44:39.080
a right to life. That's what it is. That is at the core of this debate. So remember that.
00:44:44.640
Whenever you hear the sob stories of why we should be able to legally brutalize children
00:44:49.060
in the United States, remember that you're talking about brutalizing children.
00:44:53.020
All right. So a reminder, once again, that we should be praying about this. We should be trying
00:44:59.860
to change hearts and minds. I still get messages all the time from people. It's the number one
00:45:05.640
subject that people tell me that they changed their minds on after listening to this podcast.
00:45:09.580
I don't take credit for that at all. Not a single bit. I give thanks to the mercy and the grace of God.
00:45:15.960
And I certainly am not the only person who God is using to change people's hearts and minds.
00:45:21.740
Live action has done excellent work on this. Abby Johnson. There are so many other pro-life advocates
00:45:28.420
that have been fighting this battle for so long, who have been so effective in persuading people.
00:45:34.640
And really, the number one thing that I am told when I ask people on Instagram,
00:45:38.720
what changed your mind about abortion? The number one thing is not having a child yourself,
00:45:42.920
not hearing an argument on relatable, not hearing some compelling testimony of a survivor of abortion,
00:45:49.840
although those are all incredibly effective. The number one thing that I hear changes people's
00:45:55.340
mind on abortion is knowing Christ. That when someone became a Christian, when they started following
00:46:01.400
Christ, he opened their eyes to what abortion is, to the image of God in people. And they were able to
00:46:10.240
see how destructive, how terrible, how sinful, how awful, how murderous abortion actually is.
00:46:18.200
For people who say that they follow Christ and they don't see the brutality of abortion,
00:46:22.900
I would certainly implore you to humbly seek whether or not you truly believe in the Christ who said,
00:46:33.640
let all the children come to me. I think that's something that you should consider,
00:46:37.060
especially this Christmas season, is whether or not you are truly saved. All right,
00:46:41.580
that's all I've got time for today. I'll see you back here tomorrow.