RFK Jr. The Defender - May 13, 2024


Path To Peace Episode Two


Episode Stats

Length

1 hour and 9 minutes

Words per Minute

145.54811

Word Count

10,135

Sentence Count

523

Hate Speech Sentences

69


Summary

In this episode, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. sits down with John Aziz and Einat Wolf to discuss a path to peace in the Mideast. Both of them have shown extraordinary courage, but also thoughtfulness, and a high regard for truth and for history. They have spent their careers and their careers trying to understand and deconstruct the key obstacles to peace, and how to find a common ground that can be used to achieve peace. They discuss what they believe is the root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and offer suggestions on how we can find a way to overcome them. This episode is the second in our series on A Path to Peace, and it is hosted by Robert Kennedy Jr., the late former president of the United States, who served in the Israeli Defense Forces, the Israeli Foreign Ministry, and served as an advisor to former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres, and was a member of the influential Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. Robert Kennedy Sr. was a founding father of the peace movement in the early 20th century, and is a leading voice in the anti-colonialist movement of the 1960s and 70s, and one of the most influential voices in the counterculture movement of that time. He is a great friend of the Palestinian people, and has been a regular contributor to publications such as The Atlantic, Foreign Policy, The Dispatch, and The New York Times, among other publications, including The Atlantic. and The Telegraph. His work has appeared in The Atlantic and Foreign Policy. Dr. Einats Wolf is a writer, and she is currently writing a book chronicling the history of the modern and ancient history of Palestine, and the intertwining histories of the Jewish and Palestinian history, and her work is published in Foreign Policy and The Dispatch. Dr. Wilf is the author of seven books that explore key issues in Israeli society, We Should All Be Zionists, published in the latest edition of The War of Return, The Right of Return: A Guide to the Palestinian Dream, which was published in 2018. And she was the Goldman Visiting Professor at Georgetown University, and co-author of The Peace Project. The Path to peace a book on the most important issue of obstruction in the Arab-Israeli conflict: the right of return, which is the one issue that is seldom debated in the open for a variety of reasons, is the real issue of obstructing peace. And I want to return to that in a second.


Transcript

00:00:00.000 Hey everybody, it's Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
00:00:02.000 here, and this is the second in our series, A Path to Peace.
00:00:06.000 I've been very, very much looking forward to this, probably more than any of my podcasts ever, because I have such enormous respect for the two people who are guests today, and for their willingness to actually come together and talk about The issue of how we achieve a path to peace in the Mideast,
00:00:28.000 both of them have shown extraordinary courage, but also thoughtfulness and a very, very high regard for truth and for History and trying to do what my uncle President Kennedy said, which if you want to have peace, you better be able to put yourself in the shoes of your adversary and understand their worldview.
00:00:57.000 And what we see in the Mideast today is, as much as anything, it's a clash of narratives.
00:01:04.000 And part of the path to peace is being able to deconstruct those narratives to find a Commonly agreed on facts and then trying to understand how we can build peace based upon those kind of indisputable facts.
00:01:24.000 And both of these guests, coming from different backgrounds, very different backgrounds of this conflict, have spent their lifetimes and their careers doing exactly that.
00:01:36.000 John Aziz is a British-Palestinian writer, musician, and peace advocate with a focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
00:01:45.000 His work has appeared in The Atlantic, in Foreign Policy, The Dispatch, and many, many others.
00:01:52.000 He is currently working on a book chronicling the modern and ancient history of Palestine and the intertwining histories of the Jewish and Palestinian people.
00:02:01.000 Dr.
00:02:01.000 Einat Wolf is a leading thinker on Israel, Zionism, foreign policy, and education.
00:02:09.000 She was a member of the Israeli parliament from 2010 to 2013, where she served as chair of the Education Committee and a member of the influential Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.
00:02:19.000 Born and raised in Israel, Dr.
00:02:21.000 Wilf served as an intelligence officer in the Israeli Defense Forces, a foreign policy advisor to Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres, and a strategic consultant with McKinsey.
00:02:35.000 Dr.
00:02:35.000 Wilf has a BA from Harvard, an MBA from INSEED in France, and a PhD in political science from the University of Cambridge.
00:02:44.000 She was the Goldman Visiting Professor at Georgetown University.
00:02:50.000 Dr.
00:02:50.000 Wilf is the author of seven books that explore key issues in Israeli society.
00:02:55.000 We Should All Be Zionists, published in 2022.
00:02:58.000 Brings together her essays from the past four years on Israel, Zionism, and the path to peace.
00:03:04.000 And co-authored The War of Return, our Western intelligence agency's How Western Indulgence, the Palestinian Dream, has obstructed the path to peace, which was published in 2020, and in my view,
00:03:20.000 is probably the most important book written on the Arab-Israeli conflict, and I've read dozens of them, but I... I think reading that book is a necessity for anybody who really wants to understand the potential paths to peace.
00:03:40.000 And the reason for that is that Dr.
00:03:43.000 Wilf is one of the few...
00:03:44.000 People who really have deconstructed the conflict in a way that identifies the major impediments to peace in ways that have never been done, which is really the right of return on all other You show in that book in an extraordinary persuasive way that all the territorial claims,
00:04:11.000 the water claims, all of the other, electricity, the rights, all of those things can be solved.
00:04:19.000 The one issue that It is seldom debated in the open for a variety of reasons, but is the real issue of obstruction, is the right of return.
00:04:30.000 And I want to return to that in a second.
00:04:33.000 I want to start by talking to John Aziz.
00:04:38.000 John, I haven't met you.
00:04:40.000 It's a pleasure.
00:04:41.000 It's a real pleasure.
00:04:43.000 You know, you did a terrific article in December that appeared in the Dispatch.
00:04:50.000 I just want to talk about a few of the facts that you identify here.
00:04:55.000 These are polls that were recently taken of Palestinian citizens by Palestinian researchers.
00:05:05.000 And they show that 75% of Palestinians support the October 7th terrorist attack.
00:05:13.000 And 90% believe coexistence between Israel and Palestinians is impossible.
00:05:19.000 The same study found that 75% of Palestinians believe that they will repel the ongoing ground offensive and win the war against Israel.
00:05:28.000 90% of the people in Gaza in the same survey supported a ceasefire.
00:05:35.000 However, the vast majority want to fight Israel and believe themselves capable of military victory.
00:05:42.000 And you suggest that the support of the ceasefire is a, I won't call it a ruse, but a strategy to give the Palestinians a respite, civilians a respite from war, and more importantly, to give Hamas a chance to recalibrate, to rearm and to continue attacking Israel.
00:06:02.000 In Gaza, support for Hamas remains overwhelmingly high.
00:06:07.000 89% of respondents expressed support for the al-Qassam brigades, which is Hamas's armed wings.
00:06:15.000 That's 89% and 84% expressed word for Palestinian Islamic Jihad, another terror group.
00:06:22.000 About three in four expressed support for the political wing of Hamas, compared to only 23 We'll back Hamas' main political rival, Fatah, which is, of course, a secular group and less intent on at least open jihad and the annihilation of Israel, which Hamas is openly committed to.
00:06:44.000 So let's talk about the ideology of this and why Palestinians feel that way.
00:06:50.000 And you offer kind of a confluence of the extraordinary trauma that they've been through and ingrained anti-Semitism, which is still very, very at the surface, according to Poles.
00:07:04.000 And some other reasons.
00:07:06.000 So let's talk about your perspective.
00:07:09.000 So I think the first thing I would need to say is that with those polls, which are a few months old, it is important to caveat that it's very, very difficult to poll the population in the middle of a war.
00:07:22.000 And it is quite plausible that when people were answering those polls, they were concerned that rather than it being a pollster asking the questions, maybe it was someone from Hamas trying to find out if they're a traitor to Hamas's I personally, of course, I'm a very strong advocate for peace and coexistence, and that's the direction I want us to move in.
00:07:44.000 But as you rightly suggested, those polls are very concerning reading, very concerning to hear if you are someone who is advocating for long-term peace and coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians.
00:07:57.000 So I think Hamas have done a very effective job Painting peace is a dirty word.
00:08:05.000 And they've very effectively exploited the relatively legitimate Palestinian grievances.
00:08:11.000 You know, there's a whole catalogue of Palestinian grievances with Israel, some of which are legitimate and some of which are less legitimate.
00:08:18.000 But Hamas certainly have exploited the legitimate grievances of Palestinians.
00:08:23.000 You know, the Palestinian right to self-determination, the right to have a state, the right to be...
00:08:28.000 A people who are, you know, represented on the world stage and able to live a normal life with, you know, economic development and economic growth.
00:08:36.000 Hamas is exploiting these, you know, legitimate grievances, the things that Palestinians lack, and they're turning it towards this dream of destroying Israel and capturing all of the land between the river and the sea for their dream and their vision for an Islamic theocracy.
00:08:58.000 So that's something that they've done very effectively.
00:09:01.000 And their long-term vision in fighting Israel is to use terrorism to repeat the October 7th massacre again and again and again until Israel's destroyed.
00:09:12.000 So, you know, as someone who believes that both the Jewish people and the Palestinian people have a legitimate right to be there, as someone who believes that neither side's going anywhere...
00:09:22.000 Realistically in the long term, this is very, very concerning.
00:09:26.000 It's difficult and it's unfortunately this quagmire that we found ourselves in is contributing to a huge amount of death.
00:09:35.000 And war after war after war, you know, it was the 2014 war, the 2018 war, the 2021 war, and now this, the biggest war so far between Israel and Hamas.
00:09:49.000 And I think if we want to have peace and coexistence, if we recognise the legitimacy of both Israelis and Palestinians, We absolutely need to go beyond where we are now and to have a paradigm shift in the way we're looking at this.
00:10:06.000 And as you rightly suggest, those polls are a very difficult place to start from.
00:10:12.000 And Dr.
00:10:13.000 Wilf, how do you react to that kind of polling?
00:10:16.000 And let's start talking about what the path to peace might be.
00:10:22.000 So I'll start from the end vision that I share with John very much.
00:10:27.000 The idea that between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea live two distinct collectives, peoples, nations that have a distinct sense of collective identity.
00:10:41.000 Sometimes I joke, you know, there are Jews, there are Arabs, there are Israelis, Palestinians that claim that the other is not a people, that the other is not a nation.
00:10:49.000 And I always joke, can we just agree that both of them seem to violently agree that we're not the other.
00:10:56.000 So there's two clear collectives with a very different sense of collective self, and I believe that both of them have the right to self-determination, meaning that both of them have the right to govern themselves by themselves in a political entity that governs part of the territory between the river and the sea.
00:11:20.000 That is the foundational idea of the two-state solution.
00:11:24.000 So that is indeed the vision for peace.
00:11:27.000 And the question is then, how do we get there?
00:11:31.000 And here the causality, and that is also to the question of Hamas.
00:11:37.000 Hamas at the end of the day is merely the most brutal, most recent representative of the The Arab-Palestinian vision that the Jews as a people, and often there's a denial that there's a people, have a historic connection to the land and that by virtue of that historic collection and them being a people, they have the right to self-determination.
00:12:02.000 So if you go in the past century, there's actually not a single moment long before Hamas exists where there's an Arab-Palestinian leadership That fully and completely recognizes the Jewish right to self-determination with all the implications,
00:12:23.000 meaning there's no return into the sovereign state of Israel because you acknowledge that it's going to be the sovereign state of the Jewish people, that people living in Gaza and the West Bank are actually not refugees because they're already living in Palestine and that's where their future is.
00:12:39.000 So that has only ever been really the causal issue.
00:12:44.000 And in that sense, what a lot of Palestinians saw on October 7, and this is the tragedy, our tragedy, their tragedy, is they saw Hamas carry out their dream.
00:12:57.000 And this is a dream that has been groomed for 75 years, the dream of return, which was never a nostalgic or an innocent idea.
00:13:07.000 It was one that if you look at the texts going back to the 50s, the 60s, again, long before Hamas exists, they're described as the violent triumph over the Jewish state.
00:13:18.000 We will tear their hearts out of their bodies.
00:13:21.000 So the causality is actually reversed.
00:13:24.000 The reason that there are Palestinian grievances, like John described, that there's no state, no self-determination, is because at every juncture, when Palestinians could have had their own state, going back to the 1937, the Arabs of the mandate could have had going back to the 1937, the Arabs of the mandate could have had their own state, but the price with the Jews would also At least to date, the vision was not good enough from the river to the sea.
00:13:54.000 So what so many Palestinians saw on October 7th, they saw the realization of the vision of this violent triumph over the Jewish state.
00:14:03.000 And you saw the exhilaration in the streets that came from the understanding that That this is it.
00:14:10.000 This is what we've been waiting for.
00:14:11.000 We've been waiting for that moment of triumph.
00:14:15.000 And it felt, and for many, it still feels like it's in hand.
00:14:20.000 You take any optimism from the fact that Palestinians within Israel, who are citizens, the 1.8 million Palestinians who live in Israel, have not reacted in that way, generally speaking.
00:14:36.000 This is indeed an important moment, and you're right, it's a hopeful moment, that has also been building for a while.
00:14:45.000 Israel's Arab citizens, by and large, actually, identify the vast majority as Arab citizens.
00:14:52.000 They especially since the Abraham Accords, those normalization agreements between Israel and several Gulf countries and Morocco, they actually increasingly Identify themselves with Israel and we even had an Arab-Israeli political leader,
00:15:11.000 Mansour Abbas, who as a result of the Abraham Accords broke with the traditional Arab parties that are traditionally anti-Zionist, even though they are within the Parliament of Israel, within the Knesset.
00:15:24.000 And he said, he said, Israel is a Jewish state.
00:15:27.000 It will remain a Jewish state.
00:15:29.000 We want to make sure that we get our fair share as a minority, but we are not going to challenge our status as an Arab minority in a Jewish state.
00:15:39.000 We see a vision of the Jewish state becoming part of the region as more successful Arab countries are letting go of decades of anti-Zionism as a crutch against the grievances of their own people.
00:15:55.000 So after October 7th, this already being the background, a lot of Israel's Arab citizens saw with horror what the alternative could be.
00:16:08.000 And I think many of them recoiled from that and basically made their choice on that day, almost a visceral, instinctive choice, that they are truly Arab citizens of the Jewish state and Without seeking to undo the Jewish state,
00:16:26.000 I think this is a remarkable moment whereby the Jewish majority should make sure to grasp that moment and to really use it as an opportunity to secure the Arab-Israeli belonging to the Jewish state.
00:16:44.000 And so the audience is one of 10 Palestinian Arabs who serve in the Knesset.
00:16:53.000 A lot of people don't know that Arabs, because of the kind of propaganda, that there are Arab judges at every level of the courts, including the Supreme Court in Israel, Four years ago, an Arab district court convicted and sentenced a former Israeli prime minister to seven years in prison for corruption, and that decision was upheld by the Supreme Court, including the Arab member of the Supreme Court.
00:17:22.000 John, when you see what's happening in Israel with the Arabs who live in Israel, who are citizens like Mansour Abbas, do you see that as a kind of model for the future?
00:17:34.000 What is your take on that?
00:17:37.000 Because there weren't large protests, at least violent protests, among Arab Israelis like there were in the West Bank and Gaza.
00:17:47.000 What's your take on that?
00:17:49.000 Well, I think that...
00:17:51.000 All the evidence is quite strong that Arab Israelis are very well integrated into the population of the State of Israel.
00:17:59.000 And I'm sort of coming at this from the perspective of we're all humans.
00:18:04.000 We're all human beings.
00:18:05.000 Yes, there are different countries.
00:18:07.000 There's Great Britain, there's France, there's the United States, there's Israel, there's Saudi Arabia.
00:18:12.000 All countries are different and all countries have a different ethnic makeup.
00:18:15.000 But everyone who lives somewhere should feel at home Where they live.
00:18:20.000 And they should feel well integrated and they should be made welcome.
00:18:24.000 And eventually, I hope one day there is a Palestinian state which will also make Jewish people feel welcome, you know, if they want to live there.
00:18:34.000 Yes, they would be living in Palestine.
00:18:35.000 They wouldn't necessarily be Israeli.
00:18:37.000 They'd be Palestinian Jews.
00:18:38.000 But that's the kind of model that I want to see.
00:18:42.000 Is one where minorities are respected, protected, and treated with all the same rights and responsibilities as any other human being.
00:18:52.000 Do either of you think that the objective of peace is likely to move forward with Netanyahu in charge?
00:19:06.000 And, you know, what...
00:19:10.000 What kind of future do you see in Israel?
00:19:13.000 Is it likely that some other government will replace Netanyahu that is more welcoming of peace?
00:19:22.000 Let me start with you, Dr.
00:19:24.000 Wilf, and then I'll ask John to answer the same question.
00:19:30.000 So I actually put very little stock in leaders in this case.
00:19:37.000 I think the bigger issue is the one of numbers.
00:19:41.000 At the end of the day, the Jewish people are destined or damned, choose your word, to remain a minute person.
00:19:51.000 Ethnic, linguistic, national, and religious minority in an overwhelming Arab and Muslim Middle East.
00:19:59.000 Sometimes I tell the story that in 1948, when Israel was established, the ratio of Jews to Arabs in the region is 1 to 50%.
00:20:08.000 So Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, calls on Jews to immigrate.
00:20:13.000 More than 3 million Jews come to Israel during its existence.
00:20:16.000 Huge success.
00:20:17.000 He calls upon us to make babies.
00:20:19.000 We're a very fertile country.
00:20:21.000 We're more than 10 times the numbers of Jews that we were in 1948.
00:20:26.000 And the ratio of Jews to Arabs in the region is 1 to 60.
00:20:30.000 So they've been busy too.
00:20:32.000 And there's essentially no amount of immigration or procreation that would ever change that ratio.
00:20:40.000 The Jews will remain a minority.
00:20:44.000 The Arab and Muslim conquests of the 7th century have been hugely successful, so kudos to God.
00:20:51.000 We're going to be a minority.
00:20:53.000 And because we're a minority, we try to pretend we're big and strong.
00:20:57.000 But at the end of the day, we're a minute minority in the region.
00:21:02.000 And apropos what John said, certainly for a while, not a region that has been welcoming to unarmed minorities.
00:21:10.000 So we will always compromise.
00:21:15.000 And it actually doesn't matter who the prime minister is.
00:21:18.000 Left-wing, right-wing, we had left-wing governments, right-wing governments.
00:21:23.000 Whenever Israel was faced with a clear choice, not air talk, but real choice, It can have peace, and sometimes even less than that.
00:21:36.000 But it will mean some form of compromise, territorial compromise.
00:21:41.000 Israel always said yes, because foundationally the purpose of the Jewish people in the land was sovereignty, is to establish a Jewish state.
00:21:53.000 Sometimes I use a quote by Ernst Bevin, the British foreign minister after World War II, when he describes the conflict.
00:22:02.000 Now, this is February 47.
00:22:03.000 There's no state of Israel.
00:22:05.000 There are no Arab refugees.
00:22:07.000 There's no settlements.
00:22:09.000 There's no occupation.
00:22:11.000 And he calls the conflict in February of 47 irreconcilable.
00:22:16.000 He goes on to say there are Jews and Arabs in the land, and each one of them has a top priority.
00:22:22.000 He says for the Jews, the top priority is to establish a state.
00:22:26.000 They want self-determination.
00:22:28.000 And for the Arabs in the land, he says the top priority is to prevent to the last the establishment of a Jewish state in any part of the land.
00:22:38.000 So this is irreconcilable.
00:22:40.000 He's not saying the Jews want a state, the Arabs want a state, like the vision that John and I share.
00:22:46.000 He says the Jews want a state, and the Arabs of the land, the Palestinians, as a top priority, want the Jews not to have a state.
00:22:57.000 If you want to have peace, that has to go away.
00:23:01.000 There has to be an Arab-Palestinian vision that says we want to live next to the Jewish state rather than from the river to the sea, rather than instead of it.
00:23:12.000 And I can assure you, Because the Jews are a minute people and minority in the region, given a true opportunity for peace, given an opportunity by the Arab world telling us this is enough,
00:23:28.000 we're done, we accept you not as white European colonial foreign crusader interlopers, but as Abraham, as people who have a history and belong here and we want to live next to you as equals, Whatever government will have will say yes, and if they won't say yes, they'll be thrown out.
00:23:51.000 Because again, the vast majority of Israelis understand our status as a minority in the region, and we will always compromise.
00:24:01.000 And let me ask you about Netanyahu, John, and then I want a follow-up question to Dr.
00:24:10.000 Wilf.
00:24:11.000 So I, yeah, as a Palestinian, I'm obviously not a huge fan of Netanyahu.
00:24:16.000 I do think he's probably, we can say he's been more of an obstacle than a helper towards the kind of vision of coexistence that I have in my head.
00:24:29.000 But at the same time, I think it's very important for Palestinians to be willing to work with and compromise with whoever's in office at the time.
00:24:37.000 And I don't think that it's helpful or it's conducive to long-term peace and coexistence to write off the person in office.
00:24:47.000 I think you have to be open and you have to be willing to take proactive steps down the line towards That long-term vision of peace and coexistence.
00:24:57.000 So yes, I think we should be willing to try to make peace with Netanyahu.
00:25:01.000 We should be willing to try to make peace with whoever comes after Netanyahu.
00:25:04.000 I certainly think Netanyahu probably will not be in office for much longer.
00:25:08.000 One of the reasons behind that is the security failures on October 7th.
00:25:13.000 And I would also argue that the war since October the 7th has not been prosecuted particularly effectively or well.
00:25:20.000 I think Israelis are going to be quite frustrated with that.
00:25:23.000 I think it's quite likely then that Netanyahu does lose the next election, who he loses the election to.
00:25:29.000 I don't know.
00:25:30.000 But I would say that from my perspective, it's very important that whoever is the next Israeli prime minister, we try to take proactive steps towards peace, coexistence, two states and normalization.
00:25:42.000 There are clear statements by Netanyahu, who authorized at least a billion and a half, maybe $5 billion in payments from the Qataris to Hamas or to Gaza and Hamas, that his purpose was to strengthen Hamas And to divide the Palestinian Authority, which rules the West Bank, from Hamas and make it impossible to have a peace agreement.
00:26:11.000 And this isn't speculation.
00:26:14.000 Netanyahu is clear about that as his objective.
00:26:17.000 So I would say to Israelis who are thinking of who to vote for the next election, if you don't like Hamas, then consider voting against Netanyahu.
00:26:26.000 I mean, one of the problems that I think Dr.
00:26:29.000 Wolf evokes in her book in a very, very clear way is that no Palestinian leader can really survive if they say Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish state, which implies that That they have a right to sovereignty over their own immigration policy,
00:26:49.000 and they can decide who comes in and who can't, which means that they can exclude the descendants of the 750,000 refugees who left in 1948.
00:27:04.000 And would you agree with that, that if you're a Palestinian, either in the West Bank, Or in Gaza, and you say, honestly, we want peace with Israel.
00:27:13.000 We want to live side by side with the Jewish state.
00:27:18.000 Your life would be very, very short.
00:27:20.000 I would tend to agree that it's an extremely controversial position for any Palestinian to take.
00:27:26.000 I can take it perhaps more easily because I'm a diaspora Palestinian, and I'm raised in the UK on, you know...
00:27:34.000 Western secular liberal values.
00:27:36.000 So that's kind of what I've taken to heart.
00:27:38.000 And I've tried as best as I can to understand the history of the Jewish people and the history of Zionism and why Zionism happened and tried to be able to see the conflict from both sides.
00:27:49.000 And I would strongly encourage Israelis to do the same thing and try and see it from the Palestinian perspective too.
00:27:55.000 But no, you're exactly right.
00:27:57.000 If you try and take my stance in the West Bank, that would be an extremely controversial thing to do.
00:28:02.000 And you could potentially be dealing with death threats and, you know, being called a traitor and potentially even being killed and potentially, you know, kidnapped by Hamas or whatnot.
00:28:13.000 So it's quite difficult for a Palestinian.
00:28:15.000 I grew up hearing, you know, people in my own Palestinian community calling Abu Mezan, Mahmoud Abbas, a traitor because he...
00:28:24.000 And the positions he takes are maybe considerably more...
00:28:30.000 Towards the Palestinian mainstream than mine.
00:28:33.000 So, you know, this is something that's been going on for years.
00:28:37.000 Some people even called Arafat a traitor.
00:28:39.000 And, you know, they call the Palestinian Authority today traitors.
00:28:42.000 They call other Palestinians who take similar stances to me, you know, people like Ahmad Fuad al-Khatib or Hamza Hawidi, you know, Palestinians who've spoken out For peace in Western mainstream media, they also get called traitors.
00:28:57.000 So it's a slippery slope, and it can be very intimidating, and it causes people to withdraw from the sphere.
00:29:05.000 And I think mass intimidation as a strategy against people who express dissident views is very dangerous because there is an important principle of free speech and people should be able to advocate for the positions they believe in.
00:29:23.000 And this position that I believe in of co-indigeneity and the right of both people to co-exist I believe it from the bottom of my heart.
00:29:34.000 So no, I'm not going to be intimidated or driven out of this debate because, you know, it's so tremendously important to me that we settle these issues and we stop killing each other because the death of children in Gaza is abominable.
00:29:49.000 It's an abomination.
00:29:50.000 The death of children on October the 7th for Jewish children and the rape of Jewish women was an abomination, right?
00:29:56.000 We don't want innocent people to die.
00:29:58.000 So that's why I... Particularly feel particularly strongly about this issue and have been willing to speak publicly about it because I want a solution.
00:30:08.000 I want people to live together as decent human beings.
00:30:11.000 And you're right, it is tremendously difficult for Palestinians in the West Bank who may agree with me.
00:30:18.000 And I have plenty of reports from my Palestinian friends that there are Palestinians who do agree with me.
00:30:24.000 Right?
00:30:24.000 But they do it undercover.
00:30:27.000 I speak to plenty of Israelis who have gone around and spoken to, you know, fairly moderate Palestinians, and they say to me, I speak to lots of Palestinians like you, John, who have the same perspectives, but they don't do it publicly.
00:30:40.000 So, you know, at some point, when it comes to something as important as coexistence and as important as being able to live together without killing each other, I think we have to be courageous.
00:30:52.000 We have to take a step towards doing the thing that we believe in, because if nobody stands up for what they believe in, then tyrants will stomp us all into the dirt.
00:31:02.000 Yeah, you know...
00:31:04.000 After the failure of the Oslo Accords and then the second Camp David and Clinton's agreement where Clinton strong-armed Ehud Barak to give everything to the Palestinian leadership that they had asked for, including back to the 67 borders and except for a little tiny band of settlements around Tel Aviv and then to make up for that 3% of Israeli land and Arafat walked away from it
00:31:34.000 and later explained to Prince Bandar, who was one of the referees of that agreement, that if he had signed it, his own people would have killed him.
00:31:44.000 And it's kind of a trap because ever since the Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini, who was an ally of Hitler and The riots against the initial in 1937 and later the initial proposals to give the Israelis a state, to give the Jews a state.
00:32:09.000 Ever since then, Arab leaders have kept themselves in office using that tool of anti-Semitism and this just blanket denial of the existence of the possibility of a Jewish state of any size.
00:32:25.000 But it's been a trap for them.
00:32:27.000 It keeps them in office, but it's a trap because when they do try to actually be peacemakers, then that popular belief that there is no possibility of a Jewish state comes up and they will likely die.
00:32:43.000 I mean, is that a kind of analysis that you would agree with?
00:32:48.000 Yeah, I think that I come from a sort of different generation, perhaps to people who are of an older generation to me.
00:32:57.000 And from my perspective, I've seen enough wars and enough struggle and enough attempts to superimpose this vision of from the river to the sea to understand that it's not working.
00:33:08.000 And it is probably never going to work because I think Israel is very secure.
00:33:14.000 I think Israel is a successful, modern, first-world economy.
00:33:19.000 Just for context, Israel has a higher GDP per capita than the United Kingdom where I live, France, Germany.
00:33:27.000 Israel as a state is an economic miracle, and I don't think that...
00:33:32.000 Generations of Palestinians sacrificing themselves on the battlefield is going to shift Israel.
00:33:39.000 I don't think it's going to push Israelis into surrendering to some, you know, Hamas vision of Islamic theocracy where Jewish people become dimmies.
00:33:52.000 So for people who don't know that term, that's the...
00:33:56.000 The status is sort of a second-class status that is part of the Koran, the original conquest of the Holy Land of Palestine.
00:34:06.000 In the 7th century, Jews were relegated to second-class citizenship, and the term for that was dimming.
00:34:14.000 They had to pay higher taxes.
00:34:16.000 They didn't get the same kind of hearings in law courts, and they were subservient in every way to their Muslim neighbors.
00:34:25.000 So what I've seen in my lifetime is that the ideology of Hamas and the ideology of from the river to the sea and snuffing out the Jewish state has not worked.
00:34:36.000 And, you know, from my perspective, it seems like neither people are going anywhere, because Palestinians aren't going anywhere either.
00:34:43.000 Palestinians have, you know, long and deep roots in the land.
00:34:46.000 I'm from peasant farmers in the West Bank, you know, who've been on the land for hundreds and hundreds of years.
00:34:52.000 And there's plenty of people like me, right, who have, you know, many hundreds of years of history in the land.
00:34:58.000 And some of them, of course, are even people whose ancestors converted from Judaism to Islam or Christianity.
00:35:05.000 So I don't think Palestinians are going anywhere either.
00:35:08.000 I think I've made peace with the idea in my own head that there is going to be a state called Israel.
00:35:16.000 It is going to be the Jewish state.
00:35:18.000 And I want to coexist alongside it.
00:35:24.000 And I think, realistically, I think a lot of Arab leaders understand this.
00:35:28.000 I think the King of Jordan understands it.
00:35:31.000 I think the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia understands it.
00:35:33.000 I don't think that they believe that Israel is suddenly going to vanish and disappear.
00:35:38.000 I believe the leaders of the UAE understand it.
00:35:41.000 And they understand the dangers of extremist, theocratic versions of Islam among their own populations.
00:35:48.000 And they I think a lot of the Arab leadership in the region, they don't want to live The way it is in Yemen, right, in a civil war, or the way it is in Syria, or the way it is in Lebanon, right?
00:36:03.000 There is a class of leadership in these Arab countries who understand that if you have this ultra extreme theocratic vision of what an Arab state or what a Muslim state should be like, it leads to Muslims and Arabs oppressing each other and killing each other.
00:36:21.000 You know, that's the reality in Yemen, for example, in Syria.
00:36:27.000 There's plenty of Arab states where the people are killing each other over their varying visions.
00:36:32.000 So there is a new class of moderate Arab leadership in the region emerging that understands the dangers of radical Islam and understands that what the Iranian regime is pushing is ultimately poisonous and understands that Israel's not going anywhere.
00:36:51.000 So that's where I'm setting out my territory.
00:36:55.000 I want To support moderate leadership that wants modernisation, peace, economic growth, not endless religious wars.
00:37:06.000 We saw what that's like in Europe for many centuries.
00:37:10.000 For many centuries, Europeans were killing each other in religious warfare.
00:37:14.000 Which version of Christianity is...
00:37:16.000 The correct version of Christianity.
00:37:18.000 And ultimately what worked out in Europe is the European Union and modernity and secularization.
00:37:26.000 And I believe that that's the answer for the Middle East.
00:37:28.000 Dr.
00:37:29.000 Wilf?
00:37:30.000 So from which direction would you like me to take it?
00:37:33.000 I want you to talk about your reactions to that in whatever way.
00:37:39.000 Will do.
00:37:40.000 So first I have to say my kind of feeling reaction is that this is the most optimistic vision of the moment that I've heard because the fact that you feel that Israel is strong, competitive, stable, I can assure you, John, this is not the mood right now in Israel.
00:38:00.000 There is a deep sense of precariousness, A deep sense of being surrounded, a sense that the animosity, the hatred, the commitment to our non-existence is so deep and broad that For a lot of people, it's hard to see a way out.
00:38:24.000 So your confidence in our future is one of the more optimistic things.
00:38:31.000 I guess sometimes you need someone from the outside to do it for you.
00:38:34.000 That's certainly not the mood right now in Israel.
00:38:38.000 But of course, I share the long-term vision.
00:38:40.000 I also share the understanding that once you begin to have Arab leaders that want modernity and success and prosperity for their own people, then their attitude to Israel changes almost as a natural outcome then their attitude to Israel changes almost as a natural outcome of
00:38:59.000 I actually call the Abraham Accords collateral benefit because we're not the central story here, where actually the normalization with Israel is a natural outcome of more successful Arab countries, more visionary, forward, modernizing leaders that are still more visionary, forward, modernizing leaders that are still very much Arab and very much Muslim, who are forging an alternative vision to 9-11 and ISIS and what they realized, and especially, I would say, for young
00:39:20.000 who are forging an alternative vision to 9-11 and ISIS and what they realized, and especially, I would say, for young Arab men to have a vision that is attractive and that they can have a sense
00:39:45.000 So it's not a coincidence because if you look historically, anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are always the mark of failed societies.
00:39:55.000 They always rise whenever societies are in crisis and they look for a scapegoat and they look for someone to blame.
00:40:02.000 So in many ways, you could say that this is the ideology of losers.
00:40:07.000 And when a society is no longer...
00:40:12.000 When it actually has leaders that are working for the betterment of their people, they no longer need the Zionist scapegoat, the Jewish scapegoat to divert from their failures because they're no longer failing.
00:40:28.000 And it's not a coincidence that the more successful Arab leaders and countries are also the ones that have a different attitude to Israel and to Zionism and to the idea of Jewish self-determination.
00:40:42.000 Which also shows you that being Arab and being Muslim does not necessarily mean that you have to be anti-Zionist.
00:40:51.000 For a lot of people, this seemed to be for many years, even decades, to be a given.
00:40:56.000 If you're Arab, if you're Muslim, the automatic position you have to take is to be against Jewish self-determination in the historic homeland, in the land of Israel.
00:41:08.000 That is, anti-Zionism is the core of an Arab and Muslim identity.
00:41:12.000 And now finally, and I think actually for the first time ever, certainly since there's Zionism, you have an Arab vision that is proud, successful, forward-looking, modern, and that is pro-Zionist in the sense that they have no problem with the sovereign and that is pro-Zionist in the sense that they have no problem with the sovereign state of the Jewish people acknowledging the history, acknowledging that Israel is not some foreign implant, which is still unfortunately the dominant narrative in the Arab world,
00:41:38.000 implant, which is still unfortunately the dominant narrative in the Arab world, but rather an expression of the historic connection of the Jewish people with the land of Israel.
00:41:50.000 This is where I find hope.
00:41:53.000 And this is what I work to.
00:41:55.000 This is why I call the book We Should All Be Zionists, because I talk about Arab Zionism or Muslim Zionism in the sense, I mean, some people find it kind of very intense, but I was once in a meeting and...
00:42:09.000 And I said, look, there will only be peace when finally the Arab world, the Muslim world, and especially the Palestinians as their edge there, the tip of the battle, when they will acknowledge the equal right of the Jewish people to self-determination in their historic homeland and part of it.
00:42:29.000 And someone asked me in a panel, what, do you want Palestinians to be Zionists?
00:42:33.000 And he made it as if it's a crazy idea.
00:42:37.000 And I said, look, For an Israeli to be considered pro-peace, moderate, the minimum, the bare minimum, is to recognize the equal right of the Palestinians to self-determination in their homeland.
00:42:50.000 Again, in part of the land.
00:42:52.000 Why is it suddenly such a crazy ask that Palestinians will acknowledge the equal right of the Jewish people to self-determination in their historic homeland?
00:43:03.000 And again, with the understanding that because both of them have a claim, Neither one can have it all, and ultimately they'll have less than everything.
00:43:12.000 Why is it such a big ask that Palestinians will recognize the equal right of the Jewish people to self-determination?
00:43:19.000 And that's Zionism.
00:43:22.000 That's Zionism.
00:43:24.000 That's where I draw hope.
00:43:26.000 As long as the Jewish people care about the land of Israel, we are, as I said, destined or damned to remain a Jewish minority in an Arab and Muslim Middle East.
00:43:35.000 So our only real hope for peace, real peace, is for the Arab and Muslim world to flip the view from the Jewish state as a foreign implant that therefore needs to be thrown out into an indigenous prism that says,
00:43:53.000 Abraham, the Jewish state, represents a historic connection, and we embrace it as Arabs and Muslims who, from our own history, our own religious texts, recognize that historic connection.
00:44:06.000 I have a friend A Palestinian friend called Andan Mashouli, who lives in Los Angeles, but he also has a home in the West Bank, and he's a very successful billionaire, born in the West Bank, has a Jordanian passport, a West Bank, I think the old West Bank passport and Israeli passport and U.S. passport.
00:44:29.000 You know, he's a real Palestinian patriot.
00:44:31.000 And he remarked to me recently that That there are some forward-thinking Palestinians who understand that it's important to have a strong Jewish state because otherwise the entire region, if you eliminated Israel, the entire region would be dominated by Iran, which most Arabs don't want to see that future either.
00:44:55.000 And, you know, it used to be that Iraq was a bulwark against Iranian expansion, but Iraq is now a proxy of Iran.
00:45:05.000 And really, the big bulwark against Iranian expansion in the region, which the Saudis and others have reason to fear, is Israel.
00:45:15.000 Does that have any kind of resonance with you, John, or with you, Dr.
00:45:19.000 Wealth?
00:45:20.000 I think, interestingly, I would tend to say that I would like to be an ally of the Iranian people.
00:45:27.000 The issue I have with Iran is not the Iranian people.
00:45:31.000 It's with the Iranian regime.
00:45:35.000 And funnily enough, the Iranian people also, in many ways, they seem to have an issue with the Iranian regime.
00:45:42.000 So for me, the issue isn't so much a country.
00:45:46.000 The issue is tyranny and tyrannical governments.
00:45:50.000 And the government of Iran is behaving in a tyrannical way, not only over the Iranian people, but also across the entire region.
00:45:58.000 So I would tend to say that the other states in the Middle East who don't want to fall under the influence of this tyrannical, theocratic regime in Iran, whether that's Saudi Arabia, whether that's Israel, Dr.
00:46:14.000 whether that's Palestine, whether that's Jordan, whether that's Egypt, they probably should work together to stanch the influence of the Iranian regime.
00:46:24.000 Dr. Welf?
00:46:26.000 So I want to put Iran in the context of all the previous kind of supporters that have hid behind the idea of supporting Palestinians, and that was useful for them.
00:46:39.000 Because what happened really in the last century...
00:46:43.000 It's because the Arabs of the land, the Palestinians, were fighting not just any Jews.
00:46:51.000 They were fighting Jews who were seeking dignity, equality, self-determination.
00:46:56.000 You talked about the deeming status.
00:46:58.000 They were claiming now to be of equal status, not of lower status.
00:47:04.000 What happened is...
00:47:06.000 Because the Palestinians were waging essentially a total war against any sovereign Jewish presence, they always found allies and they were always very useful for every anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist power of the moment.
00:47:24.000 So in the 30s and 40s, like you mentioned, there is a very close collaboration between the local Arab-Palestinian leadership and the Nazis.
00:47:34.000 The insertion of a lot of Nazi propaganda in Arabic-speaking radio in the 30s and 40s that has repercussions to the present.
00:47:43.000 A lot of the Hamas language is actually Nazi language that was inserted in the 30s and 40s.
00:47:51.000 And the Nazis are defeated and they head to the dustbin of history and they're replaced by the Pan-Arabists who turn anti-Zionism into the marker of what it means to be an Arab, again with sad repercussions, hiding behind the Palestinian issue like you talked about, really making Palestinianism into the secular theology of the Arab Revolution and And then they're defeated and they go to the dustbin of history and they're replaced by the Soviet Union.
00:48:21.000 And the Soviet Union really uses the mask of supporting for Palestinian rights to take anti-Zionism global.
00:48:30.000 They insert Zionism as racism into the United Nations in 75 and Israel's apartheid and now genocide.
00:48:38.000 These are all pages of the Soviet playbook.
00:48:41.000 And the Soviet Union was defeated and replaced by Iran.
00:48:45.000 And now Iran presents itself as kind of the protector of Palestinian rights in the same way.
00:48:52.000 And John spoke about tyranny.
00:48:54.000 Those are all of the same birds of a feather.
00:48:58.000 So on the positive side...
00:49:01.000 What you see here is that all those regimes that hid behind this collaboration, support for Palestinianism, but really it was just anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism, they ended up in the dustbin of history.
00:49:16.000 And I have no doubt, as I look at the predecessors of Iran in that role, that the Mullah regime will also find itself in the dustman of history.
00:49:25.000 I have no doubt of that, just judging by the history.
00:49:28.000 The reason that I'm so concerned at the moment and have less of the optimism and sense of Israeli strength that John portrayed is Is that if you look again at all these regimes, is that on the way to the dustbin of history, they caused a lot of damage to the Jews and a lot of mayhem to the world.
00:49:50.000 So we don't need to expand on the Nazis, but in the two decades when pan-Arabism reigned supreme and it claimed to only be anti-Zionist and have nothing against Jews, within two decades, From Morocco to Afghanistan, no Jews were left.
00:50:07.000 A complete ethnic cleansing in the name of anti-Zionism.
00:50:11.000 And then the Soviet Union, we know how it treated its Jews, and we know that the Jews of Iran left as soon as the Ayatollah regime established itself.
00:50:21.000 And we know that what Iran has been doing to support not just October 7th, but all Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, establishing itself now in Syria, trying to cause mayhem in the West Bank and Jordan.
00:50:35.000 So my concern right now is until the Mullah regime goes to the dustbin of history, where I'm sure it will be, how much damage to the Jewish people and how much mayhem in general will they cause?
00:50:50.000 Well, let's talk about the path to peace.
00:50:53.000 So, you know, I think the point that you made, that both of you made so eloquently, is that if you have a society that's based upon a grievement, we're never going to get there.
00:51:05.000 And how do we start building institutions and societies in both the West Bank?
00:51:12.000 You have corporate kleptocracies in both of them that are robbing their own people, that are extraordinarily corrupt.
00:51:19.000 That are not building democratic institutions and not building economic prosperity.
00:51:25.000 How do we start building?
00:51:26.000 I mean, Gaza should be an extraordinary prosperous nation.
00:51:30.000 It has miles of white sand beaches.
00:51:32.000 It should be a tourist mecca.
00:51:34.000 It has the potential for a port that could be the Singapore of the West.
00:51:39.000 It's at the confluence of the great maritime trade routes from the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean, the terrestrial trade routes between Africa, the Mideast, and Europe.
00:51:49.000 It has a very innovative population with very good, highly educated, much more than any place else in the Arab world.
00:51:59.000 It has fertile soils.
00:52:01.000 It's an oasis with good freshwater resources.
00:52:06.000 Unlimited potential for desalidization.
00:52:09.000 How do you shift the leadership away from this ideology of aggrievement toward a pride and a promise for a future?
00:52:19.000 And what is blocking that, including the United Nations, which really you show how much of an impediment that is, Dr.
00:52:28.000 Wealth.
00:52:29.000 Let's go to John first, and then I'm going to let you finish up.
00:52:33.000 So I think that one of the biggest problems with Gaza, one of many, is the support of Various regimes on the outside of Gaza who have helped the radicals and the extremists take control and take power.
00:52:52.000 So specifically, I would be talking about, of course, Iran, the IRGC. I'd be talking about Qatar.
00:52:59.000 Perhaps tangentially, you could add Netanyahu to the list as he seems to like the idea of transferring cash to Hamas because he prefers Hamas to the PA. And the United Nations is one of those.
00:53:12.000 Right, yes.
00:53:14.000 I mean, through the instruments of the United Nations.
00:53:17.000 But the regimes on the outside of Gaza have allowed extremists to gain power within Gaza, and that has been through providing them money, and providing them training, and providing them guns.
00:53:31.000 And I would suggest that if we want to see peace between Gaza and Israel, and if we want to see Gaza become a successful, prosperous, modernized, thriving society, you know, the Singapore of the West, this is my dream.
00:53:47.000 I want to see Gaza be that.
00:53:49.000 I want to see Gaza be filled with skyscrapers like Tel Aviv.
00:53:53.000 I want to see the Gazan beaches filled with tourists, including tourists from Europe and the United States and Israel.
00:54:00.000 Why not?
00:54:01.000 Let them come.
00:54:02.000 But we need to empower Palestinian moderates.
00:54:06.000 We need to find Palestinian moderates who want to be leaders, and we need to help them.
00:54:11.000 Because at this point, Iran and Qatar will help The Palestinians who want to thump their Quran and impose theocracy and discriminate against LGBT people and discriminate against atheists and discriminate against other minorities and spread weird anti-Semitic propaganda.
00:54:31.000 There's plenty of people who want to help the extremists and will throw money at them in order to do that.
00:54:38.000 The West has been relatively reticent in helping Palestinian moderates.
00:54:43.000 If we consider the PA to be relatively moderate, it hasn't been demanding enough of the PA in terms of the reforms required to become a state, such as perhaps abolishing the Martyrs Fund, which rather than paying money to Palestinians in need, pays money to Palestinians on the basis of, you know, did you get put in prison in Israel, right?
00:55:07.000 Things like the welfare system need to be reformed and modernized.
00:55:11.000 Things like UNRWA need to be reformed and modernized.
00:55:14.000 I don't think that...
00:55:16.000 That's a solution for Palestinians in the long run.
00:55:18.000 I think the solution ultimately is a self-determining Palestinian state.
00:55:23.000 But how do we get there?
00:55:25.000 Part of the problem, as Dr.
00:55:26.000 Wilf talks about, is that UNRAR is kind of a permanent refugee system where refugee status is inherited generation after generation.
00:55:36.000 I don't think that's sustainable.
00:55:38.000 I don't think that that is the future for Palestinians.
00:55:41.000 I think the future for Palestinians is becoming a fully fledged nation that takes care of itself, that isn't just transferring cash to refugees and educating them on how their home is actually in Haifa or Tel Aviv or Nazareth.
00:55:57.000 Right.
00:55:58.000 I think I think I think I think we have the West needs to ask that Palestine is Palestine.
00:56:03.000 Palestine is the places where...
00:56:05.000 Palestinians are the majority and eventually we'll become a Palestinian state.
00:56:09.000 We can't keep Palestinians trapped in this quagmire of eventually you're going to be able to return to Haifa.
00:56:17.000 Eventually you'll be able to return to Tel Aviv, right?
00:56:20.000 That's not a long-term solution.
00:56:22.000 So to sum up, we need to empower Palestinian moderates because, as I say, Iran is already empowering Palestinian extremists.
00:56:34.000 Yeah, and you know, that summarizes a lot of the, many of the thoughts in Dr.
00:56:39.000 Welb's book, which is, which I think highlights better than anybody else has that UNRWA, which there's two refugee agencies in the world that the United Nations has, one that takes care of the hundreds of millions of refugees from every nation in the world, except for Palestine.
00:57:00.000 And then one that is solely designated to take care of Palestinian refugees.
00:57:06.000 And because of that, that agency has a built-in conflict of interest.
00:57:10.000 The other United Nations agency actually settles those refugees where they are, helps them build lives, build communities, become parts of whatever state they are that they're in.
00:57:23.000 And the Refugee status is not inherited generation to generation.
00:57:28.000 It ends with the people who were actually expelled From that country, none of them go back to their original countries.
00:57:35.000 That is the history and the custom and the practice.
00:57:39.000 But in Palestine, they have an agency that actually only survives if the conflict continues, if the aggrievement continues, if the refugees continue to expand.
00:57:52.000 And you have this very perverse incentive system that actually is inflaming the problem rather than solving it.
00:57:59.000 And Dr.
00:58:00.000 Wolf, will you You know, talk about that.
00:58:04.000 We only have a few minutes left, but I'd love your thoughts about that path to peace.
00:58:09.000 Certainly.
00:58:10.000 I think exactly the path to peace includes, in my view, three steps.
00:58:15.000 Step number one, be very clear on the vision.
00:58:19.000 Just like John said here, it's a vision where there are two states An Arab-Palestinian state, a Jewish state, Israel.
00:58:30.000 They can both have minorities.
00:58:31.000 Israel certainly has.
00:58:33.000 Like John, I have a vision that a modern Arab-Palestinian state will have a Jewish minority for those that want to live in certain places that are mentioned in the Bible.
00:58:42.000 They're treated equally as a minority, and they can have whatever trade and economic relations.
00:58:49.000 And they reflect the self-determination of their people.
00:58:54.000 Both have a claim, let's say, to all of the land and both recognize that they're just going to have some of it.
00:59:01.000 That's the end vision and it has to be very clear and it involves the Palestinians essentially letting go of the idea of anti-Zionism as inherent to Palestinian identity.
00:59:15.000 So it's a foundational flip from an identity that is based on the negation of a Jewish state to one that is based on the construction of an Arab Palestinian state next to a Jewish state without its negation.
00:59:29.000 So that's the vision.
00:59:31.000 And there needs to be no cutting corners on that vision because during the 90s, the years of negotiations, there was this notion of constructive ambiguity.
00:59:42.000 Let's kind of fudge the issues and, you know, get people to sign and then they'll build trust and they'll deal with the difficult issues.
00:59:50.000 And we know that it was destructive.
00:59:53.000 So I've become a proponent of constructive specificity.
00:59:56.000 Let's be very clear.
00:59:58.000 And I have to emphasize, look, I need zero courage to be here.
01:00:03.000 John needs a lot.
01:00:04.000 And John spoke to that.
01:00:06.000 He says things clearly.
01:00:09.000 He's not fudging it.
01:00:11.000 You can find Palestinians who will say that they want peace or even coexistence.
01:00:15.000 But for them to specifically recognize the implications, what it means, that there's no return into the sovereign territory of the state of Israel.
01:00:25.000 That if you live in Gaza and if you live in Ramallah, you're not a refugee from Palestine.
01:00:30.000 You are where you are and you need to build your future there.
01:00:33.000 And you don't continue to consider yourself in an endless limbo until the Jewish state is gone.
01:00:40.000 Very few people, even when they're living in London, are willing to say that.
01:00:45.000 I actually count them.
01:00:47.000 And John knows.
01:00:48.000 And by the way, one of the ways that I promoted is by participating here and platforming.
01:00:55.000 Anyone who says these things clearly should get all the support in the world.
01:01:02.000 At one point, people told me, like I said, they should get all the support, you know, not UNRWA, not that, But someone told me, but there's only a few of them.
01:01:09.000 I was like, doesn't matter.
01:01:10.000 They should get the billions because they have the right vision.
01:01:13.000 Even if it's four people who get the billion and a half dollars, I don't care because they're the ones who have the right vision.
01:01:20.000 So step one, be very clear on the vision, be very specific, and no cutting corners.
01:01:26.000 Step two, remove all the elements that undermine this vision.
01:01:32.000 So we talked about Iran and the extremists, but the book, The War of Return, is about the indulgence of the West, the funding of UNRWA, like John said, the closing of the eyes to how even the so-called moderate PA continues to We're good to
01:02:02.000 the notion that there will be no return, that they're not refugees, and that they're going to live next to the Jewish state.
01:02:09.000 So begin to remove funding, support, legitimacy from any organization that undermines this vision.
01:02:18.000 And step three, try to bring in whatever possible forces, such as modern Arab states that have a pro-Israel, pro-Zionist vision of what it means to be an Arab and Muslim, to help support and sustain an Arab-Palestinian identity to help support and sustain an Arab-Palestinian identity that wants to live next to a Jewish state rather than based on its negation.
01:02:41.000 That's my three-step process for peace.
01:02:44.000 And then I say, and it will take however long it takes.
01:02:48.000 There is a proverb, a saying of the Jewish sages that says that you will not finish the job, but it doesn't give you the right to not do it.
01:02:59.000 So even if something might not happen in your lifetime or immediately, it doesn't mean that as a result you stop doing it.
01:03:07.000 So I work towards that vision.
01:03:10.000 However long it takes.
01:03:12.000 All the time that I spend writing against UNRWA and the Western indulgence and the feeding of it comes from the fact that I'm actually trying to get to peace.
01:03:21.000 I'm actually trying to remove what I find is one of the biggest obstacles.
01:03:26.000 And maybe I'll end with this thing.
01:03:28.000 Over the years, as I went to European capitals and I told them, you're feeling all smug about yourselves.
01:03:34.000 You're funding UNRWA. But Ultimately, my people will pay for it in blood.
01:03:40.000 You're not going to pay for it in Paris or in London, but we will pay for it because you keep funding and telling Palestinians in Gaza, 75% of Gaza's residents are registered as if they're still refugees from Palestine.
01:03:56.000 You're basically telling them day in, day out, don't build your future in Gaza.
01:04:02.000 Don't make Gaza into the Dubai of the Levant.
01:04:06.000 But keep waiting for the day when Palestine will be free from the river to the sea.
01:04:12.000 You're making this, and you're making it worse, and we will pay for it.
01:04:17.000 And I told them, look, there's a difference between doing good and feeling good.
01:04:22.000 It's a difference in public policy and foreign policy and in parenting for that matter.
01:04:27.000 A lot of things might feel good, you know, funding UNRWA, giving money, but they don't do good.
01:04:34.000 And actually doing good often means doing things that don't feel good.
01:04:40.000 It means confronting the PA on issues of return and the Martyrs Fund and their vision.
01:04:48.000 And it requires doing things that don't feel good, but will finally do good.
01:04:54.000 And that's what I'm trying to encourage Western policymakers to do.
01:04:58.000 Stop indulging the vision of From the River to the Sea.
01:05:03.000 And start to say the clear things that will allow the Palestinian people to move forward, to understand that they can have a constructive vision, and make sure they are supported, make sure that Israel knows that this is the vision, and go in that direction, support them.
01:05:24.000 And that's really the only way to get to peace.
01:05:27.000 What is happening right now is just going to ensure that the conflict continues forever.
01:05:35.000 And, you know, there are signs of optimism.
01:05:38.000 And you mentioned Mansour.
01:05:40.000 We talked about Mansour Abbas.
01:05:42.000 We talked about the Palestinians who actually are citizens of Israel.
01:05:47.000 We talked about the Abram Accords, where the Arab neighbors of Israel are recognizing that vision and are opening trade agreements with Israel and support agreements that are Zionistic in nature.
01:06:03.000 And one of the things we didn't talk about is the de-radicalization that took place in Saudi Arabia.
01:06:09.000 We found out after 9-11 that the most radical Elements of jihad that leveled the World Trade Center was this Wahhabi schools in Saudi Arabia, and the Saudi Arabian government actually went out and de-radicalized them.
01:06:30.000 Any final comments?
01:06:31.000 John?
01:06:32.000 Do you want to go first, Dr.
01:06:34.000 Wolf?
01:06:35.000 Just to say that, again, I think we're at a moment of peril.
01:06:39.000 I think there are dangers.
01:06:41.000 I do my best to try to find optimism and the path forward in all of this.
01:06:48.000 And really, I want to thank you, John, for your courage and your constructive specificity and for being clear.
01:06:56.000 And, you know, I've seen you get attacked again and again and again, and you're not budging.
01:07:04.000 And I love that because I must say, these days I find that it's actually the...
01:07:10.000 The one that is, it's not an easy position to take, but I think it's mentally and morally easier.
01:07:16.000 Rather than everyone that's like waffling about, just being clear and anyone who attacks you, you just tell them, go away.
01:07:25.000 This is my view.
01:07:26.000 I'm going to continue.
01:07:28.000 I draw a lot of hope from that.
01:07:29.000 And I just want to say thank you for that.
01:07:32.000 Well, thank you.
01:07:33.000 I mean, I think my vision is very much a futurist vision and it's very much based upon human progress and economic development as the cornerstones of the future for Palestinian people, for the region more generally.
01:07:49.000 What they have in Dubai and Abu Dhabi and Riyadh and Tel Aviv is these amazing Middle Eastern metropolises.
01:08:01.000 And I think it is quite plausible that if we really set our minds to it and set our hearts to it, honestly, truthfully, we can build an amazing version of Gaza, which will be a metropolis to contend with, perhaps the Singapore of the West, perhaps a second Dubai.
01:08:26.000 But that prosperity and that growth Can also encompass the West Bank, right?
01:08:32.000 Nablus can be a beautiful modern city.
01:08:34.000 Ramallah can be a beautiful modern city.
01:08:37.000 The Palestinian state can be a wealthy, first-world, dignified nation.
01:08:43.000 And if in a hundred years from now, our descendants are listening back to this and that's what's normal to them, if that's what's normal to them, you know, prosperity, coexistence, humanism, humanitarianism, if that's what's normal to them, then we've succeeded.
01:09:02.000 And if, on the other hand, if in a hundred years' time we're still fighting about who owns this damn land, Then we failed.
01:09:11.000 Fine.
01:09:11.000 Fine.
01:09:12.000 Then perhaps we will fail.
01:09:13.000 Perhaps I will fail.
01:09:15.000 But at the very least, I'm going to try my best to advance the vision of prosperity, equality, humanity, human decency, and peace that the region needs.
01:09:28.000 John Aziz and Dr.
01:09:31.000 Will, thank you so much.
01:09:32.000 And John, again, thank you for your courage and both of you for your integrity.
01:09:37.000 Thank you.