RFK Jr. The Defender - February 14, 2024


Trump's War On Capitalism with David Stockman


Episode Stats

Length

1 hour and 5 minutes

Words per Minute

141.03519

Word Count

9,219

Sentence Count

545

Misogynist Sentences

4

Hate Speech Sentences

15


Summary

David Stockman is back on the show to talk about his new book, The Undrainable Swamp and why he thinks Donald Trump is not the answer to the swamp problem America is facing. He also talks about why he doesn t think Donald Trump s economic policies are good for the economy and the middle class, and why we should be worried about what's going on in the financial markets and the stock market. David Stockman's book is a must-read for anyone who doesn't already have a good grip on the truth about what happened in 2008 and why it's time to wake up to the fact that Donald Trump isn't going to be the fixer for America's economic problems, and that it's going to take a lot more than a single president to fix the economy. He's also the author of three best-selling books: The Triumph of Politics, The Great Deformation: The Corruption of Politics in America, and Why the Reagan Revolution Failed. And his 2016 book, Trumped a Nation on the Brink of Ruin: And How to Bring It Back: The Myth of the Swamp in the Fantasy of MAGA, That's 2019. And now his recent book, Peak Drum, is out in paperback and available for pre-order on Amazon. If you don't have a Kindle device, you can get a copy of the book on Amazon for free, or you can buy a copy on Audible for $99.99, or use the Audible membership trial for a limited edition edition edition of The Triumph Of Politics: What's on the Real Deal? or Kindle Fire HDX, which includes a Kindle Fire, and a hardcover copy of The New York Times paperback edition for 99 pages, or a hardback copy for 99 bucks. $99, and an Audible Audible, and Audible QRP reader edition for 49 pages, plus Audible Prime membership. Kindle Freebie, Audible is also available for 99 euros. You can get the Kindle Fire and Kindle Fire Pro, or Audible Pro, and Kindle Pro for 49 bucks, and $99 paperback Projekt Pro Projex Pro, QRP, and Aptavio Projecor ProjECOR Pro, which gets you a copy for 49 tracks, plus a lifetime of the Kindle Pro, Aptiv Pro, Projectors Pro, Geeves, and Caff and Tribemper Pro, all for $49.99.


Transcript

00:00:00.000 Hey, everybody.
00:00:01.000 I'm very excited to have David Stockman back as my guest on the show.
00:00:05.000 And I think the last time I had him on, I described him initially as a nemesis of mine back in the 1980s when he was Ronald Reagan's budget director.
00:00:16.000 And I blamed him for dismantling a lot of the environmental infrastructure that And cutting the budget, many, many social programs that were sacred cows to my generation of liberals.
00:00:31.000 And our views on most issues today have coalesced in a way that I'm very happy about because David is an extraordinarily eloquent articulator and leader of people who want to bring sanity back to government.
00:00:51.000 I'll tell you a few biographical facts about him.
00:00:54.000 He was born in Florida, Texas.
00:00:56.000 He graduated from Michigan State University, attended the Harvard Divinity School, and then went to Washington as a congressional aide in 1970.
00:01:06.000 David was elected as Michigan congressman in 76 and joined the Reagan White House in 1981, serving as budget director.
00:01:15.000 He was one of the key architects of the Reagan Revolution.
00:01:19.000 Plan to reduce taxes, cut spending, and shrink the role of government.
00:01:24.000 He joined Solomon Brothers in 1985, later became one of the early partners of Blackstone Group.
00:01:32.000 During nearly two decades of Blackstone and a firm he founded Heartland Industrial Partners, Solomon was a private equity investor.
00:01:41.000 He is the author of three best-selling books, The Triumph of Politics, The Great Deformation was the corruption of capitalism in America.
00:01:50.000 The triumph of politics, incidentally, is followed by the subheading, Why the Reagan Revolution Failed.
00:01:57.000 And then his 2016 book, Trumped a Nation on the Brink of Ruin and How to Bring It Back.
00:02:04.000 And now his recent book, Peak Drum, The Undrainable Swamp in the Fantasy of MAGA, that's 2019, is currently a publisher of a daily blog called Contra Corner, which is a blog, one of the few blogs that I read faithfully.
00:02:19.000 One is because it's brilliant, but also it's beautifully written.
00:02:25.000 David writes like a poet, and he's very, very fun to read.
00:02:30.000 And it's described as the place where mainstream delusions in Kent about the welfare state, the bailout state, bubble finance, and beltway banditry are rift, refuted, and rebuked.
00:02:42.000 I would describe the principal nexus for where our views have coalesced are the abhorrence that both of us share for corporate I think?
00:03:12.000 And you explode a lot of the claims that President Trump makes about having brought prosperity and jobs to our country.
00:03:21.000 Let's talk about that a little.
00:03:23.000 Okay, happy to do it.
00:03:24.000 It's great to be back on the podcast with you.
00:03:28.000 It's interesting that we've all come a long ways in the 40 years Since the early 1980s and the issues that you were citing then.
00:03:40.000 And you were kind enough now, you know, to write a preface for my book, which we're going to talk about today, Trump's War on Capitalism.
00:03:50.000 And the other strong endorsement I got for the book was from Ron Paul.
00:03:54.000 So I think what it's telling us is there is a uniparty in Washington where both of the traditional political parties have kind of melded together in one big blob that likes to have forever wars everywhere, that really doesn't care that much about the public debt and the way we manage our fiscal affairs,
00:04:16.000 that's happy to have the Fed Grant enormous amounts of money, which basically has been a boon to Wall Street in the 1%, but has done very little.
00:04:27.000 He's harmed the Main Street economy and was happy to shut down the whole US economy in the spring of 2020 on the basis of some very bad advice from Dr.
00:04:39.000 Fauci and other government bureaucrats.
00:04:41.000 So that's what the Uniparty did.
00:04:43.000 They've made a real mess of it.
00:04:46.000 Trump sounded like he was going to be You know, the guy who rode into town, the outsider, the non-politician was going to drain the swamp.
00:04:55.000 But what I'm trying to say in my book, and really more or less give a wake-up call, especially to Republicans and MAGA supporters, is that he didn't drain the swamp at all.
00:05:09.000 He actually filled it deeper than ever before.
00:05:12.000 And so therefore, we had a four-year period In which the budget got totally out of control.
00:05:18.000 The debt soared.
00:05:19.000 The Fed was encouraged by Trump to print even more money, push interest rates even lower, inflate the bubble in the financial markets even greater.
00:05:31.000 He took credit for that.
00:05:33.000 It had nothing to do with what he was doing.
00:05:36.000 And then finally brought the whole thing to a crash-landing With the totally counterproductive and wrong pandemic and COVID lockdown policies in 2020.
00:05:50.000 But I do think the facts are important because I think a lot of Republicans, conservatives that I'm trying to reach and say he's not the answer to what you know to be wrong with America.
00:06:02.000 He is not going to drain the swamp.
00:06:05.000 They're willing to say yes, You know, he's a loudmouth, he's bombastic, he's unpredictable.
00:06:11.000 Often he strays tremendously from sound economics and sound money, but he had a great economy, the so-called MAGA economy.
00:06:22.000 In the book, we lay out very clearly that that's just political boasting.
00:06:28.000 It isn't remotely true.
00:06:30.000 In fact, It's upside down.
00:06:32.000 If you take all the presidencies, going back to Harry Truman, the average growth rate during the period that whole era, half a century, up through 2016, the average economic growth rate, real growth rate, was about 3.1%.
00:06:48.000 During Trump's period, it was 1.5%, half of Of the historic norm over that long period of time, 11 different presidents, nine business cycles, crises, wars, every other thing, but the norm was double what the economy produced in Trump's four years.
00:07:09.000 If we look at some other measures, you know, I think it's even more dramatic.
00:07:15.000 I think, ultimately, we care about the Main Street economy, where the middle class is going or not going.
00:07:24.000 A good measure of that is real GDP per capita.
00:07:29.000 And the fact is, it grew less than 1% per year during Trump's four years.
00:07:36.000 Which was not even 40% of the post-war average 2.5.
00:07:42.000 And then finally he bragged a lot about all the jobs he created.
00:07:46.000 The facts are when Trump was sworn in in January 2017, there were 145.2 million non-farm jobs, you know, the kind that are reported once a month by the BLS. 145.2 million jobs when he left.
00:08:03.000 There were 142.2 million jobs.
00:08:06.000 In other words, the job count shrunk by 3 million during his tenure.
00:08:12.000 The only time that that's happened was in the early 1930s under Herbert Hoover.
00:08:19.000 So the bottom line is this.
00:08:22.000 We have a huge growing problem with our warfare state, our debt, A Washington that is run by a uniparty that's undermining the middle class and Main Street living standards.
00:08:36.000 We need a big change.
00:08:39.000 Trump talks about being the man to do it, but actually his policies went all in the opposite direction.
00:08:48.000 He's proven that he doesn't really have any policy Compass anyway.
00:08:56.000 He flies by the seat of his ample britches.
00:08:59.000 He makes it up as he goes along.
00:09:02.000 And most of the time, he comes up with expedients that are either ineffective or counterproductive.
00:09:10.000 This is an important message.
00:09:12.000 We're going into a Huge election here.
00:09:16.000 We have the Uniparty's two wings offering candidates that are just more of the same old thing.
00:09:25.000 I can't really speak to Democrats.
00:09:26.000 I probably don't have that much credibility from over the years.
00:09:30.000 But I'm trying to speak to Republicans and say, you have to look elsewhere.
00:09:36.000 Donald Trump had four years.
00:09:39.000 And he committed, among all the other errors that we've talked about here, the unpardonable sin of shutting down the economy in an unconstitutional, abrupt, capricious way on the basis of bad advice that he should have been able to see through in March and April of 2020.
00:10:03.000 The pandemic policy, the lockdowns, the huge COVID policy mistakes disqualify him from another term in the Oval Office.
00:10:15.000 So those are a few points.
00:10:17.000 There are a lot more, but those are a few.
00:10:19.000 I mean, one of the things that you point out is that the growth that did occur during the Trump years was mainly government spending.
00:10:27.000 It was the $2 trillion of extra cash that was printed, the Operation Warp Speed and the CARE and the CARES Act and all of these government spending programs to keep the country alive during the lockdowns, and that actually During his term, it's the first time in American history, or at least modern history since the Great Depression, that the private market payrolls have shrunk.
00:10:53.000 That's never happened before.
00:10:55.000 You know, it had never happened before.
00:10:58.000 And, you know, I think it's important to understand that if we don't get jobs growing again, we're not going to get the middle class lifted off from the morass that it's in today.
00:11:12.000 And you can't get jobs growing again unless we have more workers and more investment and more productivity.
00:11:20.000 And of course, Trump's policy was to keep potential workers out of the country by building a wall in Mexico when the problem could be solved very easily.
00:11:30.000 With an orderly, organized guest worker program, rather than investment that we desperately needed in the private sector to fuel productivity and to fuel expansion of capacity, all the available funds were absorbed by these enormous deficits that were run on his watch, including the big tax cuts Which weren't paid for.
00:11:55.000 It was $1.7 trillion of revenue loss from the corporate tax cut and the parallel measures for individual taxpayers.
00:12:05.000 But if we look at actual investment, it actually slowed down.
00:12:10.000 The growth rate of investment slowed down in the five years after the tax cut rather than before.
00:12:17.000 I've said all along, tax cuts are good, but they have to be earned.
00:12:21.000 They have to be paid for.
00:12:23.000 You have to do the tough business, for instance, of looking at the swamp at the Pentagon.
00:12:28.000 There's a big swamp on that side of the river and fine spending cuts that can offset the revenue loss.
00:12:37.000 Well, what did he do with defense spending?
00:12:39.000 He inherited a $590 billion defense budget from Obama, which was already way too big.
00:12:46.000 You know, for a world in which we have no real industrial technologically enabled competitor or enemy.
00:12:55.000 That can seriously threaten our homeland security.
00:13:00.000 I mean, Russia's got a 2 trillion GDP. Ours is 26 trillion.
00:13:05.000 China's got a bigger economy, but it also utterly depends on 3.5 trillion a year of exports.
00:13:13.000 To the United States and the West in order to keep this great Ponzi that it's created over there from collapsing.
00:13:22.000 So we're not going to be invaded.
00:13:24.000 We're not going to be attacked.
00:13:26.000 The homeland isn't under any kind of serious peril.
00:13:31.000 And so we didn't need a $600 billion defense budget.
00:13:35.000 We could have cut it by 50% back to what I call the Eisenhower minimum.
00:13:41.000 In other words, if you look at what The great President Eisenhower, who was the only great general ever to, you know, lead the country in the last century, he said that the budget in 1961 was already big enough in today, it was 60 billion in those dollars,
00:13:58.000 and today, today's money would be 400 billion, and that would be more than enough because back then, The Soviet Union was still at the peak of its industrial power, and it had a lot of pretty nasty weapons pointed at us.
00:14:12.000 All of that is gone.
00:14:14.000 The Cold War is over.
00:14:15.000 The Soviet Union disappeared into the dustbin of history and so forth.
00:14:19.000 So we barely need Ike's budget, the $400 billion.
00:14:24.000 Trump inherited $600 billion.
00:14:26.000 What did he do?
00:14:27.000 He raised it to $750 billion, 25%, on the rather silly theory that he was a tough guy and that he could negotiate with the rest of the world, but he needed a bigger stick.
00:14:39.000 So he invited the generals to come up with all the spending schemes that they could imagine.
00:14:45.000 They did.
00:14:46.000 He took the defense budget way up.
00:14:48.000 He got both parties behind it.
00:14:50.000 And here we are a couple of years later under Biden, and it's no different.
00:14:54.000 It's now $900 billion.
00:14:56.000 So a point that I'm getting at is that if we're going to get the private economy moving again, if we're going to get some growth in middle class and Main Street economic prosperity, then we're going to have to get this massive treasury borrowing then we're going to have to get this massive treasury borrowing level out of the
00:15:17.000 I want to give just one final number on that that I think, because raising the public debt sounds like an old-fashioned Republican kind of issue, something that Barry Goldwater talked about back in the 60s and so forth, but it's not really anymore because it's gotten so big.
00:15:38.000 Trump went into office with a $20 trillion public debt, which was already pretty big, you know.
00:15:47.000 310% of GDP. By the time he left office, it was $28 trillion.
00:15:54.000 Now, $8 trillion of growth in four years.
00:15:57.000 I'm sure it's hard for people to get their arms around.
00:16:00.000 It's so big.
00:16:02.000 It's such a gargantuan number.
00:16:04.000 But here's the way to look at it.
00:16:06.000 When did we get the first 8 trillion of public debt?
00:16:09.000 The answer is 205.
00:16:13.000 In other words, from the beginning of the Republic in 1789 to 205, 216 years, 43 presidents generated the first 8 trillion of public debt.
00:16:25.000 Trump did, duplicated, replicated that $8 trillion in four years.
00:16:30.000 That's a measure of how things were out of control.
00:16:33.000 And all of that cash went into funding of the $6.5 trillion that he put into all these COVID bailouts rather than into the private sector investment we need.
00:16:48.000 So that's just one of the many particulars that we go through in the book that I think people really need to understand.
00:16:57.000 And David Stockman's new book is Trump's War on Capitalism.
00:17:02.000 I wrote the preface for it.
00:17:03.000 Two short questions.
00:17:05.000 One is, we're now at a $34 trillion debt that our kids are going to have to be saddled with and pay back, which is going to really impact their lives dramatically.
00:17:19.000 What is the relationship of $34 trillion to GDP? Okay, that's a good question, because it is now 120-130% of GDP. And that sounds pretty bad.
00:17:34.000 But you see, if the Uniparty in control today continues...
00:17:39.000 And they keep all the wars going, and they keep this $900 billion defense budget growing.
00:17:46.000 In fact, you know, we've talked before, if you look at everything that goes into national security, including all the foreign aid and the security assistance, the fact that we have a huge veterans budget because we have to pay for all the men and women who become injured or Disabled as a result of these forever unnecessary wars, it's $1.3 trillion.
00:18:11.000 The point that we need to get at here is that that huge debt, because of the warfare state and all the other spending we have, is heading towards, and I'm not exaggerating or trying to create some kind of panic notion,
00:18:31.000 But it's heading from the $34 trillion we have now to $50 trillion by early in the 2030s, just around the corner, the decade around the corner.
00:18:44.000 That would be 150% of GDP. And if we don't fundamentally change direction, not a little bit of change here, a little bit of adjustment there, but a big realignment, reset of what we think we're doing in the world and what we're trying to do to get our economy back on its feet at home, if we don't have a big reset there, we're going to end up with a public debt of $100 billion.
00:19:12.000 A hundred trillion, I mean, and, you know, 200% of GDP by the middle of this century.
00:19:19.000 So we're on a path that's dangerous, unsustainable, is creating a burden on future generations, our kids and grandkids, that is totally unsustainable, and we won't get there.
00:19:33.000 Something will blow up in between, and that's why we have to start Attacking these huge structural deficits.
00:19:42.000 This isn't, you know, Republican rhetoric from 40 years ago about deficits, but these massive deficits that we can't afford.
00:19:50.000 Now, let me put it in perspective.
00:19:53.000 During Trump's four years, the deficit averaged 9% of GDP. That is a startling number.
00:20:01.000 Because the average in the post-war period was 2.5%, and I looked it up the other day, when your uncle John Kennedy was president, the deficit averaged 0.9% of GDP. In other words,
00:20:17.000 during the four years of Trump, who supposedly was the Republican, going to curtail all of this excess that allegedly occurred during Obama, the deficit ended up 10 times bigger than it had been in the early 1960s.
00:20:34.000 So we're in uncharted water and this has to be addressed.
00:20:39.000 And it has to start by bringing the empire home.
00:20:43.000 And not a little, you know, chipping away here and there at the defense budget, but we could cut 400, 500 billion out of the defense budget by going back to what I call the Eisenhower minimum in a homeland defense that says, you know, we're not going to have bases all over the world.
00:21:02.000 We're not going to be We're good to go.
00:21:23.000 To the Uniparty to start there.
00:21:25.000 Another thing we've both talked about a lot, crony capitalism and its dominance in Washington.
00:21:33.000 You can't get rid of anything that they've got their fingers in, even the Export-Import Bank.
00:21:39.000 I try to get rid of that.
00:21:41.000 Most of the money goes to Boeing and General Electric.
00:21:43.000 They don't need it.
00:21:44.000 It's a tiny fraction of Of their net income and even of the money they put into stock buybacks, but especially all these giant loopholes in the tax system.
00:21:56.000 I just looked those numbers up and it turns out that over the next 10 years, and this is not a number that's coming from me or somebody on the right, so to speak.
00:22:09.000 These are U.S. Treasury numbers from Janet Yellen.
00:22:13.000 Janet Yellen's Treasury Department herself, they came out last spring.
00:22:16.000 The total revenue loss over the next decade from all of the so-called tax expenditures, I call them loopholes, a lot of them are just crony capitalist giveaways, is $21 trillion.
00:22:35.000 That is a huge number.
00:22:37.000 It's a startling number.
00:22:39.000 It's as big as the entire projected deficit over the same 10-year period according to CBO. Look at it another way.
00:22:51.000 If we had what you would call a very Flattish tax system, where we had the rates that we have today, they're not too low in my judgment, 21% on the corporate and the taxes we have from 37% on down on individuals,
00:23:10.000 but if we had the entire base available at those modest rates, We would be generating about 55-56 trillion of revenue over the next decade, just from the income tax and the corporate tax, and that would go a long way to filling the hole in the deficit.
00:23:33.000 But we're actually, according to CBO, and this is the part that is startling, We're actually only going to collect $35 trillion from the income tax on corporations and individuals.
00:23:47.000 In other words, not $56 trillion, but $35 trillion.
00:23:51.000 The difference, that's almost 38% of what would be the full tax base is going to loopholes and tax expenditures and preferences and Subsidies for black energy, green energy, purple energy, and all kinds of other things in between.
00:24:10.000 So what I'm getting at here is that if we were willing to take on What I call the weak claims on the budget, rather than just the weak clients, you know, poor people and poverty programs, but the weak claims, which is really what I was talking about way back in 1981, and got, you know, drowned out again by the politics of the beltway.
00:24:36.000 But if we took on the weak claims at defense, And all of these loopholes, and all of these subsidies like the Ex-Im Bank, and all of these big subsidies that go to, you know, wealthy farmers and all the rest of it,
00:24:51.000 we could dramatically reduce the size of the structural deficit, stop the public debt from continuing to grow, And free the resources that would be available for investment in productivity and in new capacity and new jobs and getting our economy back on track for the middle class.
00:25:17.000 I mean, going back to the last discussion, so people can put this in context, we now have a $34 trillion national debt, and the annual costs of serving that debt are approximately equivalent to our entire military budget.
00:25:36.000 Yeah, yeah.
00:25:37.000 You know, if we double that debt, we go to 50, you know, basically our entire budget is going to be at some point servicing the debt with nothing left over for any social programs, any military programs, nothing.
00:25:55.000 That's right.
00:25:56.000 In fact, without sounding too alarmist, it's actually worse because we have to bring in the other factor here that's enabled all this.
00:26:06.000 I mean, politicians want to be fiscally irresponsible if they can because that's the easier route, obviously.
00:26:13.000 But the Fed in the last two or three decades has enabled This by pushing interest rates so low that the cost of servicing this ballooning public debt that we've been talking about was pushed to rock bottom.
00:26:29.000 Even like two or three years ago when the debt was well over $20 trillion during the Trump period, the servicing cost of the interest cost was $350 billion a year.
00:26:40.000 But now what's happening is inflation got out of control.
00:26:44.000 It went to a 40-year high.
00:26:46.000 The Fed had finally belatedly needed to shut down its printing press.
00:26:52.000 It was no longer buying in all the public debt.
00:26:56.000 We call it monetizing and therefore financing the government deficit on the cheap.
00:27:03.000 And as a result of that, interest rates are way the heck up.
00:27:07.000 You might remember two years ago, the key government interest rate on the 10-year bond or note It was down to 1.3%.
00:27:16.000 And of course, today it's over 4%, and it's probably going to go higher.
00:27:21.000 Now, if the debt goes from $34 trillion to $50, and the average interest rate, which is still because it's embedded in the portfolio, it'll take time to turn over, It goes from 2% to 4% or 5%,
00:27:36.000 then we're going to end up paying, and this is a startling number, but it's the reality that we're facing, we're going to end up paying not $300 billion a year in interest on the public debt, but $3 trillion.
00:27:52.000 And I want to repeat that number.
00:27:54.000 $3 trillion.
00:27:55.000 At $50 trillion of debt at a reasonable interest rate, we'll be paying $2 trillion to $3 trillion of interest, three times more than Social Security, far more than even this quoted defense budget.
00:28:11.000 It would dwarf everything.
00:28:13.000 That is the danger if we don't finally face up to this monster.
00:28:18.000 That was exacerbated by Trump, and that's a lot of data for that in my book, but it really is the product of 30 or 40 years of uniparty governance, where they basically pretended that the public debt didn't matter, future generations would, you know, have to But it wouldn't be that expensive because the Fed would be able to finance it on the cheap by keeping interest rates at rock bottom.
00:28:48.000 All of that is gone.
00:28:50.000 That, you know, that fantasy is over.
00:28:53.000 We're now being forced to face, you know, the true facts of economic life.
00:28:58.000 And it's creating a nightmare fiscally that they haven't even begun yet.
00:29:04.000 To face up to.
00:29:06.000 And so what are they doing?
00:29:07.000 They're playing games down there now, trying to figure out how they can add $100 billion in money for the Ukraine and for building the wall, which isn't the solution to the border problem and all the rest that we don't have.
00:29:22.000 And they're ignoring the big elephant in the room, which is this ballooning public debt.
00:29:30.000 I want to go back again to talk about how President Trump, and this is embedded throughout your book, was rolled repeatedly by his bureaucrats.
00:29:39.000 You know, he appointed a bunch of swamp creatures like John Bolton, who is probably the single greatest advocate of aggressive, bellicose military country and pharmaceutical companies.
00:29:56.000 Lobbyists like Scott Gottlieb to run FDA, but throughout the bureaucracy.
00:30:01.000 And then he was unable to stand up to his own bureaucrats.
00:30:05.000 And I, you know, it made me recall this story of my uncle during the Cuban crisis in the XCOM committee that met at the White House.
00:30:15.000 My father was part of it, but they were the gray beards of the intelligence apparatus in the military, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, etc., people like Dean Acheson, who were the Right.
00:30:25.000 These kind of deified diplomats in American history who had been at Yalta and Casablanca.
00:30:32.000 They were at the creation, as it was called.
00:30:36.000 So they were all in the room, and on the first day...
00:30:40.000 They voted 11-2 to invade Cuba.
00:30:43.000 We now know that if they had invaded, it would have been the end of the world, because there were 64 nuclear missile sites there, and strangely, insanely, the Russians had given each of the missile crew commanders Oh.
00:31:01.000 Independent authorization to launch if they felt themselves in danger.
00:31:05.000 So you have to assume at least one of them would have launched.
00:31:08.000 That would have begun a cascade.
00:31:11.000 That would have resulted probably within 24 hours, 30 million American deaths, 130 million Russians.
00:31:18.000 So they met for 13 days.
00:31:20.000 On the last day, my uncle asked for a final vote.
00:31:26.000 And they voted eight to six to invade.
00:31:31.000 And my uncle said, the sixes have it.
00:31:35.000 He was able to take advice from people who were the experts to go deep.
00:31:43.000 You know, he asked to see the aerial photographs.
00:31:45.000 He questioned people like, You know, if those are Russian gun crews, we kill Russians, isn't Khrushchev going to have to come into Berlin?
00:31:53.000 And really question them on a granular level about each decision.
00:31:59.000 And, you know, I think one of the problems, I think Trump was well-intentioned when he went in to try to drain the swamp, but I don't think he had the capacity to stand up to his bureaucrats.
00:32:09.000 And he said at one point...
00:32:11.000 Hydroxychloroquine works.
00:32:12.000 He said at another point, we shouldn't have lockdowns.
00:32:15.000 That's crazy.
00:32:16.000 But when his bureaucrats pushed back on him, he caved in.
00:32:20.000 Yeah, there's so much evidence for that.
00:32:22.000 On March 11, 2020, he wrote a whole, he put out a whole big tweet about, well, you know, we have every year we have the flu season and some years bad, some years good.
00:32:33.000 Sometimes 30, 40,000 people unfortunately die from it.
00:32:36.000 But we'll find our way through this.
00:32:40.000 No talk about lockdowns, no talk about a bubonic plague about ready to wipe out the nation.
00:32:46.000 Four days later, he declared an emergency, gave a speech calling for, you know, the two weeks to flatten the curve, unleash Dr.
00:32:57.000 Fauci and that whole gang of malpracticing doctors, and then set back and let it happen.
00:33:03.000 And not only let it happen, but allowed the White House to be used day after day as a bully pulpit.
00:33:09.000 You remember the Coronavirus Task Force every day had a reality TV show.
00:33:15.000 And they scared the living daylights out of the American public.
00:33:18.000 So between the state bureaucracies ordering everything to be shut down and the public being scared to death by this daily show, the whole economy went into an abrupt halt.
00:33:32.000 I have some data in the book that people need to remember how bad it is and why it should never happen again.
00:33:39.000 In the second quarter of 2020, when the lockdowns really hit in April, May, and so forth, real GDP declined by 34% at an annual rate in one quarter.
00:33:52.000 Is that a big number?
00:33:53.000 Well, let me tell you.
00:33:54.000 The worst recession in the postwar period, of course, was the Great Recession.
00:33:59.000 And in the worst quarter of 2009, 2008-209, The decline was 8% on an annual rate.
00:34:06.000 So this was four times worse than what we thought was the most severe recession.
00:34:12.000 The apocalypse.
00:34:14.000 Yeah, and also another one, I mean, obviously ground zero of the lockdowns, which were ordered from the White House Oval Office.
00:34:24.000 So, you know, I go by the Truman Doctrine.
00:34:26.000 You're familiar with that.
00:34:28.000 The buck stops here.
00:34:29.000 He had that famous, you know, slogan on his desk.
00:34:33.000 The buck stops with him because the lockdowns hit the What you would call the social services sector of the economy like a ton of bricks.
00:34:42.000 The BLS calls it, you know, the leisure and hospitality sector.
00:34:47.000 It's big.
00:34:47.000 17, 18 million jobs.
00:34:49.000 In the month of April 2020, Employment, and this is the index of hours, so it's not even counting halftime jobs and 20 hours at, you know, burger flipping somewhere.
00:35:03.000 The index of hours declined by 58% in one month.
00:35:09.000 From where it had been in February 2020.
00:35:13.000 58%.
00:35:13.000 I mean, that is like a cyclone going through the employment system.
00:35:20.000 It wiped out 42 years worth of jobs growth in that sector, the ground zero sector, bars, restaurants, movie theaters, and so forth.
00:35:31.000 Now, that's the one thing.
00:35:32.000 The other point, because it's very relevant to this moment, Trump said, you know, America first, let's stop these forever wars.
00:35:42.000 So he, at least directionally, he got it a little bit.
00:35:46.000 But as his Attorney General Bill Barr said, if Trump even agrees with something you think is important, don't expect it to happen.
00:35:56.000 Because nothing follows through.
00:35:59.000 Nothing happens.
00:36:00.000 And the greatest example of that was he realized there was no point of us being in Syria.
00:36:07.000 You know, we weren't invited there.
00:36:09.000 We're there illegally.
00:36:11.000 The authorized government of Assad obviously didn't want us there.
00:36:16.000 So he said he was going to bring the forces home.
00:36:19.000 Well, guess what?
00:36:20.000 They're still there.
00:36:21.000 There's a couple thousand people.
00:36:22.000 Troops in Syria, and now we're in the middle of this fight.
00:36:26.000 Yeah, the point is he won't be able to implement even some of the better ideas he has because, you know, as you said, you put John Bolton in as national security advisor.
00:36:40.000 That is the very opposite of America first.
00:36:43.000 That's sort of globalism first.
00:36:46.000 That's the great hegemon First from, you know, the empire first, I would say.
00:36:52.000 But it wasn't just John Bolton.
00:36:54.000 He then brought in to head the CIA Mike Pompeo, who is the most bloodthirsty, you know, unreformed cold warrior that I've seen in a long time.
00:37:06.000 And then he became Secretary of State.
00:37:08.000 So if you have Bolton and Pompeo running your foreign policy, what does that have to do even with this vague notion of America first?
00:37:18.000 And it's the very opposite of what I think the right policy is, bringing the empire home, shutting, closing all these bases, bringing our forces back to the homeland, and running a national security policy on an Eisenhower ration, fiscal ration, That would be half of what we're spending today.
00:37:44.000 David, let me ask you this.
00:37:45.000 And this is, you know, like 60,000 feet.
00:37:49.000 If we survive what's happening now in the Mideast, which I think all of us are worried about, you know, maybe sleepwalking into a nuclear war.
00:38:00.000 But the neocons have already said that Taiwan is next.
00:38:05.000 And let me ask you about that.
00:38:07.000 You know, give us...
00:38:10.000 Give us the argument for why nothing's going to happen.
00:38:14.000 The Chinese are not going to invade Taiwan unless we provoke them into doing it.
00:38:19.000 Well, I think that's exactly right.
00:38:21.000 You know, we've become a slave to bad history.
00:38:24.000 And let's remember how this whole Taiwan thing came about.
00:38:28.000 There was a civil war, a bloody, nasty, long-drawn-out civil war in China in the 30s and through World War II. It finally ended in 1949.
00:38:39.000 Mao won, for better or worse.
00:38:41.000 Chiang Kai-shek, the leader of the Nationalists, retreated his army in tatters to the offshore island of Taiwan.
00:38:49.000 And at the time, some of the people who loved war, let's just call it the warfare state, the war party, said, let's rally behind Chiang Kai-shek, draw a line in the Taiwan Strait, urge him to form an independent country.
00:39:08.000 And then we'll keep him secure from whatever the mainland might do.
00:39:14.000 Now, here's the thing.
00:39:16.000 Taiwan had been settled by Chinese Han, Han Chinese, three or four hundred years earlier.
00:39:24.000 It was thoroughly Chinese by the 20th century.
00:39:27.000 Japan came in in the early, you know, in 1895, Occupied the island and finally was liberated by the Chinese in World War II with American help in 1945.
00:39:41.000 It was Chinese again.
00:39:43.000 So the idea that this is a separate country, that we ought to be putting the world on the brink of nuclear war because Taiwan and China need to be kept separate, I think is totally wrong.
00:39:57.000 And we, you know, we have this thing called strategic ambiguity.
00:40:02.000 That's our policy, if you like that.
00:40:04.000 Now, that's a good message to send to the world.
00:40:06.000 In other words, you don't know what we're going to do, so, you know, anything could happen.
00:40:11.000 That is a terrible policy.
00:40:13.000 We ought to say, and I know this is probably a little bit controversial, but let's face the fact that At the end of the day, the Taiwanese economy would thrive probably as well as the Shanghai economy is today, which has been booming.
00:40:29.000 And if they can find some way to accommodate themselves just like they did in Hong Kong, That's probably where the world is going.
00:40:38.000 And we can't start a war over it.
00:40:40.000 We can't keep sending American warships into the Straits of Taiwan, trying to provoke the Chinese into taking an imprudent action.
00:40:50.000 We need a president who's going to say, enough of this.
00:40:55.000 The Civil War ended 70 years ago.
00:40:58.000 Let's normalize and provide a pathway For Taiwan and China to reconcile one way or another.
00:41:06.000 Because it's not in our national security interest to, you know, expend massive amounts of blood treasure and risk nuclear war over an issue which is, at the end of the day, ancient history.
00:41:21.000 And what is the Chinese economy like right now?
00:41:25.000 Well, the Chinese economy looks prosperous and it sure as hell is a lot stronger and bigger and more productive than it was in the 1970s when Mao was creating famines throughout the countryside.
00:41:41.000 But I still think it's a house of cards because it was built on a massive eruption of debt that has no parallel in human history.
00:41:52.000 Let me give you the numbers.
00:41:53.000 In 1995, the Chinese economy maybe had a half a trillion of debt, 500 billion.
00:42:00.000 Today, it's 50 trillion.
00:42:02.000 In other words, over the last three decades, they've essentially increased the public and private debt, and it's all over the place there because their accounting isn't transparent.
00:42:15.000 Some of it's the so-called local province-level debt and so forth.
00:42:20.000 Some of it's on the companies, some of it's on the central state.
00:42:24.000 But it's $50 trillion, so it's up 100-fold.
00:42:29.000 And from that, they built a massive new economy.
00:42:34.000 We built airports and railways and highways and public facilities of every type from one area of the country to another.
00:42:44.000 They built massive apartment complexes everywhere.
00:42:47.000 But if you look at it today, you see there's huge amounts of factories that are idle.
00:42:53.000 There are literally 60-70 million Apartment units that are empty that were basically built on speculation because the whole thing was one big speculative Ponzi.
00:43:07.000 So I think the Chinese economy is heading into a period of reckoning.
00:43:13.000 I don't think it's going to disappear down a black hole.
00:43:17.000 But I think the whole miracle is over because it was based on unsustainable debt, spending, and investment that wasn't really profitable or cost-effective.
00:43:30.000 So the reason I mentioned this is they may have a $16 trillion economy, as it's Computed up, but they are not a military threat to the United States because just like we learned after the 60s and 70s, the Soviet Union was a house of cards because communism doesn't work at the end of the day.
00:43:57.000 Overcentralization, government dominance doesn't work.
00:44:00.000 The same thing is true in China today.
00:44:03.000 So let's allow this Ponzi to unwind on its own.
00:44:09.000 And not get all this paranoia going about the Chinese threat and the idea that they're going to be landing on the shores of California any day now.
00:44:19.000 None of that's going to happen.
00:44:22.000 You know, they have two aircraft carriers.
00:44:25.000 We have 12.
00:44:27.000 The two that they have are 1980s vintage.
00:44:30.000 They were rust buckets bought from the old Soviet Union.
00:44:34.000 So we need to get a little bit more rational, a little bit calmer about what we're dealing with over there and recognize that if we really believe in, you know, I do, in capitalism and free markets and limited government and constitutional limits on what the state can do, Then look at China and you realize it's a failed project.
00:44:59.000 At the end of the day, what they're doing today just isn't going to work and they're not any kind of serious long-term military national security threat to America.
00:45:11.000 So we don't need this $900 billion defense budget monster because of the China threat.
00:45:19.000 But what does the military industrial complex do?
00:45:22.000 They just invent one new threat after the other.
00:45:25.000 If it's not Iran, it's Russia.
00:45:27.000 If it's not Russia, it's China.
00:45:28.000 They never stop inventing them because here's the reason why this defense budget needs to be butchered, you know, really rolled back, cut back.
00:45:40.000 There's so much extra money, when you think about it, in $900 billion of spending that there is tens of billions going to all these think tanks and all of these NGOs and all of these quasi-lobbies that are all in the business of buttering their own bread, of making the case for a huge defense budget.
00:46:03.000 And so I called it once, it's like a self-licking ice cream cone.
00:46:08.000 You've got to melt the damn thing.
00:46:11.000 And, you know, that's really why we need to have a sweeping cutback of this defense budget.
00:46:19.000 What is the GDP to economy ratio in China?
00:46:24.000 The GDP, you mean to the government?
00:46:27.000 It's very hard, you know, to answer that question, because when you have a system that is controlled directly and indirectly from the center, as regimented as China is, I mean, they tell the central bank to print the money, the money is printed, is handed out to all these private companies, they build factories, apartment buildings, railroads, airports, and so forth.
00:46:48.000 So I think it's very hard to say, but their debt, The $50 trillion that I'm talking about is more than, you know, it's 400% of GDP, even a higher ratio than we have.
00:47:02.000 Now, people think, when they think of debt, we have to remember, it's not just the public sector or federal debt that's important here, the $34 billion.
00:47:13.000 But the Fed has made it so easy to borrow and has created so much speculation on Wall Street.
00:47:20.000 That all sectors of the economy, including households, have loaded up on debt like never before.
00:47:26.000 So we have now, this is a startling number, $96 trillion of public and private debt in the United States on households, businesses, government, and finance.
00:47:39.000 Now, that is 360% of GDP. And by the way, in 1970, when we started down the road of all this Fed accommodation of easy money and debt, the ratio was 150%.
00:47:59.000 In other words, the debt was 150% of GDP. It had been 150% for a century.
00:48:06.000 We had had a lot of prosperity, you know, in the previous century, going back to 1870.
00:48:12.000 But, and this is kind of the big issue that is, you know, the elephant in the room that's not being addressed.
00:48:19.000 Essentially, since 1970, the American economy has gone through a giant LBO, leveraged bio, and we took the debt from $155 trillion and 150% of GDP to $96 trillion and 360% of GDP. These are all big numbers, I know, but let's just ask this question.
00:48:46.000 Had we stayed on the straight and narrow with a modest leverage ratio in our economy, the same one we had when your uncle was president, when the great prosperity of the middle class In the 50s and 60s and early 70s was very evident to everyone.
00:49:06.000 Had we stayed on that path, which was one and a half times leverage or 150% debt to GDP, had we stayed there today, there would be about 46 trillion of debt in the US economy, public and private, not 96 trillion.
00:49:25.000 So what we have It's about $50 trillion of extra debt.
00:49:31.000 Households have it.
00:49:33.000 Businesses have it.
00:49:35.000 Governments have it in spades.
00:49:37.000 It's in, you know, the Fannie Mae's, the Freddie Mac's, all of the quasi-government agencies.
00:49:44.000 We just have so damn much debt that as interest rates now go up necessarily to try to, you know, rebalance the economy, every 1% of interest It raises the debt service cost in the economy, every 1%, by $1 trillion.
00:50:04.000 And that is $1 trillion that doesn't go into investment.
00:50:09.000 It doesn't go into household budgets or wages.
00:50:12.000 It doesn't go into government spending for things that people might support.
00:50:17.000 It basically is an increase In the debt service burden of our economy.
00:50:24.000 So that's just another sort of metric or measure about why three things have to happen.
00:50:33.000 The warfare state has to be dismantled.
00:50:36.000 The rogue central bank at the Fed that's printed all this money, made all this easy interest rate, fueled all this speculation, fostered all this debt, has to be drastically curtailed.
00:50:50.000 And we need to get the Uniparty out of the dominance that it has today and restore some notion of citizen democracy in the United States.
00:51:03.000 Donald Trump isn't going to do that, but I think what we're really going to need is a complete revamp of our electoral system.
00:51:13.000 We've got to get money out of politics.
00:51:16.000 I'm for public finance of elections, which I'm sure a lot of conservatives have a hard time with.
00:51:22.000 But I don't mean just handing out big wads of money.
00:51:25.000 I mean, having the government.
00:51:27.000 I worked on this when I first went to Washington in 1970.
00:51:31.000 It was a big reform.
00:51:32.000 And John Anderson, who I worked for, and Stuart Udall, Democrat had a bipartisan plan to match small contributions, let's say up to $250 today, from millions of people, one-to-one with a government trust fund set of money.
00:51:50.000 And then you ban corporate contributions, you ban Big contributions above 250.
00:51:59.000 You get all the interest group and lobby money out of the system and try to restore what I would call citizen governance in America rather than what we have today, which is the permanent political class that's so deeply burrowed in in the beltway in Washington.
00:52:22.000 Yeah, I mean, that obviously is the solution we should be striving for.
00:52:28.000 The problem is, the big problem is the Supreme Court decision in 2010 and Citizens United that equates political contributions with, gives, endows them with First Amendment protections as free speech, which no other country in the world looks at, you know, money, which is just legalized bribery as speech.
00:52:51.000 I agree, but you know, that's why it calls attention to the fact that this is hard.
00:52:56.000 We need a constitutional amendment to liberate our election system, our political system, from the money and interest group and crony capitalist politics that dominate today.
00:53:11.000 To overcome that Citizens United decision, there's no way around it.
00:53:16.000 You need a constitutional amendment.
00:53:18.000 And so I say, let's try to figure out what needs to go in that amendment to fundamentally, you know, reshape and reset government in America, put it in that amendment, and then move it through the system, because I think the public is ready for it.
00:53:35.000 And I would do too.
00:53:36.000 You may be right.
00:53:37.000 You may be right.
00:53:38.000 I mean, you may be right.
00:53:40.000 Of course, the lobbying against it.
00:53:42.000 Would be enormous, but I agree with you.
00:53:46.000 Because our republic can't survive if it's just run by, you know, corporate.
00:53:52.000 And it changed our whole capitalist system.
00:53:55.000 So everybody is now profiteering.
00:53:58.000 I mean, government has become a profit center for business.
00:54:01.000 Absolutely.
00:54:02.000 Absolutely.
00:54:02.000 It is the profit center on Wall Street.
00:54:05.000 I mean, the Fed is enabling the worst behavior and You have an entire sector of the economy that is now, instead of looking at production figures and demand figures, they're looking at what the Fed is going to do next.
00:54:20.000 Exactly.
00:54:22.000 You know, as I said, the Fed has become a total captive of Wall Street.
00:54:28.000 Pricing in the stock market or the financial asset market generally is based on the last wink and nod From when Paul has his presser after a monthly meeting, and they're trying to figure out what he's saying between the lines, and that's what's driving the market.
00:54:47.000 That is totally crazy.
00:54:50.000 It's terrible.
00:54:52.000 Yeah, but to go back, I know it's a tall order.
00:54:56.000 It's sort of like the mice who decide they'd be safe if they put a bell on the cat's neck.
00:55:03.000 And the problem is they never figured out how to do it.
00:55:06.000 But there is got to be a way to do a constitutional amendment.
00:55:09.000 And while you're at it, not only do you override Citizen United, not only do you make public finance, you know, legal and constitutional, but I would put term limits on public office as well.
00:55:23.000 Six years for the House, six years for the Senate, one six-year term for president.
00:55:28.000 Nobody runs for re-election.
00:55:31.000 And I want to tell you, I was an incumbent, I know.
00:55:34.000 And the minute we got elected every two years, we'd hold a meeting.
00:55:37.000 The morning after to decide how to raise money for the next election.
00:55:41.000 And as long as that's what's driving the system, we're going to end up with uniparty dominance, which is basically incumbent self-perpetuation.
00:55:53.000 After all, what did the Republican Party under McConnell stand for today that's that much different than the Democratic Party under, you know, Schumer from New York?
00:56:04.000 The answer is they're both machines to raise money to elect incumbents.
00:56:09.000 Once you get beyond that, it's hard to know why they're there.
00:56:13.000 So we need to deal with the incumbency system.
00:56:16.000 We need to deal with money in politics.
00:56:18.000 We need to deal with With this massive dominance of interest groups and capture of government agencies, including the Federal Reserve, by self-benefiting interest groups, in this case Wall Street.
00:56:33.000 Yeah, I need to be convinced on term limits because I don't think that that's the...
00:56:39.000 The panacea, I think.
00:56:40.000 The new guys get captured by their staff and by, you know, the bureaucracy because they don't know their way around Washington.
00:56:47.000 And certainly in California, it hasn't freed them from, you know, corporate influence where they do have widespread term limits.
00:56:55.000 But we can leave that for another time.
00:56:58.000 Sure.
00:56:59.000 Let me ask about BRICS. What do you see happening with BRICS? How big a threat is it to the US economy and to our economic model?
00:57:10.000 By the way, I share all of your worries about the Fed.
00:57:16.000 The Fed is also what funds the war machine.
00:57:20.000 Fiat currency was invented to fund wars, and a war machine would stop overnight.
00:57:26.000 If the Fed wasn't there to fund it, the Fed also, the policies are designed to move wealth upward, increase these giant disparities of wealth that completely destabilize our democracy, and to do a lot of everything that comes out of the Fed is pretty bad, all of the ultimate impacts of it.
00:57:46.000 And we have to figure out how to restore sovereignty over the Fed to the public and how to ensure transparency.
00:57:54.000 There's no transparency and the kind of voodoo that these Merlins on Wall Street cook up and pretend that it's actual economic science, but other than just a formula for shifting wealth upward.
00:58:09.000 But talk about BRICS for a second.
00:58:11.000 BRICS, you mean the developing economies of the world?
00:58:15.000 Is that what you mean?
00:58:16.000 Well, the economies where they're switching off the petroleum dollar.
00:58:20.000 Yeah, yeah.
00:58:21.000 You know, the threat to the U.S. dollar is the global reserve currency.
00:58:26.000 Yeah, you know, the issue on the dollar, I look at it this way.
00:58:31.000 The dollar is probably the cleanest dirty shirt in the laundry room.
00:58:36.000 In other words, yes, we are printing all this money.
00:58:40.000 The Fed is kind of a rogue agency.
00:58:42.000 But if you look at the ECB or the Bank of England, or if you look at the People's Bank of China, or especially the Central Bank of Japan, I mean, they have gone nuts printing money and monetizing the debt.
00:58:55.000 So I don't think in the near term there is an issue.
00:59:01.000 of the reserve currency because we really don't have a reserve currency.
00:59:05.000 I know they all call that and that's the conventional wisdom but a reserve currency actually worked At a time when there was a link to gold.
00:59:16.000 And in the 30s, the British pound was a reserve currency, so people didn't want to hold governments, central banks didn't want to hold gold bullion.
00:59:25.000 They would hold sterling, and the Bank of England was willing to convert it reliably as promised.
00:59:33.000 Then they obviously defaulted on that in 1931.
00:59:38.000 The economy fell apart.
00:59:40.000 They recreated That kind of system with the dollar at Bretton Woods in 1944.
00:59:45.000 So for a few decades, the dollar was a reserve currency that could be used in lieu of maintaining your reserve assets in gold bullion.
00:59:57.000 And then we got into the mid-60s, late 60s, guns and butter with Johnson.
01:00:03.000 The Vietnam disaster in our foreign accounts fell apart.
01:00:08.000 Nobody wanted all those dollars they were accumulating.
01:00:13.000 They couldn't get gold as promised because we closed the gold window with Nixon in 1970.
01:00:19.000 And now we've been kind of in a world of floating currencies that are a dirty float because every central bank is constantly intervening to try to peg their currency in a way that's favorable, you know, to their export industries or the domestic economy. to their export industries or the domestic economy.
01:00:37.000 So I'm not worried about reserve currency.
01:00:41.000 I'm worried about the fact that the Fed, as the leader of the gang of central banks, Across the planet is leading a race to the bottom by printing all this money and essentially forcing everybody else one way or another to do the same thing.
01:01:01.000 Because if Japan doesn't print or the ECB doesn't print, their exchange rates will go way up.
01:01:08.000 Local export industries will start screaming and the politicians will be all over the central bank and it won't work.
01:01:18.000 So what we need to do is start at the heart, at the seat of the problem.
01:01:24.000 The seat of the problem is the Fed as the leading central bank of the world.
01:01:29.000 And we need to, this is another whole discussion I think for another day, But the shorthand for it is we need to go back to a more modest central bank like the one that Carter Glass, and a lot of people know the name from Glass-Steagall, that Carter Glass actually designed when he was chairman of the banking committee in 1913.
01:01:54.000 In the House and wrote the statute that set up the Federal Reserve in 1914.
01:02:01.000 And basically, that remit, that charter said the Fed is to act as a last resort source of liquidity to the banking system at a penalty rate of interest above whatever the market is setting.
01:02:17.000 It wasn't in the business of targeting precise inflation or targeting The precise levels of full employment.
01:02:25.000 It wasn't in the business of keeping Wall Street happy.
01:02:29.000 In fact, the whole Fed was set up in 12 regional banks away from Wall Street because Carter Glass understood the danger of capture.
01:02:38.000 He knew that way back in 1913.
01:02:40.000 I think that's pretty interesting.
01:02:41.000 We're a century later and we're still discovering the wisdom of Carter Glass.
01:02:47.000 But if we went back to a kind of notion, and I've written about this, that put the Fed in a very passive role of only providing liquidity at a penalty cost in a financial crisis, we wouldn't have these problems.
01:03:04.000 The market would be pricing Economic growth.
01:03:08.000 It would be pricing profit outlooks.
01:03:11.000 It would be pricing all of the to and fro and ebb and flow of real economic life on Main Street, not what Jay Powell and his merry band are likely to do at the next meeting.
01:03:25.000 We need to get the Fed out of all this activism, out of When the Fed is in the canyons of Wall Street, I say, cheek by jowl with all the traders and all the gamblers and speculators down on Wall Street, It is inevitably captured by all those good folks down there.
01:03:48.000 We need to get it out of Wall Street.
01:03:50.000 We need to get it out of the markets.
01:03:52.000 We need to put it back into the role of a backup to the banking system.
01:03:57.000 And if we could make that change, and it would be possible even under current statutes, it would make a world of difference.
01:04:04.000 All right, David Stockman, new book, His Trump's War on Capitalism, his blog, which I urge you to read.
01:04:12.000 It's a magical experience to read it every week.
01:04:18.000 It's called Contra Corner.
01:04:20.000 And what else do people need to know about you, Dave?
01:04:24.000 David and I have the same publisher, Tony Lyons, as Skyworks.
01:04:30.000 Yeah, that's where you can find our book, your great books.
01:04:33.000 And I can tell you, I was really enlightened back when your book on Fauci came out.
01:04:39.000 It was a tremendous book.
01:04:41.000 I think what we have to do, because we've learned from that, if we get the information out, the public event we can get through.
01:04:49.000 Now, there's all this effort at canceling voices and censorship and All the nonsense that went on in Silicon Valley and so forth.
01:04:58.000 But I think we're beginning to break through that.
01:05:01.000 I think the public is slowly beginning to wake up.
01:05:05.000 And so we all have to just keep working on it and try to inform the public about what the realities are.
01:05:14.000 David Stockman, thank you so much for joining me.
01:05:17.000 And I look forward to our next conversation.
01:05:20.000 Very good.
01:05:21.000 Great to be with you.