Episode 12 - Working on Legislation Revising Section 230, Trump Deprives Pelosi of FISA Votes, America First Foreign Policy
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Summary
Trump kills FISA reform, John Roberts questions the timetable for our troops to return home from Afghanistan, and President Trump says he wants to bring our troops home within 19 years. Hot Takes is a podcast by Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-GA) covering hot takes from the world of politics and current events.
Transcript
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Welcome to Hot Takes. This is Congressman Matt Gaetz. Let's talk about the news. And the
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big news is that President Trump has killed FISA reform with a tweet. He writes,
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I hope all Republican House members vote no on FISA until such time as our country is able to
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determine how and why the greatest political, criminal, and subversive scandal in U.S. history
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took place. So President Trump depriving Nancy Pelosi of the Republican votes she would need
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to pass these reforms. And I'm glad, you know, if you listened to yesterday's podcast, I really go
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back and describe the basket of reforms that was initially discussed with the White House when
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Mick Mulvaney was chief of staff. Mark Meadows has been a champion for reforming this process
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as a congressman and now as chief of staff, I think is only in a better perch to man that fight. And
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I would like to see far more extensive reforms than what was passed out of the Senate. But it was it
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was just Richard Burr and Rand Paul voting no out of the Senate. I think every other Republican voted
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for it. You know, Burr wanted fewer reforms. Paul wanted more reforms. I said I wasn't voting for
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it because I was of the Rand Paul view that a lot more needed to be done. Hours later,
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the president kills FISA reform. It remains important to hold people accountable who are
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involved in Obama-Biden gate and the Russia hoax that distracted our country. And here's the
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president from Rose Garden maintaining his vigor and his just absolute determination to find out
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the truth. Greatest hoax in the history of our country. And it was an illegal hoax and a very
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dangerous hoax. And a lot of bad things have been found out about Mueller and the gang.
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So I would like to hear that conversation. Yeah, I would like to hear it personally. So
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whatever they want me to do, I'll do. I think Rick Grinnell has done an incredible job.
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And things are happening now that I always knew this was the answer. This was a an attempted coup
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by a bunch of dirty cops and others. These are dirty cops, dishonest slime bags.
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Let's do better and make sure that we build a system worthy of either political party being
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in power and not tempted to use the intelligence process that is supposed to protect all of us
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to try to gain political advantage one way or the other. I broke it down on yesterday's podcast,
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go take a listen. But President Trump apparently agreeing with the analysis,
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Rand Paul leading the way, we'll do better, protect individual liberties,
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and ensure that no president has to go through what President Trump did.
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We talked a lot about foreign policy on yesterday's episode. And then we saw
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John Roberts asked the president a question about the timetable for a return home from Afghanistan.
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Here's John Roberts and the president's fantastic answer.
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Mr. President, is it your intention to bring American forces home from Afghanistan by Thanksgiving
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Day? And is the Pentagon drawing up plans to that effect?
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Well, I think everyone knows we're down to less than 8,000 troops. We're with leadership in many
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different fields and in many different parts of of that country. We're with we're dealing with the
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Taliban. We're dealing with the president. The president now has gotten themselves straightened
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out with the two presidents. But we're dealing with because they had, as you know, they had competing
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factors and factions. Yeah, I think we want to get within 19 years. We're really not acting as soldiers.
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We're acting as police. And we're not sent over there to be policemen. But within 19 years.
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And yeah, I think that's enough. And they understand that we're having very positive talks. We want to
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bring our soldiers back home. We want to bring them back home. And we're not only talking about there,
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we're talking about other countries also. We bring our soldiers back home. We can always go back if
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we have to. If we have to go back, we'll go back and we'll go back raging. And then we'll go back as
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warriors, fighters. But right now we're policing. And we're not meant to be a police force. We're meant
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to be a fighting force. So again, you can hear my response back and forth to both sides of the argument
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on yesterday's episode. But I thought the president laid it out perfectly. You heard the president
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mentioned Syria, and I am so glad he did. In Syria, you remember, John, on the border,
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when I took the soldiers out of the border, everyone said, oh, that's so terrible. Well,
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I spoke to President Erdogan yesterday of Turkey. The border's been fined without us.
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They've been policing their border for 2,000 years. All of a sudden, we had thousands of soldiers
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there doing their work. For what? Guarding Syria and Turkey on a border, a very long border?
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No, we want our troops back home. We took them out. That was a year ago. I was criticized. Nothing
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happened, except they're watching their own borders now. We kept the oil. But at some point,
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we'll take care of the Kurds with respect to the oil and get out. I was disappointed, though,
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in many of my Republican colleagues, a majority, in fact, who joined with Democrats in a resolution
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condemning the president's action to remove our country functionally from the Syrian civil war to
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get us off this border where armies of tens of thousands have been fighting each other for like
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100 years. And I was the only Republican in Congress who took to the floor to defend the president's
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actions. In fact, the Republican that was managing the time, Chairman McCaul, for our side,
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he was actually arguing with the Democrats. He was one of the sponsors of the resolution
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condemning the president. But here was my argument back when the president took the action in Syria
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If Turkey is not acting like a NATO ally, perhaps the sensible solution is to remove Turkey from NATO
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rather than keeping the United States inserted in Syria, presumably forever. This is why I oppose
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this resolution. I've heard my colleagues say we should not leave Syria without a strategy. Perhaps it
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is equally logical that we should not stay in Syria without a strategy, because in Syria, we have
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tens of Americans stuck between armies of tens of thousands who have been fighting each other for
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hundreds of years and who will likely be fighting each other hundreds of years from now. Our mission to
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deprive ISIS of caliphate land has largely been accomplished with the help of the Kurds and with over
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$9 billion being paid to the Kurds. The Kurds have been fighting bravely where they live, but they have been
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trained, funded, and equipped by the United States. And we cannot accept the proposition that if we
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support a group of people because our interests align in one case, that this somehow morally binds our
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country to every conflict that they have past, present, or future. To do this would constrain the
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utility of America's future alliances, not strengthen them. The blood of America's patriots is among our
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nation's most sacred currency, and it must be spent only when absolutely vital to protect American
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interests. We are not the world's police force. We are not the world's piggy bank. I support an America
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first policy on a foreign policy, and I oppose this resolution. I yield back. We have spilled so much
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blood, so much treasure, and it is nice to see a president wanting to have our best people here in our
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country contributing to their families and their communities and our resources committed to the
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successes of all Americans. We do not have an America first objective in some of these countries
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where we have extensive troop presence, and it's great to see the president share that view that
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foreign policy restraint can do a great deal more to advance the interests of our country.
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Twitter yet again is choosing to enter the political fray as a fact checker now, indicating that on
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President Trump's tweets they are going to provide their analysis of whether or not they believe the
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content of those tweets to be true, and it really is quite something. I agree with Donald Trump Jr.'s
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analysis. How about Twitter go and review all those blue checkmark folks who were saying that there was
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collusion with Russia, you know, that the president was going to be indicted, that his son was going to
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jail. You know, all that turned out to be nonsense, and none of that was fact checked. But now that we're
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coming up on the election, now that coronavirus has impacted the way that we can gather, and obviously the
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Trump campaign can assemble and gather an energy that we didn't really see in the Biden campaign, and so
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digitally we see the stakes higher than they've ever been. More and more I think that the way
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communication is going to occur will involve an enhanced digital element. And President Trump has
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a number of people across America onboarded onto his digital platforms, whether it's Twitter, Facebook,
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his web platform, people who get his emails. And so it is an important question not of politics,
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but of policy. Are we going to continue to treat entities like Twitter, like Facebook, like Google,
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as unbiased platforms? Or are they going to take on more the role of a news organization,
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an aggregator, someone who is creating, enhancing, limiting various content? And the initial play from
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Twitter seems to be that they're not merely going to provide a place for people to share their ideas.
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They're going to add their analysis to those ideas, whether you like them or not.
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And we're perhaps left to wonder whether or not that's going to impact who sees them, and when they
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see them, and how frequently they see them. If you go and Google my name, Matt Gaetz, and Twitter and
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Vice News, we'll throw it up on our social media after the podcast posts, you'll see that four members of
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Congress during the heat of battle in the Russia hoax were shadow banned by Twitter. Devin Nunes,
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Mark Meadows, Jim Jordan, and Matt Gaetz. When Vice News first reported this, I initially had to
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actually go and explain to Jim Jordan and Mark Meadows what shadow banning was. It was not something
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they were familiar with. They believed if they put out content, it would be treated equally to other
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content. And so Twitter puts out this statement that says, oh, well, it was a bug. It was a glitch
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in our system. So I mean, does anyone really believe that? I mean, does anyone believe that
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during the Russia hoax, the only four members of Congress that happened to receive this particular
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bug or this particular treatment were myself, Meadows, Jordan, and Nunes? I mean, come on.
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And so I guess when whoever Twitter decided to do that, I guess they didn't count on Mark Meadows
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becoming the chief of staff at the White House one day. And I suspect that now Mark is far more
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educated on the subject, having himself been a victim than had he not been. And I think he's got
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a unique perspective that will help advise the president. We see reporting coming out that the
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administration and the president are considering assembling thought leaders to go over what actions
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could be helpful in dealing with these online platforms. And I want to get into that policy
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analysis now. A lot of people don't know that Facebook and Twitter, you know, these entities,
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like you see Twitter, disadvantaging the president, they enjoy liability protections that are not enjoyed
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by your local newspaper or your local TV station or Fox News or CNN or MSNBC. They have special benefits
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under Section 230 of the Communication Decency Act as digital platforms. You see,
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because they're not creating content for which they should be liable. They're not making decisions
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about content. They're simply saying, come one, come all with your content. And as a consequence of
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that, they're getting a bunch of protections. Well, now it really begs the question with what Twitter's
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doing. Do they deserve that? Do they deserve it? And I would suggest that they don't. I mean,
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let's look first at what the Trump campaign said. This statement comes from the Trump campaign,
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Brad Parscale. We always knew that Silicon Valley would pull out all the stops to obstruct and
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interfere with President Trump getting his message through voters. Partnering with these biased fake
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news media fact checkers is only a smokescreen Twitter is using to try to lend their obvious
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political tactics some false credibility. There are many reasons the Trump campaign pulled all of our
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advertising from Twitter months ago, and their clear political bias is one of them. Again,
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that's a statement from Brad Parscale. Now, I don't think this is good for our country,
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for our politics, regardless of how you feel about a particular campaign. That is newsworthy in that it
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is an allegation that this is not legally a platform. And so I am currently working with my Republican
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colleagues on the Judiciary Committee to draft legislation to say that if you are going to
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opine as to the truth or falsity of that which is put on your platform for the sake of its viewers,
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you do not get the protections of Section 230. You are not a platform. You are doing something else.
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You are editorializing. And thus, if Twitter is going to, you know, fact check President Trump,
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well, you know, that really begs the question who those fact checkers are. And if there are groups
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of people that have shown bias against the president, if they're the same folks who told us
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that the president was a Russian agent, then I think that, you know, the American people are being
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deprived of the opportunity to hear directly from their president. And so I'm not favoring a special
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attack on Twitter as a consequence of their action. But I do think that what they're doing ripens
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this real question in the law. And that is, should a digital platform that advances or, you know,
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has some discriminatory effect on content that is posted, you know, should they get liability
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protections that are not provided others that are making those types of editorial-based decisions?
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I say no special carve-out in our law for big tech. I am currently working with House Judiciary
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members to revise Section 230 so that we do not have this type of election interference from companies
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like Twitter going forward. Are U.S. big tech companies going China first and selling out to
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America's biggest competitor? CNBC's Arun Karpal has a good write-up on this comprehensive report
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by Top10VPN. And it really ripens this question that I want to talk about on the podcast.
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U.S. technology companies, are they really going to be able to do business here and also do business
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for the Chinese Communist Party? I mean, are we okay with an open relationship with U.S. technology
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companies, with our government, our country, our market, and the Chinese Communist Party? Or would we
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prefer monogamy with the way things are going, with critical infrastructure and technology and
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communication being so central to who is going to win the 21st century? Are we cool with those U.S. tech
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companies engaging in this type of work for China that I'm going to talk about? And whether we decide
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we want the monogamy or the open relationship, I think we at least need to have the talk. And so here
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in this Top10VPN report, we learn that in the Xinjiang province, we have a hotbed of some of the most
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egregious human rights abuses. Uyghurs, other ethnic minorities. I mean, they've got 1.5 million people
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in concentration camps. They call them re-education camps, but they're essentially
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concentration camps. And how are they able to keep 1.5 million people locked up, rounded up and locked
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up? I can't even keep my boomer parents from going to the grocery store during the coronavirus,
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even though I'm like half an hour away and have told them I will go whenever they want me to.
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China's able to get the job done because they have a high-intensity surveillance regime.
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Facial recognition, identity checks, retinal scans. I mean, China is one of the leading investors in
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the world in the technology that's even going to surveil our genetics. I mean, why do you think
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that Chinese companies like TikTok and Zoom deploy here to be able to gather information? We talked
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about the dual-use technology with Chinese drones on a prior episode. Matter of fact, episode 10,
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we talked about how China buys off US politicians. Now we're seeing potentially how they buy off US
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tech companies. And so they've got these intense surveillance systems and the CCP has developed a
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regime and a protocol around using technology as a tool of repression. And that's really something
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important for Americans to think about and orient to because I think for a lot of us, technology,
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we don't view that as like our government repressing us. In a lot of ways, technology liberates us. It
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liberates us to have a car come pick us up wherever we are or have something delivered to us that we no
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longer have to go get or communicate with someone in an easier and more efficient way than we had before.
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So we view technology almost as a tool of liberation, but that is very much not the case in
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joyless China. In China, you've got technology fused with the government in a way to hurt people
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and keep them confined and keep them from speaking out. And so with technology playing that role,
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you know, you really have to ask yourself, are we okay with the results of this top 10 VPN report
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that tell us that Amazon, Microsoft, Google, Norton, Twitter, Facebook, I mean, these US companies
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that you know, providing websites, email, content, authentication, different companies doing
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different things sort of within that that collage of services. And, you know, would we would we have
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been okay with, you know, US companies engaging in, you know, the back end build out for communist Russia,
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for the Soviet Union? Probably not. But with these tech companies, you know, that the argument was,
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well, if we engage China with US companies, and they get used to the flow of US capital,
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of US investment structures, of Western marketplaces, that that will draw China into the modern world.
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But if the reality has not been that, if anything, China is more, I think, in a period of reversion to
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their their most dangerous nationalism. But instead of technology having this this effect that we were
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told that would it would have by all the free trade pro China crowd, the technologies that we have
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developed in our country are being used to create more efficient systems in China for them to repress
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their people. And I mean, look at how they're treating their own their own people, these Uyghurs and
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other minorities in their country. I mean, heck, those are their neighbors. Those are the people
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they live with. You know, if China took control, how do you think they'd treat people from a far away
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land? You know, how do you think they'd treat us if they had total control over us? I hope we never
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have to get to that, that world. And that's one reason why I think that we've really got to have an
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honest discussion in this country about what constitutes critical technology and critical
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knowledge that we don't want to export. I mean, there are certain elements of our defense supply
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chain that we do not allow to be sold to foreign entities. And frankly, China, China's already trying
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to violate that enough. But should we view tech companies the same way? And are we cool with the
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open relationship? Because that's what we have now. And I think there are a lot of Americans that would
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have more monogamy with our own company in these circumstances. And it's really rich that like
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Democrats spent years and tens of millions of dollars, and they got all of America in this
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big uproar over Russia interfering in our election supposedly to hurt people. But then their big tech
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donors are interfering to help an oppressive regime like China overseas. And there doesn't seem to be
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as much a pushback against China from the left. And so I hope that with President Trump really
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understanding China in, I think, the most complete way of any American president during my lifetime,
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that we'll certainly see the role that US technologies can play in assuring that we reassert ourselves
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and meet China with with the clarity and with the sense of purpose that the challenge requires.
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