John C. Calhoun's Disquisition on Government | Guest: Ryan Turnipseed | 7⧸16⧸25
Episode Stats
Length
1 hour and 1 minute
Words per Minute
186.69272
Summary
In this episode, we discuss the life of John C. Calhoun, better known as the first Vice President of the United States, and the author of the famous tract, The Theory of Government, a tract on political theory written by a man who served as a vice president for multiple presidents, served as secretary of war and served as Secretary of State, and was a congressman. On top of all that, he also wrote a very important relatively short and easy to read tract on politics, political theory. Unfortunately, this proud son of South Carolina is often passed over in the history books, which is very confusing given his amazing achievements.
Transcript
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hey everybody how's it going thanks for joining me this afternoon i've got a great stream with a
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great guest that i think you're really going to enjoy john c calhoun has an amazing history he is
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somebody who served as a vice president for multiple presidents he served as secretary of war
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back when that was what it was called he served as secretary of state he was a senator he was a
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congressman this is a guy who was a true american statesman and on top of all of this he also wrote
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a very important relatively short and easy to read tract on politics political theory what makes up
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the american system in his eyes unfortunately this proud son of south carolina is often passed over
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in the history books which is very confusing given his level of achievement i think a lot of it has
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to do with also his possible support of a peculiar institution that is often considered the deepest
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sin in the united states but i think if we disqualified everybody who in some way participated or defended
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that institution we would lose a large and important part of our history so joining me today to discuss
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john c calhoun and his disquisition on government is ryan turnip seed thanks for joining me man thank you
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very much for having me back it's always a pleasure absolutely america's finest young historian i can do the
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tucker thing and just be like an eminent historian but perhaps the greatest historian who has ever graced
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anyone under the age of 30 uh so ryan and i are going to be delving into the background behind calhoun
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why he's such an important figure why he gets ignored and what he actually said about government
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theory about political theory in this tract but before we do guys let's hear from today's sponsor
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dot com slash oran bank on yourself dot com slash oran all right guys so like i said we'll just lay out
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the basics first of john c calhoun like i said very accomplished in many different areas this is a guy
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who started out as a uh representative in uh congress for south carolina his home uh he then
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became the vice president for both john quincy adams and then andrew jackson making him i believe the only
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man to serve as two consecutive vice presidents for two consecutive administrations uh he came to a head
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with uh jackson over the issue of uh uh annulment or sorry what uh escaping me um it was a nullification
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was the nullification thank you yes he yeah they came to a a large amount of conflict with his own
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president over the issue of nullification which i'm sure we will be getting into as we discuss his idea
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of the concurrent majority uh when he left he resigned the vice presidency went back and became a senator
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for his state and again he also remember served as a secretary of war and a secretary of uh state so
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this is again a very accomplished guy who also happened to be well read when it and an understanding
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of political theory now ryan you said you wanted to lay out at the beginning of this tract you know his
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understanding of how governments come about because it's also very much tied to his background to the
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people that settled in his area of the country so could you add a little bit about his background
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uh from his lineage and how that might affect his theory of governance yes so um this is a i'm going
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to be relying on the uh albion seed thesis this idea that uh the people that settled the english colonies
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depending on where they came from in england uh had differing ideas cultures and societies um john c calhoun
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was born in the interior of south carolina in the abbeville district far from the coast
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he was born to a presbyterian family so fiercely independent came from a or was uh settled in a
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region that was populated by borderers and scots-irish very independent clannish people in the sense that
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they had a sort of honor culture uh they they operated by an extended family unit it was a very fierce
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honor-driven culture very independent very low church sort of fiery um however they weren't
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backwards uh a lot of uh a lot of our great statesmen from this period of time which calhoun
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was operating in so uh the early uh 19th century early to mid uh came from this sort of culture
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uh as i've hopefully emphasized enough here it was honor-based so they had a very sort of dismal view
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of politics politics was a very personal thing uh it was also somewhat violent uh so if someone
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slighted another person uh there was a there was a debt to be repaid justice had to be administered
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and it wasn't necessarily by the government it was by the family uh that was that was slighted
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um so in calhoun's disquisition uh when he's trying to derive what is the government where does it come
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from he says that people have personal uh i forget the specific phrasing they basically have personal
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wants and desires uh which sort of override any social want and desire this causes people to come
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into great conflict so you can sort of see from his background why that might be uh bleeding into his
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ideas about government uh and therefore calhoun says the government exists in a society uh to prevent
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these personal wants and desires from causing such conflict with other people uh such that we can have
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a society develop uh and live in some sort of harmony so that was a i figured that would be a
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good point to make uh regarding his background calhoun's ideas weren't uh idiosyncratic in the slightest they
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very much represent uh specific people in a specific part of this country that came over from a specific
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place uh in great britain yeah and that's really important because again and if you have the opportunity
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ryan your mic seems to have gotten a little quieter so if you have any way to increase the gain a little
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bit that'd be helpful but it's very important because people often look at kind of our current
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narrative about the founders and they act as if these are the only understandings of how government
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could be formed or the different values involved we have a very uh edited narrative a unified narrative
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of a process that was not exactly unified among the different peoples and areas inside the united states
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for instance calhoun openly rejects the idea of a state of nature like a lockian or hobbesian
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state of nature as you say he does see government as solving these conflicting problems but he understands
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people as being born in a particular tradition with particular social uh uh structures and uh
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understandings folkways all these things already baked in already giving them preferences already giving
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them a a interest that needs to be voiced and checked in the wider body politic and so he rejects this
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idea that people just kind of pop into existence without any kind of bonds or structures or pre-existing
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loyalties and understandings instead he recognizes that society begins in as you point out for him in kind
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of these clannish understandings and we need to mitigate the different uh disagreements the different
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conflicts between these interest groups while maintaining the voice and the interest of these
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interest groups and that's really critical for calhoun because getting into his understanding of written
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constitutions i want to be clear calhoun ultimately does believe in the written constitution he is not
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someone who says uh you should only have unwritten constitutions or written constitutions are the
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problem however he starts out pointing to the weaknesses or the limitations of a written
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constitution and one of the things he points out is basically something that you and i have been
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beating in people's heads on a regular basis constitutions don't enforce themselves they're they're just
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written reflections of what the people believe and so the words on the paper never stop anyone the thing
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that stops government the thing that stops government overreach that limits and to be clear calhoun
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is concerned very much about overreach of government the thing that limits the overreach of government for calhoun
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are these structures are these social structures that we are born into these interest groups that we
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represent the constitution can reflect our desire to include those instagram in uh those interest groups
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in the conversation to give them the power to check government but ultimately if those interest groups do
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not exist if we do not have those identities those uh those social identities those regional identities
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those priorities that defend us against the wider government then the written word of the constitution itself
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won't stop anything and so even though someone like he and joseph de maestra probably
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you know significantly differ on the role of written constitutions and you know democracies versus monarchies
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these things they would agree along with guys like uh bertrade juvenile on the idea that it is the social
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sphere it is the different competing uh interests inside the society that actually restrict government
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and that the constitution itself is only a reflection of the necessity of consulting these different groups
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it won't itself ever stop the overreach of government if that moment comes
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right exactly and uh towards our side i think something that gets overlooked is that uh the fact that the
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constitution doesn't enforce itself it requires actual action uh that doesn't necessarily invalidate
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the constitution you can solve good and bad constitutions which uh is well if we didn't believe
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that that's uh we wouldn't be talking about calhoun right now because a good chunk of this book is him
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talking about what makes a good or a bad constitution so this is a um something that uh a little bit of
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inside baseball but something i think that our side kind of loses in the memes and the uh uh sort of
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small ideas that get passed around online um is that uh constitutions require action to enforce
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uh but you can still definitely have better or worse constitutions better or forms worse uh better or
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worse forms of government so that was a uh something that i've been seeing a little bit that i've uh
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think maybe there's a little bit of excess there but yeah hopefully hopefully this uh disquisition can
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provide a little bit of a temperament to both both sides yeah and that is really important i i appreciate
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you bringing that up because look obviously for a very long time the right and especially kind of
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mainstream conservatives have believed that the document itself is holy and has like a magical power
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to restrain government just because the words were written down on the paper somehow and so a lot of
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our effort has been to explain to people no power is real and documents themselves don't stop power
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and so you need to grasp that power is something that's acting behind these documents and it's not
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just about following the document to the letter of the law itself however there is an overcorrection
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there and this is something i have also pushed back against which says naked power is all that matters
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and that's all that's operating and and the and the documents are all fake it's all it's all just a
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scream and this is why i'm always going back to gaetano mosca and the political formula because the
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political formula is a recognition that power is real and also fills in and informs to the shared
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beliefs and institutions of the society these are both true simultaneously and so it's important to
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strike the balance between saying the constitution is a holy document with the power to enforce itself
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and you don't need to do anything because ultimately the founders wrote down how the government works and
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that's how the government works gosh darn it and you don't need to worry about anything else or
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it's all power it's all some great man grabbing power that's all that matters you can do whatever
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you want once you have the power these things are are both wrong in the middle sits the truth that
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power has to act uh and will act and will seek to expand itself but it will always do so within some
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shared understanding of how it should be distributed and if you if you don't address both ends of this
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problem you will miss out on something critical so i am absolutely glad that you pointed that out now
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the way that calhoun tries to break down as we kind of alluded to previously the way he tries to break
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down the differences between good and bad constitutions is those of the numerical majority
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and those of the concurrent majority now to be clear calhoun is ultimately a believer in constitutionally
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restricted republican-esque governments right this is something that he believes in he's not somebody
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who's a you know a constitution not enjoyer right he doesn't discard it however he says the difference
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between a numerical and a concurrent majority is the the numerical majority is just rule by the mob
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rule by the masses right there's uh and we'll get into all the different problems that he has with this
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but why don't you lay out the difference between the rule of the masses and what he calls a concurrent
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majority right so it's a the rule of the masses should be simple that's baked into american political
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thought most people get taught that in a halfway decent uh class but basically it's this uh idea that
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uh just a strict numerical majority rules on things uh calhoun uh is very fond of describing the country
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in terms of sections and consolidation uh so what calhoun is most concerned with in this book
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is that certain sections have a numerical majority over others they can impose their will on the country
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consolidate it we'll get to that later the consolidation part uh but ultimately it destroys the uh
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the polity uh it results in one side being marginalized and abused uh taxed the other side consuming the
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other uh one side consuming the other side basically um and this is sort of like the natural progression
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of a government uh at least in a democracy uh calhoun uh seems to be very familiar with aristotelian
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arguments this man from the back country uh is a very uh very learned thinker uh at least he's picked
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that up somewhere uh whereas you have the concurrent majority and what the concurrent majority is is
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basically that all sides should be able to have their opinion heard and acted upon and if one side uh
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uh feels that they are being tyrannized basically uh they do not concur and therefore the majority does
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not exist uh this is a that's a little bit of a basic way of putting it obviously if you want the
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full argument you can read the book yourself uh but this is why calhoun was such a strong proponent of
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things like nullification uh selective enforcement of laws depending on what the people on the on the
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state level wanted is because that's a way for different sections basically to say they don't want to go
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along with this and that forces the rest of the country to acknowledge the other sides regardless
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of their numerical superiority uh so that all interests are taken into account um all sides are
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not being tyrannized they're sort of like it's almost a unanimity principle uh but in the other
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direction it's basically uh you get to say no instead of you assent yes it's a uh but sort of in the
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collection of states way uh we'll get more into the federal national stuff later but that's a
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my basic understanding and that really puts him more in the tradition of an articles of the
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confederation than it does the current constitution right the idea that most if not all of the states
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needed to agree uh simultaneously for the government to really do anything was something that was often
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listed as a weakness of the articles of confederation if you've ever taught a civics class like i have in
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history if if you if if they bother to talk about the articles of confederation at all this is one
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of the weaknesses that they will list but of course that weakness is exactly what calhoun is looking for
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because he doesn't want the government to be able to run rough shot over the different states he truly
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comes from this much more classical understanding that was much more prevalent early on that it was
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these united states it was a set of states each with their own high level of sovereignty ascending to be
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part of a collective republic but ultimately retaining a large amount of control in their
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areas and this concurrent majority meant that there really had to be a a wide agreement on a particular
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issue to force all of the states simultaneously to invest in it and for calhoun this is very important
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because the differences between the north and the south are very obvious from the beginning in many
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ways uh we can we can even talk about today's conflicts within the country as an echo of this
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constant conflict between the interests of the south and the interests of the north and the way that they
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wanted to live their lives very early on the south was very interested in this more agrarian uh this this
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more yeoman understanding you know the yeoman farmer he's the one who's really operating as the true
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american he's self-sustaining he can defend himself as part of the militia he can raise his own food on
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his own farm he's the master of his own destiny as where the north really understood itself as a player
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in a global uh impossible global empire a situation where a large amount of manufacturing and trading
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meant that you were going to need to be part of a much more complicated system the idea that you would
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be operating on your own and providing everything on your own was not as important to the north as it
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was the south and this reflected itself very often in taxes right tariffs were considered something that
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protected northern manufacturing and businesses uh while in the south the need to trade away your
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agricultural production meant that you wanted freer trade allowed for a more advantageous uh situation for
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you and so the issue of tariffs which were don't forget you know before the income tax the main
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way that we funded the united states government was considered to be a policy that fell disproportionately
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on the south because the north benefited so heavily from them and this is where the nullification came
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in right this is this is where the big knockdown drag out where he had with his own president and
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even cast a vote against his own president uh uh ended up coming up so can can you talk a little
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bit about nullification and its important role in the concurrent majority idea well yes uh and before i get
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there just a little bit more on tariffs this is also why if you dig deep into the primary sources
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around this era um you come across what might look like an oxymoron today which is you'll have some
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people talk about a free trade tariff and that's because you had two conceptions of tariffs basically
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you had the conception of a tariff kind of like we do today in our current politics that tariffs are meant
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to protect industries make sure that we produce and export and other people buy from us and then you have
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the conception of a tariff which is just uh it's a means to collect money in the government that's uh
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acceptable basically out of all the other potential taxes so free trade tariffs were considered to be
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the least restrictive upon trade they only existed to bring in revenue for the government as as he said it
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was the basically the sole source of revenue for a long time in any meaningful sense so that might
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confuse people if anyone is so uh brave as to go read the primary sources from this time now uh i
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believe it was 1828 uh was the tariff of abominations i might have the year wrong uh but this was a this
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was a massive protective tariff and if i remember the story on it correctly i don't think it was actually
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meant to pass it was sort of as a it was like the uh the overshot form of a tariff where they threw in
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everything that they could possibly want to tariff on at as high a rate as possible with the expectation
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it would be brought down in congress some people sort of supported it as like uh look at how absurd
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this bill is we'll try to force them to live by it um basically it was a very unpopular bill uh even
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even in the north it was not excessively popular uh and they're the ones that usually benefit from
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tariffs uh being more industrialized and protectionist less agricultural uh anyways the tariff of
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abominations ends up passing uh and this is seen as like major one of the first major crises in the
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american republic's history first one being probably the war of 1812 that was a threat to national
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sovereignty and then you have this domestic crisis which is uh this extreme and almost draconian tariff act
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so one of the solutions that south carolina came up with was just that they would not enforce this
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this tariff anything that came into south carolina that should have the tariff collected on it south
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carolina is just not going to collect the tariff uh this is this is nullification south carolina thought
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that this tariff was uh unconstitutional against natural rights all of the usual things that you have
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heard in your american history class as to why america was a free and independent country after 1776
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um many people in the south thought this went against that uh south carolina acted upon this and calhoun
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was supportive uh eventually andrew jackson would uh force south carolina to abide by the tariff
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uh it would get amended later um but nullification is uh at least in mainstream historiography
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seemed to have lost this uh however something the mainstream doesn't account for is that the fact that
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the executive basically had to march into a state and force it to abide by the law uh was unpopular
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and it sort of brought to the national attention uh that nullification was a thing maybe it wasn't so
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bad um and this is uh this is right in line with calhoun's idea of the concurrent majority so as we were
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saying that the concurrent majority takes into it takes into account all sections of the country north and
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south in our case uh one of the ways to make known that one of the sections is unsatisfied but the
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unanimity of the sections is not being abided by is that one of the sections will just nullify whatever
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it is that the other one is trying to oppose upon it um so this is a one of the more confederal elements
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if you listen or if you read i should say calhoun in this book he describes himself as a federalist
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but in a way that almost sounds confederable uh confederal in the modern day uh he does not
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call himself a confederalist what he says is that the federal government is just the collection of
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all the states uh so that makes this uh nullification doctrine make more sense if a majority of states
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try to push through a law and tyrannize the others it would be a natural limit on their ability to do that
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if the other states could just not enforce the law so that's that's sort of how this would work
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anyone that would try to govern this uh federation of states would have to take into account all of
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the sectional interests just by necessity otherwise the law wouldn't get enforced that's the idea
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behind the concurrent majority it's a state a group of states idea uh and a sectional idea as well
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he's a trying to be a peacemaker this was this was a book i believe it was posthumously uh released
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in 1850 1851 i forget the year right in the lead up to the civil war
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sectionalism was a recognized uh ill in the country people thought it was going to tear it apart
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so this is calphoon trying to be the peacemaker we could all get along if we sort of reemphasize
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this idea of a sort of a federation as a collection of states and if we brought back nullification
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uh like this one time during the big crisis he was a part of which i'm sympathetic towards
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well and one and one of the reasons that he said ultimately you need mechanisms like this as
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opposed to just the idea of a numerical majority is the way is the dynamic between the tax uh consumers
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and the tax uh payers right that ultimately if you have this system where you are gleaning a large
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amount of tax revenue and the uh incentive is ultimately to basically find a way to free the
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people who are consuming the taxes from the desires or restraints of those that are contributing you're
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going to end up in this dynamic where people are constantly warring over control of the larger
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government so that they can reap the most benefits uh from themselves with the least amount of liability
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towards those that are actually paying the taxes and so the the one of the reasons the concurrent
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majority exists is so that everyone including the people who are paying the taxes has a real voice
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because those who are running the government those who are getting the government jobs those who are
00:26:12.380
in power they're going to be incentivized to silence the voices of those the interests of those that are
00:26:19.660
paying the taxes while maximizing their ability to consume them and so the the natural incentive
00:26:25.100
without these uh these different stop uh mechanisms these different uh competing interests that can uh
00:26:31.900
inside the current majority concurrent majority stand up and say no uh this is an undue burden upon
00:26:37.500
us without those mechanisms you're always going to see a maximization of uh of uh tax revenue from
00:26:44.060
the tax consumers and you're going to see a uh attacking or lessening of power of those that actually
00:26:51.100
end up paying the taxes something that i think we can see play out more and more today as we have
00:26:56.540
stripped out more and more levels right for calhoun the united states uh constitution already has some
00:27:05.420
level of the concurrent majority in it this is why he supports it right but we've gone through and stripped
00:27:11.260
out more and more aspects of it obviously the democrats want to get rid of the last few like the electoral
00:27:16.540
college and the senate uh in order to destroy any idea of the concurrent majority turn everything into
00:27:22.060
a numerical majority because they want to bring about exactly the situation that calhoun warned us
00:27:27.500
about right exactly and uh to draw it back to something that we brought up earlier um calhoun thinks that
00:27:35.020
this uh this uh numerical majority the reason this is so bad is uh not only just that it uh sort of
00:27:41.580
tyrannizes the taxpayers it gives the taxpayers uh this strong incentive to weaken the government
00:27:48.380
into what calhoun thinks is too weak because once again calhoun is not a strict confederalist he thinks
00:27:54.540
that the incentive of the taxpayers to destroy the government could lead it to too far into that
00:27:59.180
direction and the vice versa with the tax consumers um this is also what calhoun says is dividing the
00:28:07.100
country into sections north and south this numerical majority uh because if you think about calhoun's
00:28:12.460
system uh this all the sections having to give assent or at least having the power to not enforce
00:28:18.060
a law perhaps veto something is a another thing that he brings up uh if if this is how the country is
00:28:23.740
being ruled dividing it into sections is like a political mastermind it's not going to work instead
00:28:28.860
what you have to do is you have to be subtle uh even at the most machiavellian malicious uh political
00:28:34.380
actor uh in calhoun's system would have to play along with what everyone wanted try to move things
00:28:40.300
along very gradually so as not to uh anger one side and get them to drop out of the agreement
00:28:45.820
whereas with the numerical majority you just need the numerical majority and you can do whatever you
00:28:50.140
want it tears the country apart it makes sense politically to make yourself the larger section and
00:28:55.580
to tyrannize the smaller section because once again you can do whatever you want so long as you have the
00:29:00.620
50 percent plus whatever increment puts you over it's a i i think it's a very prescient analysis
00:29:07.340
because usually people uh in the modern day derive the existence of sectionalism in the country at this
00:29:13.900
time uh they they boil it down to economics political economy uh maybe religion and all this other stuff
00:29:21.020
where calhoun just says it's uh it's because we've drifted too far into this numerical majority
00:29:26.380
theory of democracy which is a uh i think that's a reason enough to read this book uh is just to get
00:29:32.460
that analysis in particular yeah obviously we've heard many of these arguments before we've made many
00:29:38.700
of these arguments before often relying on foreign authors but one of the nice things about calhoun
00:29:44.060
here is you are hearing a american voice predict a lot of the problems we're running into today
00:29:49.820
but because he is foreseeing the problems that will come as you transition into this numerical uh in
00:29:57.660
uh majority instead of this concurrent uh uh majority option and so he kind of lays out look as the further
00:30:05.180
you go down this road here are all the problems you're going to run into here are all the things
00:30:09.420
that are going to start manifest themselves one of the things he predicts again rather presciently
00:30:13.900
is the uh the two-party system and the dynamic that it's going to lay out because he says
00:30:18.940
look ultimately if you have this uh numerical majority system if you don't have these different
00:30:24.380
spheres pushing back if you don't have these interests who have the ability to check everything
00:30:28.940
what's going to happen is the ruling party is basically going to be able to vote itself all
00:30:33.900
kinds of money all kinds of power all kinds of benefits it's going to have total control and
00:30:39.420
ultimately he makes like kind of a spooner argument right like if you have control of the ballot box and you
00:30:45.020
have control of the purse how is anyone going to stop you right ultimately you're going to have
00:30:51.420
a level of influence here and so the incentive structure is going to be to create two parties
00:30:56.620
you know you're only going to get two parties in this numerical majority system and the incentive
00:31:01.100
structure for the winning party is basically going to be to use all of its power to delegitimize
00:31:06.620
the uh out of power party there's just no reason to do any in this way it it just sounds a lot like uh
00:31:13.100
like curtis yarvin right like use every ounce of power you have to secure more power because there's
00:31:18.620
literally no reason to do anything else the more power you have the more you can enforce your will
00:31:23.260
so without this concurrent concurrent majority without the ability to basically have a small veto in all
00:31:29.500
these different areas you're going to keep running into this problem and he brings up classic uh you know
00:31:34.780
history as well as a guy as you point out he's well read he understands he brings up for instance the
00:31:39.500
the the tribune of the plebs and and their role that they played in the roman uh republic the fact
00:31:45.420
that even though you had a senate that was largely made up of these patrician classes that did not
00:31:51.180
have the the plebs in mind did not have their best interests in mind the fact that the plebs had this
00:31:56.620
absolute uh veto ultimately on what was happening meant that they always had to have some level of
00:32:03.660
concern they couldn't just run the entire nation in the interest of that one class because there's
00:32:09.260
always this option he says if you don't have that then eventually this two-party system is just
00:32:14.380
going to entirely incentivize uh basically just burning everything down and giving it to your
00:32:20.860
supporters completely destroying the opposition and never allowing them to return to power because
00:32:25.820
if you do then they're going to come back and do exactly the same thing to you right and that's
00:32:29.740
a lot of what we're seeing now we we look at the democrats obviously they did everything they did
00:32:34.700
they could to stop donald trump including shooting him uh and uh they are promising you can see this
00:32:40.060
over and over again both people in political power uh average person on the left political pundits
00:32:46.540
they're all threatening like the minute we get back into power we're going to lock you up we're going to
00:32:50.780
we're going to imprison you we're going to criminalize you we're going to destroy your stuff
00:32:54.700
because that is now the incentive structure why would you not do everything you can while you're in
00:33:00.540
power to completely disassemble your enemy because ultimately they don't have this concurrent majority
00:33:05.420
veto to stop you and so the incentive structure in this numerical majority is just to get as radical
00:33:10.620
as possible with your political parties right uh and this is a this is a part of why this book ages so
00:33:17.740
well uh calhoun draws from what he sees as just natural man like if someone is a man he has these
00:33:24.060
attributes as we discussed at the beginning what where does government come from that's the foundation of
00:33:28.140
this whole thing he appeals to history many times and he kind of attempts or preempts rather any anyone
00:33:34.860
who might be more cynical saying like sure you can say that true constitutionalism uh can be tried here
00:33:41.900
but like has it ever been done in history uh and he he appeals to polities that existed for many uh many
00:33:48.940
decades and centuries uh depending on which which example he's giving uh the iroquois uh is an appeal that
00:33:55.340
he makes which is a very old american appeal uh benjamin franklin uh quite famously as many americans
00:34:01.740
learn in their history class appealed to the same group as a model for the american confederacy uh so
00:34:07.500
too's calhoun appealed to them he appeals to rome uh he sort of talks about these uh uh this political
00:34:13.580
thought from them i if i remember correctly i think he even appeals to poland at one point but i i guess so
00:34:19.740
that's that's that's a very difficult knowledge to obtain as an american from the back country in uh
00:34:26.620
the late uh late 18th early 19th century it's a very impressive thing to just find this book
00:34:32.860
uh he everything that he's talking about in terms of man himself and his need for government he doesn't
00:34:38.700
just say uh man has uh private interests that may conflict on the social level uh cause everyone to be
00:34:44.860
worse off uh he talks about uh man in terms of liberty and equality uh because one of the big
00:34:51.740
arguments that he might have received from the time would be that this view of the concurrent
00:34:55.340
majority would be unequal or it would diminish liberty after all why shouldn't the majority of
00:35:00.540
people be able to uh run the country basically this was a very common argument from a lot of the
00:35:05.980
radicals was that slavery was unpopular uh by majority why shouldn't we be able to basically destroy
00:35:12.380
the entire political structure in order to bring about its abolition unlike every other country
00:35:18.300
on the earth at this point so this was a very radical idea and calhoun gets into uh liberty and
00:35:24.540
equality as subjects he kind of highlights the tension between the two he strongly rejects the
00:35:31.020
more enlightenment notions that everyone is born perfectly equal so this is where his more uh southern
00:35:37.100
uh uh uh political theory uh bleeds into the work it's uh i i would say it's held up very well um many
00:35:45.900
people today still do not hold to this uh to this idea that everyone is born born perfectly equal uh many
00:35:52.060
people on our side will talk about liberty as being something that's not uh perfectly horizontal uh liberty
00:35:58.860
varies by peoples uh different peoples have different forms of government this is something you can see in
00:36:03.980
calhoun's work it's aged very well it's uh very much unlike his opposition at the time and unlike
00:36:09.580
some of the more idealistic people in his corner at the time as well so this is a i i would say this
00:36:15.420
is a part of why uh and to your point about uh we can see the same ideas in mold bug i think this
00:36:21.580
continuity is wise because he is just basing his basing his ideas off of real things that he can observe
00:36:27.580
real things that are known about man uh and he just carries them to their logical conclusion
00:36:32.300
yeah and i was going to get into that in a little bit let's but let's go to it now as you say uh calhoun
00:36:39.260
really digs into uh the difference between or you know the the uh way in which equality and liberty are
00:36:47.740
actually at odds right and this is gonna you know sound shocking to a lot of people of course you
00:36:53.500
declaration of independence and everything involved in there but this was not the only understanding in
00:36:58.540
the united states it's the one that we repeat now but uh you know the idea that that was a sacred
00:37:04.700
idea that the everything about the united states was based on well i mean guys like calhoun i remember
00:37:10.380
this is a guy who's vice president for multiple presidents separate multiple cabinet positions you
00:37:15.820
know senator congressman this is a guy who was a statesman and represented a large chunk of the united
00:37:22.220
states you know outright said this is not true right and so we have to we you know we have to be
00:37:28.300
historically honest right you you might ultimately come down on the side of uh those that say that
00:37:34.300
you know the idea that all men are created equal uh you know that is laid out in the uh declaration that
00:37:40.780
is ultimately perhaps the better understanding but you can't pretend like this was not part of the american
00:37:46.300
tradition the that you know that was not the only american tradition there were in fact many people
00:37:51.660
many of whom were well accomplished and established inside the american government leading it uh you
00:37:56.540
know writing uh you know pieces of political theory on it who said that no this isn't the case now i would
00:38:02.140
say ultimately uh all people are equal in the sight of god in meaning that they all have value before
00:38:09.580
uh before christ and before our creator uh but physically and just you know temperamentally and everything
00:38:16.140
else obviously this isn't true that everyone is equal in that sense there is a difference between
00:38:20.780
individuals and there are differences between groups and as you say calhoun lays out here uh very
00:38:26.540
directly uh that he thinks that different groups are capable of different levels of liberty and
00:38:30.940
some are not capable at all and ignoring those differences denies us liberty because uh because
00:38:37.980
equality is the enemy of liberty something that peter thiel has you know made waves by saying that
00:38:43.660
democracy and liberty are not compatible his idea is ultimately that you know there are the the people
00:38:50.460
left to their own devices people who are actually allowed to be free will manifest differences uh so
00:38:56.140
people who have true liberty will manifest inequalities inequalities are natural hierarchical structures
00:39:02.940
are natural and if people are left to their own devices if they are not controlled by the state
00:39:07.820
or they are not tyrannized by a numerical majority they will produce these differences now we obviously
00:39:14.060
cannot separate this ultimately from calhoun's support of slavery a lot of people uh when i posted my
00:39:20.860
first calhoun post uh immediately even conservatives freaked out oh could you have quoted anyone else
00:39:27.180
could you have quoted anyone else in the in this scenario and the answer is of of course no calhoun is a
00:39:31.980
important part of our history he's important part of our tradition uh he represents a different view
00:39:38.700
than is off often uh shown in the current uh you know historical narrative but one that was very real
00:39:46.460
and so i guess uh do you want to speak for a second on why it's okay to read and learn from a guy
00:39:53.500
who agreed with slavery at some point do we have to cast off every person who ever had slaves i hear
00:39:59.820
a few of the founders may have had had one or two you know does that mean that calhoun is completely
00:40:05.740
uh we just we have to write them off as a figure or or are there lessons we can learn even if perhaps
00:40:11.660
ultimately we're not looking for some return to slavery in the united states i mean it's uh just
00:40:18.140
absolutely absurd the idea that you have to uh you can only learn from people that fully agreed with
00:40:23.660
the current political uh opinion about the era uh if that was the case the only people that we could
00:40:29.420
really draw from from uh this point in time the mid 19th century would be like william lloyd garrison
00:40:35.500
who i'm pretty sure probably was not really anti-racist he was an abolitionist at least i think
00:40:39.980
that's the closest you can get but i i don't think even the like we just have to completely destroy
00:40:45.660
all of our history if we tried to find the guy that perfectly aligned with uh with like the prevailing
00:40:51.660
moral opinion uh and then like how do you how do you even tackle like the medieval era where these
00:40:56.700
questions just didn't exist like or is that like a separate universe were they aliens uh like i it's
00:41:04.060
kind of a absurd but um in in calhoun's defense the thing that i thought was interesting was that his
00:41:09.100
first appeal when saying that people are not born uh perfectly free and equal uh is he brings up the
00:41:16.460
example of children is the thing that i actually found the most interesting so uh when he's saying that
00:41:21.900
man uh and this is part of his uh criticism of the state of nature uh enlightenment arguments of
00:41:27.260
hobbes and locke and rousseau they're uh more secular empiricist arguments on the state of nature
00:41:33.500
uh calhoun basically just says no you're born into a family your parents have authority over you
00:41:39.340
um and you're under their protection you learn from them so i i find this very interesting calhoun does
00:41:46.540
not jump like many other southern authors do at this point in time to the uh institution of slavery
00:41:51.820
he doesn't jump to feudal contracts and obligations he doesn't jump to any sort of biological arguments
00:41:57.580
necessarily he points to something that is extremely or not extremely it just is universal um
00:42:04.540
all all people that are born are at some point a baby a child they're under the tutelage of their
00:42:10.460
parents uh they are born into that context that family um their parents protect them presumably
00:42:18.380
and that's calhoun's appeal basically one of his first ones on the disquisition uh that not everyone
00:42:25.020
is born perfectly free and equal uh because no no child is equal to his parents they can't defend
00:42:30.300
themselves that's a physical uh point um they're not free the parents guard and sort of shepherd their
00:42:36.860
child's away or children away from danger so their their choice or their will is bound in that regard
00:42:43.500
so that's a i i was going to actually bring that up uh people i think sort of oversell calhoun's
00:42:49.500
committal to uh like race-based slavery or any of the other scary things that uh we've hyper fixated on
00:42:56.780
in the modern age if you just read calhoun that doesn't really uh come up that much at all um but
00:43:02.940
once again it is part of his idea that groups are different and unequal as well so i'm certain that
00:43:08.940
would not be allowed uh to be spoken today but it uh it does present a uh sort of humanitarian
00:43:15.100
hypothetical uh what what if what if calhoun is correct wouldn't it be more humanitarian to
00:43:20.460
acknowledge that and allow it but that's a that's a debate on the veracity of his work rather than just
00:43:24.940
the content and how it could apply today uh that's not it doesn't all have to be scary edgy stuff
00:43:30.060
uh is kind of what i'm trying to get out here sure and and one other thing i wanted to get to
00:43:35.740
before we uh move on and by guys by the way i encourage you to read this like uh ryan said it's
00:43:40.620
very short what is it 80 something pages uh for the text itself and so uh it's it's pretty readable
00:43:48.140
it's really compact um you know i think you can get it on audiobook and listen to it in like three
00:43:53.900
hours so if you would like to uh go to primary sources on this i really encourage you to it's it's
00:43:59.900
not as daunting as you think and it's important to go back and read these things for yourself it's
00:44:04.460
i appreciate people watching and you know obviously it's good that we can sign post some of this
00:44:08.940
discussion for you but you know take the time it's only 80 pages and it it'll give you an idea of
00:44:15.740
uh a different strain of thought thought that was real and uh was uh inside the american tradition
00:44:22.940
and can help you round out your understanding of maybe some of these two-dimensional historical
00:44:28.860
debates that have been presented to you uh by our current education system popular culture those
00:44:33.900
kind of things but the last thing i wanted to touch on before we go to the uh questions of the people
00:44:39.260
ryan is his point on uh the role of the press because i found this again to just be very very prescient
00:44:47.260
just just predicting everything that would happen here remember the you know mass media is still
00:44:52.940
something that is developing in his day obviously we don't have radio uh you know telegram is it even
00:45:00.220
around at his time it's close right it's got to be pretty close i don't know if we have actual a lot
00:45:04.860
of cables running by the time he was dying it was just becoming like a widespread technology yeah because
00:45:10.780
it was in the 1850s or so when he passed and so uh so this is you know the the idea that the press
00:45:16.860
would have this constant influence was still relatively new you had newspapers these kind
00:45:21.900
of things but that was the extent of mass media and even then he said when you have a numerical
00:45:27.100
majority system you cannot count because he says a lot of people will assume the press will do what
00:45:32.700
we talk about today oh it's this fourth estate and it's going to protect us from the government
00:45:36.540
it's going to be this government watchdog and he says no man under the numerical majority what's
00:45:40.860
going to happen is the press is going to be used as a tool of the party in power the party
00:45:45.820
in power is going to be able to control the press they're going to be able to give benefits
00:45:50.300
to uh journalists and others uh who agree with them they're going to use the press as a tool to attack
00:45:57.100
their enemies they're going to wield it as a way and this is the really important part the party
00:46:01.420
predicts from the beginning they're going to use this to control popular opinion and once they control
00:46:06.060
popular opinion they're really never going to get out of out of power so basically he gives the article
00:46:11.740
for the cathedral back in the 1850s right he's saying look you're what's going to happen in the
00:46:17.500
under this numerical majority system is the party in power is going to be able to manipulate the
00:46:22.460
public opinion with the press and then once they have controlled public opinion with the press
00:46:27.260
they'll be almost impossible to unsee they're going to control the ballot box they're going to
00:46:30.700
control the purse they're going to control the military and they're going to be able to control
00:46:34.140
what people think and once you have control of all of these institutions the flow of money
00:46:38.300
the flow of information then you're just going to be on you're never going to be removed it's only
00:46:43.820
the ability of these small communities these particular communities and their ability to veto
00:46:50.220
stuff that's the only thing that's going to stop this otherwise these public opinions are just going
00:46:54.380
to be completely run through they're going to be completely uh managed by the press and this is
00:46:59.260
going to become the mechanism by which the numerical majority ends up controlling the entire
00:47:04.860
country i just thought that was uh very impressive that he called that shot you know a couple hundred
00:47:11.340
years out and just just really beautifully right that's uh that analysis belongs at the at the earliest
00:47:19.420
at the start of the 20th century like that's when you start really getting that theory promulgated
00:47:25.020
like as i think spengler was basically making this point uh in the early 20th century about the freedom
00:47:31.260
of the press being a captive uh interest group to power basically um and this is uh being written
00:47:38.940
in the 1840s published in the 1850s which is a just another reason uh especially if you're an american
00:47:46.220
to engage in your own history uh turns out we have some really bright thinkers that we can learn from
00:47:53.340
yeah and and you know it's really interesting again because one of the reasons i think we often you know i
00:47:59.820
know for me personally one of the reasons i went to so many foreign authors and thinkers when i started
00:48:06.140
my intellectual journey is we don't get to talk about american reactionaries very much uh they they've been
00:48:12.700
expunged from history to the point where again calhoun multiple vice presidencies multiple cabinet
00:48:18.860
appointments and if you ever heard anything ever about him in high school it was uh he hated black people
00:48:26.620
and did the nullification thing and they just move on right like you don't hear anything else about this
00:48:31.340
guy so you don't know that there's actually like bodies of political theory written by people inside
00:48:37.100
your tradition who lay out many of the points you'll find somewhere else and so i think it's very valuable
00:48:42.860
to come back to this now that we have a wider understanding of the problems and find that as you
00:48:47.660
say seated inside our own tradition our own history because if you don't do that then it's all outside
00:48:53.900
voices speaking in on on and observing these issues but if you can see that this has actually
00:48:59.260
been something laid out over and over again inside our own country that our own countrymen recognize
00:49:05.260
some of these issues then it's not a bunch of foreign attacks on our system right it's not a bunch
00:49:10.300
of outsiders pointing out the oh the the problems with the constitution no it's guys inside the system
00:49:16.380
who revere the system who love the country but see some of these problems coming and point them out
00:49:21.820
and say hey if we don't understand this aspect of our government now then the system is going to
00:49:26.140
come apart and we're going to get well exactly what we got right so again i i think it's just very
00:49:31.180
valuable it's less than 100 pages you can read it in afternoon if you want to and i i think that it's
00:49:36.780
probably something worth investing in for pretty much everybody because again you're not just getting
00:49:41.900
the political theory you're also getting it uh inside the context of our tradition speaking to our issues
00:49:48.380
the history of our country and that's really critical right and the last thing that i could
00:49:53.420
really add is that the the fact if you're an american especially the fact it's coming from your own
00:49:58.860
uh prevents or presents rather a very subtle difference with perhaps the more foreign attacks
00:50:03.900
on our political arrangements uh because every group that settled in the uh in the on the american
00:50:10.940
continent had some idea of liberty and that was something they held dear they didn't view it as some new
00:50:16.220
idea either they thought it went back to the medieval age it was the history of their people
00:50:20.540
especially in the english colonies it was the uh liberties the rights of the englishmen that was
00:50:25.260
so central to their society since time immemorial or uh uh i forget what the phrase was especially
00:50:31.900
the puritans used but every group that every english group in particular that settled the country
00:50:37.020
of which calhoun was a descendant from and that was the society in which he lived
00:50:41.580
had this view that liberty was something uh to be upheld as this ancient uh gift uh to the people
00:50:50.060
here uh other peoples other societies uh don't necessarily have that uh so that's that's something
00:50:56.700
that you lose by going elsewhere instead of what we have here at home even though we have basically
00:51:02.300
the same caliber of insights if you just know where to find them uh sometimes you don't and that's fair
00:51:07.740
um but the fact that you can hear this coming from your own means that it's uh you're not at risk of
00:51:13.340
it delving too far in a direction that was foreign uh to to your heritage basically calhoun would never
00:51:20.220
eschew the idea of liberty for instance whereas many other constitutionalists uh given continental contexts
00:51:27.980
uh viewed the cause of liberty as perhaps a dirty word uh something to be destroyed as a disordered
00:51:34.300
and malforming force uh on the continent so that's a uh perhaps the most uh pressing thing the reason
00:51:40.460
why i've been delving back into american history primary sources in particular uh is to get this
00:51:46.780
thing that gets lost from other places and other contexts now again really good point because you're
00:51:52.860
right that when you look at many of these other traditions you forget that they're speaking in their
00:51:56.620
voice and their particular way of being their people the way they understand things and you know
00:52:02.220
even if you just look at the anglo version of monarchy versus others you know the monarch is never
00:52:07.500
absolute right he's always a constitutionally you know ever since the magna card is a constitutionally
00:52:12.140
restrained monarch uh calhoun talks about this actually because the british empire is one of the
00:52:18.460
civilizations along with poland and rome and and the iroquois that he talks about and he says okay
00:52:23.420
yes it starts as a monarchy but it becomes a constitutional government because it places these restrictions on
00:52:29.100
the king so he would never be up for say uh you know the the sun king in france or some god emperor
00:52:35.420
out of egypt or or or the orient he would be somebody who always understood even if he had
00:52:41.820
a conception of liberty that perhaps is uh not as libertine as today's conception he would still
00:52:49.260
understand that as a critical value and and that again is so important the you pointed out you know
00:52:55.180
some of the aristotelian uh backing that he seems to have in there aristotle's understanding of
00:53:01.100
ordered liberty is always one that exists inside a tradition inside a community and so i think for calhoun
00:53:06.540
here he would never abandon as you point out that understanding of liberty but the liberty would exist in
00:53:12.860
the community in the tradition it would not be this wide degenerated form of uh post-enlightenment
00:53:20.700
you know libertarian uh you know uh liberty and so i think that's really the the difference here and
00:53:27.020
that's again it's good to know that exists inside our tradition because a lot of people will just point
00:53:32.540
to the founders and say oh well they said liberty therefore i should be able to do heroin in the
00:53:37.180
street right as where a guy like calhoun would say absolutely i support liberty which is why you doing
00:53:43.820
heroin in the middle of the street should get you shot right like they like the these are these are both
00:53:48.860
fighting for liberty uh but a very different understanding and one that i think was probably
00:53:53.500
healthier uh in many ways uh for the overall society so uh that's another critical point but we have a
00:53:59.580
number of questions from the people here so we should get to those ryan before we do i know you're working
00:54:04.460
on some excellent history related series can you tell people where to find your work uh so most recently
00:54:11.020
if you head over to the old glory club on youtube uh there's a new uh stream series called american
00:54:16.940
spirits uh we have just uh taken two streams to review albion seed and the folkways that were
00:54:23.980
alluded to in this stream uh in brief uh so if you're interested in the sort of cultural history
00:54:29.340
of america and uh how it relates to the the modern right i would encourage you to head over there next
00:54:35.740
week we're covering the puritans maybe doing a little bit of uh revisionism on the puritans uh perhaps
00:54:41.020
they weren't as bad as many people have memed them into being had faults like everyone else but
00:54:46.620
maybe they weren't the root of all evil um and then also i have a few articles that should be
00:54:52.060
coming out on mises.org uh going into some of these older conceptions of liberty that have been around
00:54:57.740
especially for the english peoples uh once again since time immemorial those should be uh published
00:55:03.740
sometime soon i think uh so those those two places in particular if you want to get a uh a more
00:55:09.900
traditional understanding of liberty uh ordered liberty in particular where it comes from what are the
00:55:16.060
specific places you can find that uh those two places especially the uh old glory club stream
00:55:21.820
uh is where where i would go look excellent all right guys let's go to the questions of the people
00:55:27.020
here real quick uh andrew geller says have either of you found value in reading reformation area
00:55:33.420
political theory for instance uh i'm not sure how to say all of that uh or lex rex i cannot say
00:55:40.940
unfortunately that i have are you familiar with any of those authors ryan uh not those particular
00:55:46.380
two um i mean in my own contexts i find it useful because uh reformation political theory sounds very
00:55:52.380
different from uh like current political theory propagated by at least the lutheran church so uh i i tend
00:55:59.820
to find benefit in that but that's a very uh niche context i don't know people in the audience are lutherans
00:56:05.820
but i i bet the same pattern would persist if you're a presbyterian i'm sure that uh some of
00:56:12.060
the older presbyterians might sound a little different than the current presbyterians as an
00:56:16.220
example primary sources are always your friends guys you'll be amazed what you can find in those
00:56:21.340
primary sources turns out that uh if you read books written before 1945 a whole different world opens up
00:56:27.180
to you uh principled uncertainty says the ten commandments have little sway anymore how long do you think a
00:56:34.140
man-made list will uh withstand the horde yeah i mean a fair point right that ultimately uh if if the
00:56:41.420
word of god is uh has lost grip to some extent on the behavior of the people then the constitution itself
00:56:48.140
will probably not have a significant one which of course was the argument of the founders themselves
00:56:52.940
right that you needed to have this base you needed to have this understanding of uh the the good if you
00:56:59.660
were going to operate in a frame of a uh society that provides liberty uh and so uh whether it's uh
00:57:06.620
the ten commandments or the constitution ultimately uh people must believe on the foundation for the
00:57:12.140
words to have uh the power and so if you you know if you believe in god and you follow his ways uh then
00:57:18.700
the ten commandments are going to have significant uh influence on you but if you don't then they're
00:57:23.260
just going to be some words that you forgot somewhere the same is true of the constitution you
00:57:26.940
have to be someone who ultimately values this history values this tradition wants to live in
00:57:32.300
this way uh for those words to ultimately direct your actions and i i believe that we have a prior
00:57:40.060
discussion uh on uh the uh state's relation to the church uh in early american contexts uh where the
00:57:48.380
founders weren't strict separationists between church and state not only did they think religion
00:57:53.180
was necessary to uphold this polity uh they they allowed the states to impose it in some cases or
00:57:59.500
at least restrict things that they thought would uh would destroy that necessary religious uh foundation
00:58:05.740
so i forget the name of that of that episode but i i think we talked about that we did i think it had
00:58:11.660
something to do with the 14th amendment so if you would like to oh the incorporation doctrine i think was
00:58:15.900
probably in the name somewhere but if you would like to find out where the 14th amendment and its
00:58:20.060
consequences were a disaster for the united states then you should most certainly go there uh let's
00:58:24.860
see here we've got uh spring in uh fialta uh with a very generous donation thank you very much sir
00:58:31.820
appreciate that uh the fact that most u.s states still have bicameral legislatures even though both houses
00:58:38.620
are based on popular rather than one based on concurrent representation is a further side of the
00:58:43.340
sheer fantasy of our representative democracy yes unfortunately in many ways our bicameral legislatures are
00:58:49.500
are vestigial uh and this is of course uh true as we change the way that they're selected we try to
00:58:56.220
inject popular sovereignty everything ultimately this was gaetano mosca's argument about why the
00:59:01.180
united states had become an oligarchy because we had basically dismantled all of the concurrent
00:59:05.820
protections uh even even up to and including many of the judicial uh nominations you can now see
00:59:11.180
regularly how the supreme court uh seems to be playing to an audience itself even though it's supposed to be
00:59:16.220
the body that is the most insulated from public opinion it seems to be subject to that just as
00:59:22.140
much as everyone else and so what you get is basically a system where public opinion determines
00:59:26.460
everything and as calhoun and mosca both warned us once you have that system then the press can just
00:59:32.940
tell people what to believe and that's kind of the game you know the game is over you no longer
00:59:36.940
have a representative republic anymore and then matt gradere says your streams are always the best
00:59:44.620
part of the work day well thank you very much man i appreciate that a lot i am somebody who i used to
00:59:50.060
work as a courier i i was in the car all the time i had to listen uh to the radio is like my only way to
00:59:56.380
distract myself while doing that work or same thing with construction i'd listen to the radio when i was up
01:00:01.100
on a roof uh so i i i really appreciate that because i i think of all of the talk radio hosts
01:00:06.700
that i was listening to that were getting me through the work day and so if i can do that for
01:00:11.420
for anyone then that's that's an honor and a privilege to to be able to do uh something like
01:00:15.500
that so thank you very much for listening everybody and we really appreciate it uh we're gonna go ahead
01:00:20.940
and wrap this up if it's your first time on the channel of course please make sure to subscribe on
01:00:26.620
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01:00:30.860
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01:00:35.740
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01:00:45.100
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01:00:49.900
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01:00:54.060
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01:00:59.900
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01:01:04.780
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01:01:10.300
you everybody for watching as always i will talk to you next time