Response: Should America Embrace Empire? | 3⧸5⧸26
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Summary
In the wake of Iran and Venezuela, conservative commentators are now asking the question: Is it good to be an empire? Should we be defending the idea of America as an empire, and why? In this episode, I talk about why I don't think so.
Transcript
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Like that pile of laundry. You didn't forget to fold it.
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Hey guys, I want to do something a little different today with the war in Iran
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and Donald Trump's successful military actions in places like Venezuela,
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discussions on acquiring places like Greenland.
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There are now conservative commentators coming out and asking the question,
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should America be an empire? Is it good to be an empire?
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Should we be defending the idea of America as an empire?
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And I find that very interesting because that's something I've discussed many times on this channel.
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These are conversations that we've had in depth from different angles.
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The fact that this is now something that people are not just acknowledging,
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but actually advocating for is very interesting.
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We've been very hesitant to recognize America as an empire up to this point.
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People tend to think of empires as places that restrict freedom,
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that control other areas, that force themselves onto other civilizations or peoples.
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And seeing as the United States is founded on this idea of breaking away from another empire,
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we've kind of told ourselves that our military actions are about liberating people,
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So it's kind of hard to balance this idea of empire.
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But more and more conservative commentators, I think largely in efforts to kind of support
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OK, well, maybe it's OK that we acknowledge that America is an empire now,
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And I want to make it clear that I'm responding to people like John Doyle,
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And I'm responding because I want to have this conversation.
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This is not me dunking on any of those people making these points.
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He brought up many good points in his recent episode on this question.
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since this is something that I have engaged with regularly.
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and we should be able to have these conversations in good faith,
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because I think that ultimately both John and I want what is best for the United States.
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I don't think any of his arguments in this area are in bad faith,
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and this is not just a response to his episode or his video.
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I'm not going to be going blow by blow or playing parts of his video here.
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I'm just going to give my collective understanding
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of kind of where I think this argument's going,
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So I think it's a really important thing that we address this.
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John said in his video that America has always been an empire.
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it's very clear that we were always moving towards this.
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Maybe we were less of an empire at the beginning,
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but we were still to some degree, most certainly an empire.
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Basically, after the Articles of Confederation,
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once we had the constitution that has become our permanent ruling document,
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we forged at least 13 peoples together at the time,
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and we were going to continue to expand westward,
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which means we're going to bring other peoples into our nation.
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We were going to become something more than just a nation state.
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I think it's accurate to say that America is an empire.
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America has always been at some level an empire.
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So does that kind of just open and close that case?
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Empire is a natural formation politically throughout history.
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In fact, it's probably the most dominant political form throughout history.
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Whenever you see geopolitics rearranging itself, it's usually over empires.
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You know, city-states would often have to operate at very low scales,
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back when we simply did not have the logistics, the technology,
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But even then, those city-states would often fuse together.
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Of course, we have the entire, you know, history of the Greeks to talk about this,
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Rome and Sparta, and their competing empires that they kind of forged together
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before, and Greece forged together and fought against other empires.
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This is just kind of a classic way that politics tends to organize itself.
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This is the longest, probably, historical trend, you know,
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So there's nothing inherently wrong with the United States being an empire.
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But as John acknowledges, and very wisely, there are upsides and downsides to this formation,
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You get to wield things at a much grander scale, which means you get to dictate terms.
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You need to, you get to control larger amounts of territory.
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You can wield more manpower, military might, economic might.
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You can dictate things like currency exchange and all kinds of other important aspects of
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You have more power, more money, more wealth, more influence, more likely to become a center
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of culture in some way and produce great works.
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Many of the great works of culture are produced inside of empires.
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We can think of many, many from, you know, the Romans to the Greeks to the Egyptians, Persians,
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These are all critical moments at which you kind of saw this.
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So I think it's very obvious that these powerful cultural centers tend to move history, which
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is, again, something John said in his video, and I think is very accurate.
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You're far more likely to invite foreigners inside your borders.
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You're far more likely to have them influence the direction.
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I mean, empires famously get chipped away from the inside, often by other cultures that move
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in, other peoples that move in because you're bringing them in.
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And this is what George Washington warned us about.
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Again, that's what the farewell address is all about, that if you have these long-term
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alliances, you have this global empire, foreign nations are going to want to influence you.
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It increases the incentive structure for foreigners to come in and make their interests known.
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Obviously, this is something that the United States and many other large nations are currently
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Empires tend to have this kind of self-perpetuating mantra where they constantly need to expand.
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You've got to keep moving or you're going to die.
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In fact, James Burnham, a political theorist that, of course, I am a huge fan of, wrote an
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The death of the West or suicide of the West is largely about the idea that you have to continue
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If it continues to expand, you know it's alive.
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This is why some people will call James Burnham, and I think relatively accurately, one of the
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He was an extraziate who believed that the United States more or less had to continually
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expand or otherwise it was going to get consumed by the other expansive powers like the USSR at the time.
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And we can kind of see in that battle between the United States and the USSR, the wider communist
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It was the American empire's ability to continue to expand in a way that the Soviets could not
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that kind of brought about its victory in many ways.
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You have to constantly be looking for more resources because of the vast amounts of power
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and machinery and people and everything else that you need to wield.
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And so this means that there's never a break for the empire.
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There are not these moments to heal, to reflect, to shore up your identity, your culture, your
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And there are, of course, the constant conflicts, the need for manpower, the fact that this tends
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You know, they tend to get left behind as the empire, the wealth and the focus tends to
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And these are all serious downsides that you have to consider.
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So the decision over empire is not an easy one.
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It's not like, oh, well, obviously, you should just be an empire.
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But most importantly, and I think this is something that we shouldn't miss, it's often
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Like, usually, you don't have people sitting down at a table and saying, well, now we'll
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be an empire or now we'll stop being an empire or we'll just never enter into the imperial
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There is a basic truth about statecraft, about the and just really the morphological life
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cycles of civilizations that ultimately it is the.
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Will of most strong nations, strong peoples that they exert their power over the world
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This is why kind of men need to feel like they're conquering and controlling areas.
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They're exerting influence, even if it's just over a lawn.
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Like you need to have something that you own, a control, a zone, an area.
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And if you're a vital civilization, just if you're a vital man, you kind of want to expand
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And so we don't always make the choice to say, oh, well, this is an imperial action.
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We're usually just naturally trying to exert and understand ourselves in this way.
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This is why it was kind of inherent that the Americans start pushing west almost immediately.
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The story of America is the story of struggling with western expansion from our very founding
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to obviously the closing of the frontier and connecting of the entire continent.
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These are really stories and traits that are embedded into the United States in a very real
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And so there's no surprise that Manifest Destiny manifests itself in global politics once
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However, there is a question of scale when it comes to empires, and that's what I want
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people who are currently advocating for American empire to think about.
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It always will be an empire at some level.
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And I'm with you that just giving up your empire entirely is pretty foolish.
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It hasn't gone well for almost any nation that's tried it.
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I've done an episode on this before with a historian if you want to get a deeper dive
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But we do have the tension between Trajan and Hadrian.
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And these are two Roman emperors who presided over some interesting times in the life of their
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You had Trajan who expanded the empire to its widest extent, captured the most land.
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This is when Rome was territorially at its height.
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And Hadrian is famous for kind of pulling the empire back.
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Many people say he extended the life of the empire by having some humility about how far
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You can still go to Britain and see where that line was drawn.
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And basically, these were, you know, the idea is like, I want a more defensible empire.
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I understand that theoretically we can just expand, expand, expand, expand.
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But the problem for pretty much every conquering nation is ultimately how to hold it.
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It's one thing to simply move across the territory.
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But truly controlling it, truly mastering it is very different.
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And there have been countless examples of a empire that have gone in and captured vast
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amounts of land and then almost immediately lost large shares of that land because they
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Everything else that's involved with the maintenance of that control.
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So while Trajan is well celebrated for his conquest and expansion of the empire, if Hadrian
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had not pinned the empire back in, if he had not decided this is a healthy, natural border
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for the empire, without that, the Roman empire might have fallen much earlier.
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Now, this is, of course, at some level speculation.
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If Rome had just continued to expand forever, maybe they would have been fine.
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But I think Hadrian's wisdom is one that we should probably take on board with us.
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It's that perhaps there is a wisdom in controlling ourselves.
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So, for instance, the actions of Trump in, I think, Venezuela and perhaps even the acquisition
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of Greenland would be far more justifiable than, say, extended ground wars in the Middle
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And the reason is, you know, the Monroe Doctrine is thrown around a lot, but there's a real
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There is a kind of natural dominion that exists for the United States, as there are for other
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And this is recognized geopolitically by books like Clash of Civilizations, which I think
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are really important for us to help, like, understand what we mean when we're talking
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about empires and civilizational blocks and all of this stuff.
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Because when we are trying to understand how far we should go, what our place should be
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in all of this, maybe it helps us to understand how other civilizations have done this.
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So in the Clash of Civilizations thesis, you have the understanding that individual countries
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are indeed, like, too small to really have that global impact to rule the world.
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We're never just going to have, like, everyone neatly broken up into unaligned nation states
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However, we also should understand that there's a difference between kind of a regional empire
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and a global empire, a global world order, right?
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We've talked very much about how we're against the globalists, right?
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But that doesn't mean that we just don't like the WEF globalists, but we do want American
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It means that we understand there's something inherently wrong, inherently difficult, and
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inherently actually deleterious to us operating as a global empire.
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The larger that the empire gets, the more difficult it is to manage.
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Francis Fukuyama has been more or less roundly mocked for the fact that he has this end of
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history thesis, this idea that kind of the global American empire, this fusion of capitalism
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and democracy and Western liberalism is just going to kind of dominate everything.
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We're at the end of history, we've gotten to kind of the final form of government, we've
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perfected it, there's no reason for anyone else to have any other type of government.
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It's really just all about fiddling with the dials until we get that all figured out.
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But kind of the problem we've run into, the reason that Fukuyama, you know, kind of failed
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He has to adjust the thesis now so that it fits more reasonably.
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That we didn't just achieve kind of the victory.
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America just runs the world now and it's all fine.
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What happened is that different countries tried to find other ways to modernize without
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People don't all want to be ruled the same way.
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They don't all want to be subject to the same set of laws, the same norms, the same
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traditions, the same customs, and the same political systems.
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There's not one universal best size to fit everybody.
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And that's kind of what a global empire implies.
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So you can do that with a regional empire to some extent.
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And the reason is more what Samuel Huntington points out in Clash of Civilizations.
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These civilizational blocks, as he calls them, or we could call them regional empires.
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They're more cohesive because they tend to share a lot of traits.
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They often share similar languages or religions or political traditions.
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They're peoples who may not be exactly the same, but they've interacted with each other
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And so you have a more cohesive understanding of how the world should operate in that area.
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It doesn't mean everyone inside a civilizational block is the same in any way, shape, or form,
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When people talk about European civilization or East Asian civilization or American civilization,
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It's this idea that the peoples might not be exactly the same, but they're kind of close enough.
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And those empires are usually run by a regional hegemon, a core state, as Huntington calls it.
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America, the United States, is obviously the core state of our power block.
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And you might have a core state like Russia for their empire or China, these kind of things.
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India, these civilizational blocks are kind of formed around these major powers.
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And usually there are minor powers in their orbit that kind of get themselves dictated to
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because of their proximity and the fact that they're more or less aligned with kind of what's
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We don't like to use the term anymore, but that's basically what they are.
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And it's strange because we don't have the same, we're so skittish about political reality
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at this point, that we don't put these things under kind of like their formal auspices.
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It's just, you know, a civilizational block tied together by, you know, these different
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international organizations that keep everyone in line and basically form a super government
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Again, it's a lot of hiding the ball for what the obvious thing is.
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Now, I think this is good, actually, that we're now having the conversation and just saying,
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I actually am very glad that we've gotten to the point where we can just be honest about
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what America is, because that is very important for us to then decide what we want to be and
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When we're pretending that we're just kind of this nation state, then it makes it very
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difficult to address the problems of empire that keep popping up, but we keep having to
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And then we can just have more adult conversations like the one we're now having over what kind of
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And I would just submit that it's probably wise to, yes, maintain our empire.
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Maybe even embrace our imperial nature, but understand what kind of empire we want to be,
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Do we want to maintain ourselves as a healthy regional empire that has peoples that are more
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or less make sense inside, that are functionally part of our civilization in some way or another?
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Or do we want to make sure that we are trying to control the political system of Iran or Afghanistan
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Do we feel like we understand those countries in the way we understand maybe our near peers?
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Do we really think that we are going to expend all the necessity of the logistics, the people, the money, the spirit, everything required to control and kind of force those nations to be what we want them to be?
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Because if not, then we should probably have a better idea of how to conduct our foreign policy closer to home.
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Again, this doesn't mean shutting down the empire, but it means caring more about maybe Central America and Canada than it does the Middle East.
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And we can kind of easily do that if we just start untangling ourselves, especially from alliances like Israel that kind of drive us into conflict in that area on a regular basis.
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If we didn't have to care about whether or not Iran was hitting Israel, we could just focus on oil reserves in someplace closer to our own home.
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We could focus on geopolitics and the stability of countries like Mexico, where we actually should be exerting far more influence.
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I would be way more in favor of military strikes on Mexican cartels and boots on the ground there than I would in Iran, because at least I can directly understand how that benefits the United States.
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I can understand that, yeah, even if it's an imperial move, technically we're going into another country, I can understand that country's on our border.
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It's got so much more importance to me personally, and I think largely to people in the United States, than any given place in the Middle East.
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And the answer is because we've got this global empire instead of understanding ourselves as a regional or civilizational empire, a civilizational block.
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The other problem we have is that classically, the imperial mode is to operate in the benefit of the United States.
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There's a reason that people listen to us when we say jump, right?
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There's a reason that we can dictate the global reserve currency and trade policies and everything else.
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However, we do not have the legal and moral framework to operate as an empire when it comes to citizenship.
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Because of kind of our story of, you know, everyone gets a vote and everyone is equal,
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and these are like God-given rights to everybody in the world, we have a hard time just going into a place and ruling it for our advantage.
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And that's a genuine problem when it comes to empire, because if you are not willing to kind of impose that will,
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then it will be imposed back on you, and you're just kind of giving people the roads and the money and everything else they need,
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kind of coming in and control what you're doing.
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And that's more or less what we're seeing, because America has not had the will to rule its empire as an imperial leader.
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Instead, we end up in the scenario we're in now, where we're really operating the empire mainly for the advantage of others.
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And the argument from John and many others is to say, well, then we just start running it for us, and we start doing that.
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I mean, I'm glad that at least when Trump says we go to Venezuela, he says, yeah, we're going for us, because we want the oil there.
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But when we go to Iran, you'll notice that the story is freedom for Iranians, democracy for the Iranians.
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All of a sudden, we fall into that neocon pattern, and it's because that's what happens when you shift from a beneficial regional empire,
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a civilizational bloc, to this global hegemon, to this global imperial mindset.
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And like I said, we just don't know how to do this.
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We don't know how to go into a place and say, you're ours, and you don't have any of the rights that Americans have,
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and we're going to be extracting benefits from you.
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Like, we don't have the structure for that, and that's why mass immigration has worked the way it has,
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because we just don't know how to tell these people no.
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Like, once we've kind of come in and taken over their countries, we kind of just see them as, like, we owe that to them.
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Like, they're now under the auspices of America, and therefore, they kind of get everything that Americans get.
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Again, I will fully acknowledge America is an empire, and it should, at some level, remain an empire.
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I think we just need to consider, if we might be in a Hadrian phase, if perhaps this is a good time to scale our ambitions in a way that will allow our people to flourish and our people to benefit from the empire.
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I don't want the United States to be operated for the benefit of its empire.
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I want the empire to be beneficial to the United States.
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I think that only happens when we have a realistic understanding of our expansion and reach.
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But like I said, this is not a slam on anybody.
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This is not me, like, challenging anyone to a duel.
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This is an open conversation that I want to keep having.
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I'm very glad that, if nothing else, the experiences we're having now are opening people up to this discussion.
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And I hope that I'm going to hear back from people.