What Forges a Nation | Guest: The Prudentialist | 10⧸11⧸23
Episode Stats
Length
1 hour and 10 minutes
Words per Minute
189.55783
Summary
In this episode, we continue our deep dive into Joseph Demacri's essay, "The Nature of Sovereignty: An Essay on the Nature of a Nation." Join me and my guest, The Prudentialist, as we dive deep into the topic of sovereignty.
Transcript
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We hope you're enjoying your Air Canada flight.
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I've got a great stream with a great guest that I think you're really going to enjoy.
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So, we've been starting this deep dive into the thought of Joseph Demacri,
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somebody who I think is very important, who definitely had an influence on me,
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So we are diving in to his essay on the nature of sovereignty.
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We started that with an episode last week, and we're going to be continuing here today.
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Now, we started by reading this whole thing last time,
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but it quickly became apparent that we are not going to be able to make it through in a timely manner if we keep doing that.
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So switching up the format a little bit here, we've got our notes together,
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and we're just going to be talking through the different chapters.
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We'll still read certain things off from it, but that's where we're going to be going.
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So, this section, the part we're going to be focusing on here, is mainly about what makes a nation,
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You know, Demestra has an idea very different from what a lot of modern people who are influenced by the Enlightenment believe.
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A lot of people in the Enlightenment think that it is the will of the people who get together,
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and they reason together, they lay out the ideas, and that is what forges a nation once everyone has agreed to it.
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We have this state of nature, but then we enter into a social contract.
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And last time, we kind of read through where Demestra picks that apart.
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You're never in this neutral place or this kind of savage place where there is no civilization.
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There is always some ember of social construction that's going to lead us into what we make next.
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So, he's already kind of debunked this idea of the state of nature and the social contract.
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And now, we're going to move into what he believes actually creates a nation.
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Now, beginning here, he talks about chapter four.
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He talks about the particular sovereignties and nations.
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And he starts by giving us this analogy of a country as basically a child.
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He uses this, like, it goes through the phases of human aging,
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much in the way that Spangler gives a morphological kind of presence to civilizations,
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how they grow like a plant and eventually, you know, bloom and then die.
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He's giving us the idea of the nation as a child that grows up.
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But he says, in a very real sense, nations have fathers.
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And he says, what's really important to the beginning of a nation is a common identity
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and a common morality, especially a common religion, right?
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This common shared moral understanding of the world is going to be really key.
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And that's going to be the foundation an infant nation is placed upon.
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Yeah, we're going to see in this section, the sort of total breakdown that if you make
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your paper or if you make a country based off some ideas on a sheet of paper, very quickly
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can that sheet of paper be torn up and rebuilt for any other purposes?
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And you lose any definition of your of your paper nation very quickly.
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And he comes right at multicultural, multiculturalism, you know, right away.
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He says, look, you need a again, that shared vision, that shared understanding.
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And that language arises from the shared traditions, the shared background, this same
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understanding of the world and the way that we should look at it through a moral lens.
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And he says, you can on occasion, you can get these hybrid nations where maybe you add
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one nation and another together and they could become stronger.
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But there is a there is a scenario where we kind of bind these two together and they are
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But he warns that if you have a multiplicity of different cultures, a multiplicity of different
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backgrounds, moral visions, ideas about the way the world should work, then when you try
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to bring those together, you're never really going to get this this the synthesis that people
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Instead, you're just going to get one assimilating all the others.
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Now, for many people, that's a that's a good thing, right?
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But he says, you need to be clear what that means.
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That means the destruction of that identity, right?
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So if you're going to get a real assimilation, it's going to be the destruction of all the
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That's the only the only way that the nation will be successful.
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And so that's something to to consider when you're looking at multiculturalism.
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Once you introduce that element, inevitably, there's going to have to be the destruction
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of all those other cultures in a sense that in, you know, kind of creation of one homogenous
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culture or the nation is just not going to work.
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Yeah, we're going to see this as he references the Italian states and the situations that come
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from losing, say, more papal authority over more national identities that are going to
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And I mean, we we see this and he's not he's not the first man to come up with this.
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We see this idea arise and Plato's the Republic about how, you know, the more of a polyglot
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sort of your nation becomes an economic zone, then the word nation doesn't really apply to
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And, you know, the next thing that he talks about here is why it's important to understand
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He says that these things have to mold themselves to the character of the people.
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And so that's something that's really important because I think a debate a lot of people get
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into, you know, even people like us often who are interested in political theory, you know,
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If we could engineer government and then apply it to everybody, what would be that best government?
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And he says that's a really dangerous thing to do because governments are not something
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It's not that you set up the right institutions, you balance everything perfectly, and then you
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can deliver that to, you know, to each person, each group of people across the world, and
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they will be governed in the best possible way.
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They have to be suited each different group of people.
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And if you try to force that onto people, it's going to go poorly, which is, I think,
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something that people are more and more realizing, you know, when we talk about democracy and
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George Bush's, you know, vision was democracies all over the world.
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Monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, these things are not universal.
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And each one of these has to be altered if it's going to fit with the people it's actually
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Yeah, and you're going to see this in this section and throughout the, you know, chapters
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that we cover that, you know, some countries may find democracy just inhospitable.
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Others will find it to be welcoming and vice versa.
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You know, there's not a one size fits all government for any type of people.
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I mean, you see this, especially in the recent quagmires in the Middle East, whether in our
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invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, famously, both Rand and Ron Paul had said it was a very
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foolish idea that we thought we could invade Iraq and somehow topple Saddam Hussein and
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turn the Iraqi government into the next generation of Thomas Jefferson.
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And these particularities exist and to which de Maistre argues, of course, and from the
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biblical sense that, you know, peoples are apportioned, their lines are easily defined
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and drawn, and that trying to make this a grand universal project of democracy and human rights,
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even inside the French National Assembly that he's criticizing, is not possible.
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And to make that model applicable in sort of this expansionist nature, which we saw during
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the French Revolution with their wars, didn't work out.
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I mean, this is why I think when we define universalism or progressivism or the woke, you
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know, it's a it's a systematizing form of homogeneity.
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And whenever you homogenize something, you destroy everything that was unique, a cultural
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It all gets washed away into blue jeans, McDonald's and TikTok and PC videos.
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Yeah, and I think that's a really important thing.
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I wrote a piece on why the woke isn't going away.
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And I think a big reason as to why it isn't going away is it is that homogenizing force
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It is that thing that erodes all other identities, all other peoples, and then allows kind of our
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current regime to think that it's going to run like a global empire.
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And so he's saying that this is kind of doomed to fail from the beginning because you cannot
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And in any attempt to do so becomes this kind of thin gruel, right?
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Like, we can all feel that about wokeness and its ruling ideology.
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I think it's pretty obvious to many people that it shares the nature of a religion.
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And he says that is something that you need to bind people together is a religion is a
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It's really it's it's falls apart under any kind of stress.
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But I do want to read the section real quick because I do think it's particularly good.
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He says the general objects, the general objects of every good institution must be modified
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in each country by the relationship relationships that spring as much from the local situation
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as from the character of the inhabitants is on the basis of these relationships that each
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people should be assigned a particular institutional system, which is best not perhaps itself, but
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There's only one good government for a particular state, yet not only can different governments
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be suitable for different peoples, they can also be suitable for the same people at different
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times since a thousand events can change their inner inner relationships of the people.
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OK, I think that's really important here because what he's saying is, first, he's not saying it's
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He says, no, there is only one correct government, but it is only the one that is correct for
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It's not, oh, you can just pick whatever government you want.
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It's that there is a particular government that is correct, but it is always only suitable
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And really importantly, that government does not stay eternally correct.
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It is not that form of government is not always the form of government that should always
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govern those people over a thousand years or so, you know, so like people will change
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And eventually the form of government that was the correct form, you know, hundreds of
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And so he says the important thing is to remember that it's about the people, right?
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And what is good for the people and what is necessary for the governments of people, not
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strict adherence to one form of superior government for everybody for all time.
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And so I think it's really important because if you look at something like the Roman, you
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know, empire obviously is going to be the thing that everybody goes to with this.
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But, you know, Rome went from being a king, you know, they had kings and then it was a
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republic and then it went back to being kind of a monarchy or an extended one under the
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There were the people were of a different character.
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And that meant that the government of the nation changed along with the people.
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And he's saying that is a normal thing that's not unique to Rome.
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It's not unique to that period of history, but it's something you should expect over time.
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Yeah, and we're going to see this, I mean, even in our own country, this is where you
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get sort of Yarvin's idea that like the French republics, we've had our own versions of it.
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The characters and nations of the people will change based on its needs, based on our technology,
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That's the same thing that we opened up with there at the beginning, is that even if you
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homogenize the American character or any nation's character will change and so will your
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There has always been a great deal of discussion on the best form of government without consideration
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of the fact that each one can be the best in some instances and the worst in others.
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Therefore, it should not be said that every form of government is appropriate to every
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For example, liberty, since it will not grow under every climate, is not open to every
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Again, when we talk about delivering democracy and liberty to everybody, every human heart,
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you know, yearns to be free, he says, not really, actually.
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The Constitution is for a particular people who are virtuous, who are religious, who follow
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You know, it is that liberty comes after you have the virtue that establishes the ability
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And if you don't have that, then maybe liberty isn't something that would actually benefit
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A drug addict, freedom does not help a drug addict, right?
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Like that does not help to have infinite money and the option to do whatever you want.
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If you're a heroin addict, that's going to destroy you, right?
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The more one thinks about this principle laid down by Montesquieu, the more one feels its force.
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The more it is contested, the more strongly it is established by new proofs.
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Thus, the absolute question, what is the best form of government, is as insoluble as
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Or to put it another way, it is as many correct solutions as there are possible combinations
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in the relative and absolute positions of nations.
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So again, the key here is that while there is a correct answer to what is the best form
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of government, the question is always for whom, right?
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It's for which group of people, for which nation.
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It is not something that you can just put together in a lab and force on to everybody.
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It is something that is very particular to the people.
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He also says here that this means that the social contract is a chimera because these different
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peoples are not going to create this out of whole cloth.
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They're not just going to come together and decide, oh, let's sign a compact that creates
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This is something, and again, we talked about this in the first episode, that he is very explicit
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about the importance of divine intervention, divine providence, and the way that that is going
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They have a specific character that comes from God, and that is where these things are
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Yeah, I think it's a good time to move on down.
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So I don't know how deep you want to get into five.
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This is basically him dunking on Rousseau for not understanding how legislature works.
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I don't have a ton here other than just like Rousseau is wrong about legislatures, and he
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doesn't understand kind of why they're important.
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You know, he talks, he says, he says, it's interesting.
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The one thing that I think is interesting, because he says this also in six, it's in five
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And he says, Rousseau talks about the importance of the legislature speaking with the voice of
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But, but he doesn't understand that he means that in just kind of flowery language as
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where Demacia is like, no, seriously, that's where law comes from.
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If your legislature is not communicating the will of God, then it's not doing its job.
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Again, something that would rankle a lot of, you know, our more atheistic or classically
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But he's very direct about this is, you know, that that is truly what is the job of a legislature
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is or a legislator is, is to effectively transmit the things that are important to the people
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that have been put on their heart by by the divine.
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Yeah, no, I was going through my chapter, the section of mine, mine's from the Imperium
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But my only notes that I had from here was just that, you know, whenever we give up power,
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when kings give up power to make laws or to legislate it, they're actually, it's an
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And he says that these are, you know, banal truths everyone knows, which are absolutely
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But, you know, then referencing Lycurgus, like when he gave laws to his country, it
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And these words obviously signify that a legislator being the king, abdicated kingship the moment
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he wished to give laws to his country and put himself in a position to do so.
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Um, and I think that, you know, he's, he's pointing out that, uh, Moses and biblically
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speaking is one of the most, is the most famous legislator of all of these things are based
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But, you know, when you wish to become a legislature, it is an abdication of monarchical or more
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centralized authority rather than just a collection of legislators trying to do so.
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And because not every man can be a king, the idea that we can give power to everybody and
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that they can govern themselves as we made, we sort of made fun of this last time in the
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last episode where, oh, all of a sudden, you know, if we let everyone in this nation of
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France, you know, get the chance to live forever, they can be sovereign over their country like
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once every like, you know, 84 years or something.
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Not everyone has that divine backing, that divine right of kings that we've seen.
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And so the idea that anyone can become a legislature through the will of the masses is laughable.
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And Rousseau thinks that this is just a magical idea that can work.
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This is how we get our Fettermans and our Dr. Oz's running for Congress and things like that.
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And, you know, he points this out at multiple places, but here for sure is how much of the
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enlightenment is the deconstruction of things that already work or already exist and breaking
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So, like, if we just break off the function, this function of the government and we isolate
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it or we change it just in this way, we reconstruct it on our own, you know, in our own mind, that
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It's like, no, you're just taking something that already existed that naturally emerged and
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And that, so that, that's kind of his, his case here, I think.
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And again, he makes that in multiple places, including here.
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If he means to prove that a sovereign cannot truly be a legislator in the strongest sense
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of a term and give truly constituent laws to the people by creating or perfecting their
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constitutional system, I appeal to the whole history of the world.
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Demastra doing the, the, the, the first, like, a gesturing to the room on fire meme.
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We're going to bring this up in the next section, but he has repeated appeal to history.
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And, and he says how important it is to the Enlightenment figures to basically dislodge
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To, to deracinate him, to uproot him, to, to take it, to pluck him out of what we know
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to be true, what history says about him and instead create this, you know, this savage,
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this, this guy out in the state of nature, or as we talked about the, the John Rawls in
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the original position, this is always the trick that the Enlightenment wants to do, that liberalism
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wants to do is take humans out of this river of history, remove them from the great chain
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of being and say, no, we can just create, put them in a sterile environment.
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And once we've done that, then we can just reimagine man as we want to.
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And he says, you know, no, you, you just look at history and you can see that the thing that
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you're saying doesn't work, but you keep appealing to, you know, to some original position or some,
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some thing outside of human history so that you can construct this thing that just obviously
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would be true, untrue if you looked at history itself.
00:21:06.740
Yeah. I mean, a really good way to look at that would be trying to rearrange all the
00:21:12.080
puzzle pieces. So all the pieces still match, but you're not getting the picture that's
00:21:16.460
on the box that is representative of history. Instead, you get this ugly collage of just
00:21:21.720
puzzle pieces and pictures that are out of place. And that's trying to reconstitute man
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and a blank slate in a way that is opposite of nature and from history. And you get an ugly
00:21:32.240
collage rather than the painting that makes the civilization work.
00:21:36.740
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So in our next chapter here, he wants to talk about who founds a civilization. And so he starts
00:22:13.940
by saying that civilizations are not a human work. Again, Demaestra does not shy away from his belief
00:22:21.780
in God and the logic that should flow from it. He's very comfortable sitting inside that theological
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tradition. And he says, look, we cannot create civilizations. Men do not just create them a
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priori. They don't just make them before anything. And that means that civilizations are birthed by a set
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of ideas, by a set of traditions. They are, they emerge from the character of the people. And that
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character is often set by a leader. He says nations literally have fathers. They literally have people
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who bring them into being and that that character is going to be indelibly stamped onto the people
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going forward. He's really, in many ways, he's embracing that great man of history idea. Like,
00:23:09.760
like, he says that these, these, uh, natures, you know, the, these, uh, uh, kind of, uh,
00:23:18.760
these seeds of a people can sit dormant for years, you know, decades, centuries before a great man
00:23:26.920
comes by and germinates, you know, brings them into being. And so they can sit there and you can have
00:23:32.460
this, this thing percolating, uh, you know, the, the, this kind of identity or this, this worldview,
00:23:37.700
uh, you know, kind of coalescing, but it's not until a great man coming, comes and kind of forges
00:23:44.380
that and births the nation into being that we really see this come forward. Yeah. And I think
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a really great example in this chapter, uh, comes later down when he's talking about Kings and he's
00:23:55.720
talking about the nation of governments, uh, can you, about the differences between them? He's referring
00:24:00.120
to Alfred Henry II and Edward I of England. Uh, and he says here in fine, uh, nations are, as nations
00:24:06.900
are born literally are so governments born with them. When we say a people has given itself a
00:24:11.240
government, it is to say as if we have given a character and a color. If we know sometimes how
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not how to distinguish the foundations of a government in its infancy and no way does it
00:24:19.460
follow that they do not exist. See these two embryos. Can your eyes see the difference between
00:24:24.100
them? Yet one is Achilles and the other is Thercetes. Let us not take the developments for
00:24:29.340
creations. And so if you, if you know your stories of the Iliad and the Odyssey, you'll know
00:24:33.460
that Thercetes is this bow legged sort of, uh, ill fit man who criticizes, uh, Agamemnon
00:24:39.920
out of turn. And he's just pointing out like, listen, you know, you can have ugly people and
00:24:44.600
ugly governments telling you to be ruled by spiteful mutants, or you can recognize that
00:24:48.920
great men help engender the birth of great people and great countries, and they have to
00:24:54.120
go outward and do so. And I mean, referencing, uh, King Alfred's a fantastic example, you know,
00:24:59.020
fighting against Vikings and other sea peoples and the Danes and making sure that England as,
00:25:05.180
you know, what becomes the sort of Anglo-Saxon country is birthed out of his own conquest and
00:25:10.280
his own will to do so, preserving its ecclesiology, preserving its traditions, getting a more formalized
00:25:16.140
understanding of where it comes from, because these people are willing to emerge and help sound,
00:25:20.480
you know, sound out and what that government is going to be. And if you don't have those great men,
00:25:25.040
and if you don't have people that are willing to take the reins when necessary, uh, nations will
00:25:29.200
fall apart very quickly and you will be ruled by the spiteful and the wicked. Yeah. And he also says
00:25:34.680
that, you know, like you're saying, Kings are critical here for him. And he says that even
00:25:39.340
republics are birthed first by Kings. And he says that these Kings lay down fundamental laws that create
00:25:46.740
the character of the people. And it's hard not to, to see that even in the birth of something like
00:25:52.040
the United States, obviously, uh, the United States is stamped with a very British character
00:25:57.140
from the beginning. It has those deep roots that are tied to the British crown. And even though
00:26:01.640
its identity is in throwing off the British crown, it's first president, you know, basically acts as
00:26:09.060
in a monarchical way and indelibly stamps himself onto the character. Washington has a deep impact on
00:26:16.860
kind of the identity and character of the people. And we see that it's always the imperial
00:26:22.580
presidencies of the United States that kind of remake its image, right? It's guys like Lincoln,
00:26:28.380
it's guys like FDR, it's guys who have this, this ability to kind of redefine who the people are and
00:26:34.500
what their norms are going to be, what their expectations are going to be that can, that can
00:26:38.220
forge them into one, you know, moral vision. Those are the people who often have the biggest impact
00:26:44.180
in the biggest change on the way that the nation is going in the direction. And so even people who
00:26:49.680
don't think of as official Kings, that, that kingly presence that, uh, you know, that, that
00:26:54.860
powerful executive presidents, uh, president presence is still what changes things even inside
00:27:00.520
a Republic. And so he says that these are really important to, to kind of establish the way that
00:27:06.500
people are going to go. And that's really where the constitution is birthed. And this is where he gets
00:27:11.660
into this and I've, I've done videos on this before, because he talks about this in, in another
00:27:15.300
work that's really important, which is the generative principles of, of kind of, uh, constitutions.
00:27:20.720
But this is kind of a, a small condensed version of that, that he does, uh, in this chapter.
00:27:26.280
And he really talks about how, uh, men never create a constitution. That's the, they always
00:27:33.040
come in after the fact to kind of reinforce what already exists inside the nation. And he says,
00:27:39.520
one of the reasons that's so important. And I think this is, this is really key is that
00:27:43.480
men never respect anything that they construct, right? They, they, you can never truly respect
00:27:51.040
something that you feel you completely created a thin air that you completely, uh, generated.
00:27:56.860
And we might say, Oh, well, but Orrin, like, that's what happened with the constitution of the
00:28:02.280
United States. It's like, well, think about that though. We don't, there are certain parts of the
00:28:06.180
constitution that we know we're not allowed to touch because the founding fathers made them,
00:28:10.920
right? The Kings made them, they, they spoke those words into existence. And so those things are
00:28:15.900
inviolable. So we might think about whether or not we can, you know, change certain laws,
00:28:20.660
but we're not getting rid of the first amendment, right? Because that's something that's like
00:28:23.820
core to the identity that's laid down. We feel that's beyond the touch of the nation. If we tinkered
00:28:29.460
with that, that would fundamentally change what the nation was. And so he says, it's really important
00:28:35.060
that we, that, that we view government that way, because if we see it as just a creation
00:28:40.100
only of ourselves, then we'll be tempted to tinker with it. We'll be tempted to tear it apart.
00:28:45.660
Pure reason will destroy it. And then, uh, you know, we, and we can kind of see that with a left
00:28:50.800
now, right? It's like, this is all just malleable. This is all just something that we can change in
00:28:54.340
moment's notice. So he's warning against that tendency that if we don't see the government as
00:28:59.020
something that is in some way divinely established, that is in some way linked to, uh,
00:29:04.600
the divine, then we will eventually destroy ourselves by tinkering with the fundamentals
00:29:09.640
of our nation and who we are. Yeah. Like on screen, that last paragraph here going into the
00:29:15.540
next, you know, no, no important, truly constitutional reform establishes anything new.
00:29:19.760
Like you said, like, well, we, even when we founded this country, what are they building off
00:29:25.040
of? They're building off of the Republics in Switzerland. They're building off the Republic of
00:29:29.160
Rome and the democratic institutions of Greece. Like they're recognizing that things came before
00:29:33.960
them that there is sort of this lineage that they themselves are not birthing anything truly
00:29:38.800
new or created. They're just trying to, again, make it work for the particularities of their
00:29:44.060
people and their region. Um, and so even in American history, you kind of see the recognition
00:29:49.160
of Demaistra's, you know, uh, central points about how governments are meant for particularities.
00:29:55.020
They're meant for a particular people. And again, they're nothing particularly new because
00:29:59.380
they're looking towards ancient historical and divine axioms that have worked in the past,
00:30:06.160
such as Rome or Greece or in Switzerland. Yeah. And I think it's also important to realize
00:30:12.120
that this is where then somebody with a little more modern, somebody like Carl Schmidt starts
00:30:18.060
to pull when he is looking at things like political theology, right? That, that we will always
00:30:24.060
echo our relationship with divine in our government, that that will always be the way. And, and that's
00:30:30.660
again, very uncomfortable. I think for a lot of people, a lot of Americans, a lot of, a lot of
00:30:34.780
modern people, liberals, even conservatives to think about things that way. But he says, this is just an
00:30:40.780
unavoidable part of human nature. You will see this, that this is, this is how your government is going to
00:30:47.620
be formed. It is going to be reflective of that relationship because if it isn't reflective, you're going to tear
00:30:52.760
yourself apart. Right. And again, he talks about this multiple times, the danger of pure human reason
00:30:57.900
that, that not having it constrained by a vision, by a moral vision that is connected to your
00:31:06.860
understanding of metaphysics to morality, to the divine, that is always going to be very dangerous.
00:31:13.680
That's always going to just take your country apart. And it's, I think this one, one last thing here
00:31:18.820
before we move on is where he's talking about how it is too easy for a nation to mistake its real interest
00:31:24.700
to chase them desperately after what cannot be suitable for it. And at the same time, reject what is best
00:31:29.260
for it. As we all know how harmful the errors in this field are, this is what made Tacitus say it is with his
00:31:34.420
simple profundity, it's much better for people to accept a sovereign than to seek him. And we see this a lot,
00:31:39.680
I think in sort of conservative media circles about say like Caesarism, or what stage of civilization are we in,
00:31:46.400
in sort of that Spenglarian sense that, well, what are the nation's interests right now? And would a king
00:31:51.720
solve them? Or can we look towards other parts of the world to do so? And when we do that, we often
00:31:57.700
sometimes can miss the forest for the trees looking for particular issues. And sometimes it is best to
00:32:04.680
accept a sovereign when they come rather than to seek one out. Because when we seek one out, well,
00:32:09.800
oftentimes we'll be squabbling and over what's the perfect solution when the enemy is already inside the
00:32:15.620
gates and sacking and pillaging the place. And I think sometimes it's best to acknowledge that we
00:32:20.920
might have to work with what we have rather than this mythical political prester John out somewhere
00:32:26.820
in the world. We also see here in this chapter that he, you know, he, he rejects the idea that there
00:32:33.180
can't be improvements. He's not saying, you know, he says, you know, he's going to meet that expected
00:32:38.580
criticism here. He says, I, I, by no means intend to deny the possibility of political improvement through a
00:32:47.740
brought about by a few wise men. I might as well deny the power of moral and physical education to improve a
00:32:53.920
men's morality and physique. But this truth confirms rather than shakes my general argument by proving that human
00:33:00.620
power can create nothing and that everything depends on the original aptitudes of nations and of individuals. So he's not
00:33:07.740
saying, you know, he's saying, look, we can use rationality. We can improve things. We can better
00:33:14.940
things through our, you know, through education, through learning, through the ideas of wise men.
00:33:20.780
However, that is still dependent on what was already there. That, that, that is an, it is an improvement in
00:33:26.640
the sense that is already working with what existed is not creating it out of whole cloth. It's not
00:33:32.420
engineering it from the bottom up. And that's something that's really important because the left is always
00:33:36.820
about that social engineering. Again, it's the idea that we can just break away from all common bonds.
00:33:42.980
We can break away from all duties. We can break away from our roots. We can, we can completely remove
00:33:48.480
something, put it in some sterile place and then create it and make it what we want. And he's just
00:33:53.400
rejecting that idea. He's saying, look, of course we can improve ourselves. Of course we can improve our
00:33:58.880
government, but it's always in reference to what came before. It's always in reference to what already
00:34:04.640
exists. And he also makes another point that, uh, you know, elite theorists will be happy to see
00:34:09.280
the massive men play no part in political events. They even, uh, they even respect government only
00:34:15.540
because it is not their work. They're feeling, this feeling is written indelibly on their hearts.
00:34:21.120
They submit to sovereignty because they feel that it is something sacred that they can neither create
00:34:25.980
nor destroy. If through corruption and treacherous suggestion, they reach the point of a facing it
00:34:31.120
in themselves, this preserving sentiment. If they have the misfortune to think that they are called
00:34:36.660
as a body to reform the state, everything is lost. Uh, this is why even in free straits is,
00:34:42.900
is extremely important for rulers to be separated from the mass of the people by that personal respect,
00:34:49.760
which stems from birth and wealth. For if opinion does not put a barrier between, uh, itself and
00:34:57.340
authority, its power is not outside its scope. If the governed, uh, many can think themselves the
00:35:03.620
equals of the governing few government will collapse. So again, very, very important for
00:35:09.720
Demaistra that there is a separation of understanding between the ruled and the rulers that there is a
00:35:16.640
understanding that what is happening there with the government is not something that the people can
00:35:21.080
just dismantle at any moment. Uh, because if they can do that, if they think that they can change that,
00:35:26.300
if they do not believe that this is something that was kind of installed by something divine in some
00:35:31.720
way, then they will tear it apart. And you know, that that's kind of his prediction there. And of
00:35:37.120
course he points to the French revolution as is evident. All right. So our next chapter here is
00:35:45.720
eight. And, uh, we were joking about this one, uh, before we got started here, this is the death of
00:35:51.320
theory cells. He calls for the, for the end of philosophy. Um, or I shouldn't be that dramatic.
00:35:57.160
People might not know I'm joking, but yeah, probably. Uh, but what he's saying here is that,
00:36:03.200
uh, he does, he does directly call philosophy a scourge. I mean, I guess I could just read it here.
00:36:08.740
Uh, the more human reason trusts in itself and tries to rely on its own resources, the more absurd it is.
00:36:15.460
And the more it reveals its lack of power. This is why the world's greatest scourge has always been
00:36:20.940
in every age, what is called philosophy or philosophy is nothing, but the human reason
00:36:26.140
acting alone. And the human reason reduced to its own resources is nothing, but a brute whose power
00:36:32.320
is restricted, uh, to destroying. So again, uh, you know, he's very skeptical of the idea that just
00:36:39.860
reason completely unmoored from any tradition, from history, from knowledge of the divine
00:36:46.160
can bring about good. He says, in fact, this is, this is the thing that destroys nations
00:36:51.620
on a regular basis. Yeah. If you want to scroll down to our contemporaries, uh, I think it's in
00:36:58.460
the next page. And I think that there, yeah, these two paragraphs here are really important. Um,
00:37:04.620
our contemporaries will believe it as they will, but posterity will have no doubt that the most insane
00:37:08.760
of men were those who gathered around the table and said, we will separate the French people from
00:37:13.160
their ancient constitution and give them another, this one or that one. It does not matter. Although
00:37:17.640
this folly is common to all parties who have desolated France, yet the Jacobins spring first
00:37:22.360
to mind as the destroyers rather than builders and leave in the imagination, a certain impression
00:37:26.800
of grandeur resulting from the immensity of their successes. Uh, so even though it's like that
00:37:31.640
SpongeBob meme, I guess, like we did it, Patrick, we saved the city. Like, you know, we, we,
00:37:35.760
we did it Jacobins. We saved France and you've killed thousands and you've got us into bloody
00:37:40.400
war. But as he's pointing out and what DeMeister is discussing is, is that these dilutions of
00:37:45.780
grandeur, these, these passions and sort of the Christian sense of pride and that we can
00:37:50.180
do these things, the spiritual pre-lest, uh, instead what we've done as he points out in
00:37:55.000
that second, uh, paragraph, uh, but the men who appeared on the scenes of the constitutional
00:37:59.220
assembly really thought themselves legislators quite serious, seriously, invisibly that they
00:38:03.700
could rule the France and to give it a political constitution. And he calls them bedlems of the
00:38:08.520
world. And so these men spring only with the ideas of feebleness, ignorance, and disappointment.
00:38:13.160
No feeling of admiration or terror equals this kind of angry pity inspired by this constituent
00:38:18.520
bedlam. The palm of villainy belongs right to the Jacobins, but posterity will unanimously
00:38:23.100
award the constitutionalists that of folly. Um, so the idea that you can somehow separate
00:38:28.500
man from his natural condition, man from the order that had been there, the Ancien regime,
00:38:33.900
uh, was done so by people who thought that they could do it better and that pride got the better
00:38:39.380
of them. And instead France would, uh, dive into a reign of terror. Thousands would die and it would
00:38:45.840
be, I'll be on a constitutional system where it's on its, uh, what fifth, uh, iteration of its
00:38:50.560
republic now, um, where rioting is a dime a dozen. It's sort of a French right at this point
00:38:55.040
since the revolution. But even in America, we think that we can divide ourselves from
00:38:59.500
the idea that no, everyone can come in here. Just think about how great the food will be,
00:39:03.600
or that we can separate man from his idea that he wishes to care about his country first and his
00:39:09.180
neighbors and the law. And instead, no, we're going to care about faraway conflicts. We're going to
00:39:14.240
rebuild the laws to ensure that you don't get a say in those matters. And in turn, uh, I think
00:39:20.520
posterity will judge us just as harshly as the Jacobins have been judged by history.
00:39:24.240
I wish that, uh, unfortunately this edition is just a reader. It doesn't have everything. Uh,
00:39:30.180
the, I was also working from the Imperium press, uh, edition when I was actually taking notes and
00:39:35.140
it's sad because it had a great, he had a great line in here. That was just brutal as a religion
00:39:39.560
crushing out the poison of reason. Uh, he talks about this here. Uh, you, we can read this part at
00:39:45.940
least. Uh, he says this is, uh, the legislators have all felt that human reason could not stand alone
00:39:51.580
and that no purely human institution could last. This is why they have, so to speak, interlaced
00:39:56.700
politics and religion. So the human weakness strengthened by a supernatural support could be
00:40:02.440
overcome. So again, he's, uh, he, he says is very explicitly in this passage that politics and
00:40:09.320
religion will always intersect and that they must always intersect, that they must undergird each other
00:40:14.980
because there will never be a politics completely freed from this. And if you do try to completely
00:40:20.200
free it from this, then he says in what he calls the poison of human reason will, uh, will kind of,
00:40:27.020
uh, seep in also, uh, in this chapter, he says, a lot of people will warn you about the abuse of this.
00:40:33.860
And he says it is abused like the, that, that, that the marriage of, uh, religion and state power
00:40:41.260
is abused. And that is something to watch out for. However, he says, just because it's abused,
00:40:46.400
doesn't mean it's something that you can completely eliminate. He says that things are abused usually
00:40:52.660
because they're actually originally something that's right and good. The reason we call it an abuse
00:40:57.300
is that we recognize that there is a right and good use for it, that there should be, there is a
00:41:03.960
paradigm for which this works and to not do it in that way is an abuse of it. So if you're, you have
00:41:10.840
good fatherly authority, but then you use that to, you know, take advantage of your child or, you know,
00:41:16.420
harm them in some way, that's an abuse. That doesn't mean the fatherly power was bad. It just means that
00:41:22.540
you have abused it. And that's, that's a corruption of what it is. And he says, just because, uh,
00:41:26.980
the relationship between church and state can be abused does not mean that it should then be
00:41:32.520
eliminated. Instead, you should be guarding against that abuse and you should be setting
00:41:37.120
the relationship back into its right place. Yeah. And I don't know if this reader version
00:41:41.920
you have or in covers it, but on that point of religion and political institutions, you know,
00:41:46.900
it's, it's far from perfect and enduring, um, as far as any union of politics and religion are perfect,
00:41:52.140
but this is, I thought it was really important to what we're kind of seeing here in America and with
00:41:55.880
the discussion over churches. Um, he references, of course, that Lycurgus just distinguished himself
00:42:00.920
on this fundamental point. He would always seek the oracles for their aid, that everything that
00:42:05.640
his laws were from religious precepts, that divinity intervened, so to speak, um, on councils,
00:42:11.260
treaties, war, and the admiration of justice. So when Lysander wished to destroy kingship at Sparta,
00:42:16.660
he first tried to corrupt the priests who gave the oracles because he knew that the Spartans did not
00:42:21.860
undertake anything important without consulting them. And I mean, we see this all the time now
00:42:26.840
about, I guess the, uh, Ryan Turnipseed calls the difference between free and state churches here
00:42:31.000
in America. Like, uh, a state church would be like those old, you know, early American New England
00:42:36.260
style Episcopal churches that have, you know, BLM fists and gay pride flags outside of their old stone
00:42:42.920
walls and wooden doors. Whereas free churches still have the opportunity to preach the actual gospel and to
00:42:48.760
preach the actual truths of religion. But knowing that the state and knowing that the regime can
00:42:53.920
corrupt the priesthood, can corrupt the nature of religion, then that's how you get those obscure,
00:43:00.240
obese, you know, uh, Lutherans in Germany that are saying, oh, God is queer or whatever.
00:43:05.280
And this is how you can corrupt the values of a people and corrupt their traditions. Because if they
00:43:10.260
first see all of their ideas to be originally religious precepts, as in America, we certainly did at the
00:43:16.020
beginning of the founding of this country. If you corrupt that, then you can easily find your way
00:43:20.760
to depose of a king, depose of a people and depose of a government. So anytime that religion is
00:43:26.500
targeted, whether by atheists or those antithetical to your own beliefs, they're not just trying to
00:43:32.420
depose your religion, they're trying to depose your way of life. And it's really interesting. Again,
00:43:37.620
most people, of course, think that separation of church and state is critical because it protects
00:43:43.160
the institutions from each other. But I think what we've seen is now so many, you know, especially
00:43:50.360
these mainline Protestant churches, but this is also seeping into everything, sadly, you know,
00:43:56.340
Catholicism, all these different branches, that the values of the state start to become the values of
00:44:04.960
the church no matter what, right? The church will mold itself to authority, even if we believe
00:44:10.900
with our, the words of our mouth, that these things are separate and they can be, they can remain
00:44:16.460
separate and that they can be different things and that protects them. What we see with our actions,
00:44:21.380
what people, what humans actually do is look at the state religion and then they adopt it even inside
00:44:28.720
their own religion, their own churches, which is why I always make that tweet. Progressivism will
00:44:33.360
hollow out your religion and wear its skin like a trophy because this, because the religion was not
00:44:40.120
allowed to exist in the state in theory, but no state can ever be completely irreligious. There are
00:44:47.340
no neutral institutions. And so it created a religion, it adopted a religion because that is the natural
00:44:54.560
state of, well, I shouldn't say natural state of states, that's confusing, but that is the natural thing
00:45:00.040
that states do. They will have a religion. You will have a relationship with the metaphysical. You will have
00:45:05.580
a moral vision. That is what forges a people as Demastra says. And without that, people are nothing.
00:45:11.720
So a state will have a shared moral vision. It must in order to operate. And so it, because it was not
00:45:17.740
allowed to have a Christian religion, it forged a new one. And once it forged that one, it didn't stay
00:45:23.760
separate from the other Christian religion. It didn't stay separate from these religions that had been
00:45:29.720
locked out. Instead, those religions started to follow the state one. The Christian religion
00:45:35.700
started to follow them. And that's why we have these woke priests. That's why we have this stuff
00:45:39.140
because they are adopting the beliefs of power as people always will. And that's really uncomfortable
00:45:45.940
for a lot of people. They want to think, okay, no, you know, the, the, the masses are, are gonna,
00:45:50.920
the people are, there's popular sovereignty and they're going to be able to make their own decisions,
00:45:55.040
but that's not what happens. And so that's why it matters what your state is, is doing. That's why
00:46:00.380
it matters what your elites believe in, because the people will always follow even your religion,
00:46:05.280
even the things that are supposed to be separate, that are supposed to be connected to the divine,
00:46:08.360
to the divine. If the state is doing something different, if it's worshiping something different,
00:46:13.320
that will trickle down. That inevitably will visit itself on the people. And those religions that
00:46:19.000
should have stayed separate, that should have stayed loyal to God. Instead, we'll, we'll worship the
00:46:24.220
religion of the state. That's going to happen. So the only question is what will be the religion
00:46:28.540
of the state? Yeah. And this is why when they advocate for separation of church and state,
00:46:33.340
they're just simply advocating for the destruction of what made a people a people. And I think that how
00:46:39.680
he finishes that chapter before we get to chapter nine, real quick, I only wish to show that human
00:46:44.080
reason or what is called philosophy is as useless for the happiness of states as for that of
00:46:48.720
individuals. All great institutions, moreover, have their origin and their conservation elsewhere. And that
00:46:53.580
the human reason is mingled with these only to pervert and destroy them. So, I mean, this is how you can
00:46:59.240
get rationalists advocating for, you know, killing your pets in order to solve a carbon crisis or something
00:47:05.240
like that. I mean, any time that you wish to adhere to pure reason alone or rationalism, uh, and you
00:47:11.680
divorce yourself from, you know, moral precepts, whether they're divinely oriented or they've just been around
00:47:17.500
because they've been around for forever. Uh, that's when you first start to reason,
00:47:21.840
Hey, maybe I could just kill the whole thing right here. And right now it's, it's like arguing with
00:47:26.420
yourself. Hey, let's go get behind the wheel after having a couple of, you know, sliders and eight
00:47:30.940
balls and go nuts. You know, it's just, it's a disaster waiting to happen. I mean, have you ever met a
00:47:36.320
happy philosopher? No, no. Right. Maybe Nick, maybe Nick Lamp. Uh, you know, uh, okay. But, but I think
00:47:44.260
he's a little too weird into that religious stuff, but who knows? He may temper it enough with the,
00:47:49.680
yeah, with, with, with obscure Anglo-Protestantism to, to, to, to, to not completely fall down that
00:47:56.040
hole. But yeah, I think, I think this is something we all know, uh, you know, that we see kind of acted
00:48:02.120
out in real life, but again, it's just something that we've cut ourselves off from because we kind
00:48:06.780
of worship, uh, intelligence and reason. And we, we, we elevated above a relationship with the divine,
00:48:13.260
which, uh, he is definitely pointing to as a huge mistake here. All right. So finally, uh, you know,
00:48:19.120
he decides to mix it up a little bit. Most of the time he's dunking on Rousseau. Uh, but in this chapter,
00:48:25.040
he decides to dunk on Thomas Paine and he says, uh, you know, that he's, he's wrong about
00:48:31.840
the order of operations. Again, this is a consistent point he makes and a critical one.
00:48:37.580
There's a reason he makes it over and over again in different ways, because it's really important.
00:48:41.360
The idea that the, you know, constitution is established, the laws are established.
00:48:47.680
And once you have like an agreement of men, the total population gets together and they understand
00:48:53.520
what's going on then. And only then do we actually get a nation. And he says, no, that's like
00:48:59.460
the exact opposite of what really happens. You know, instead we have a people, we have, uh, a leader,
00:49:07.260
we have the divine and those things are what then get reflected eventually into a constitution.
00:49:13.460
He warns about writing down too many laws, uh, saying that the, the constitution that has to
00:49:19.200
constantly justify itself, that has to constantly, uh, you know, uh, come up with new ways, uh, to secure
00:49:26.880
liberty or right, uh, is in trouble. That's the sign of weakness. And I think we can see that in
00:49:32.380
America. We're obsessed, you know, with writing down things. Oh, we need a law that says you can't
00:49:37.040
teach children about, you know, being a different gender at age eight. Um, you shouldn't need a law,
00:49:42.820
uh, that, that should just be so clear and so self-evident that if you, you know, ever made the
00:49:49.020
mistake of trying to do that, uh, you know, uh, some dads could fix that problem real quick.
00:49:53.800
You know, like that, that, that, that's kind of, you know, that, that, that thing should
00:49:57.300
be so deeply written into the human art, into the, the character of the people that no one
00:50:03.040
needs to say that out loud because no one even would even start to do that. And so he says,
00:50:07.380
the more that people kind of try to plan out a civilization by writing more things down,
00:50:11.520
the more they try to secure rights and, and, and privileges and things in writing, uh, the
00:50:16.620
worse it gets like the, the, the weaker your civilization is. And very interestingly, I like this too.
00:50:21.300
He, he says that the tower of Babel is, you know, is kind of the, the first attempt to plan out a
00:50:27.160
civilization from the beginning, to draw it up together and build it on your own. Uh, and he
00:50:32.060
kind of points out that of course, God does not take kindly to this. Yeah. My, my favorite bit in
00:50:36.780
this little essay and subject is he says that the most perfect constitution that was ever made for a
00:50:41.700
people was that of Sparta and they never left us a line of public law to record or to, to translate.
00:50:47.580
So, I mean, if you already know what you're doing and then this goes back again to the, the just
00:50:52.040
previous chapter, if you try to reason and plan out everything that we're, we're going to have a law
00:50:56.600
for this, we're going to do this, we're going to do that. Then all that you're doing, like Oren and I
00:51:00.940
have talked about before, you're just doing that thing that Nick Land has talked about, that if you
00:51:05.640
set a law here, that means you've defined where and when you can argue to get more power from it.
00:51:12.000
This is why Carl Schmitt builds so heavily off of Joseph de Meister, because once a law is written,
00:51:17.140
then you can decide what the state of exception is. And then you can find out who's sovereign
00:51:20.700
very quickly and who can turn that law around. I mean, take a, I mean, not to, there's plenty of
00:51:26.180
reasons to criticize Ron DeSantis for things, I guess on his campaign trail, but like the law that he
00:51:30.620
had signed into effect about stopping sexual education or whatever, up until, uh, the fourth grade,
00:51:36.040
I think is what it was. Yeah, you can, yeah, you can, yeah. So what? Eight years. So your third
00:51:43.060
grade and under is safe, but as soon as they're like eight or nine years old, then you can perverse
00:51:47.520
them with transgender stuff. Like it tells you how weak it can be to just plan things out. If you were
00:51:53.020
sovereign, the government would be like, none of this crap. And if you do it, we're going to throw
00:51:56.800
you in jail. But again, once we start planning things out, trying to do laws, trying to find ways to
00:52:02.000
govern where the exception is going to be, um, this is how the task can never be carried through.
00:52:07.820
And the problem that you're trying to address will only run rampant. And this is really interesting.
00:52:13.520
This is very important because this enters into the debate that has happened on my channel. I've
00:52:17.640
had both Curtis Yarvin and Chris Rufo on, not at the same time. Maybe I can, I can make that magic
00:52:23.000
happen at some point. Uh, that, that would be quite a, quite an exciting time. Uh, but they, you know,
00:52:29.100
they have very different ideas of kind of how this works, how you change culture, how you change
00:52:35.980
law. And, uh, Demaster is taking much more of a Curtis Yarvin approach here, right? So Yarvin would
00:52:42.580
say passing laws like small ball that you can't actually enforce doesn't matter. Like that doesn't
00:52:50.740
actually do things. What you want is a complete shift in the way that people understand and think
00:52:56.340
about a subject. You want to make one, uh, set of ideas, uh, old and uncool and passe. And you want
00:53:03.840
to make another set of ideas hip and interesting and influential. And that's his approach. The, the,
00:53:10.920
the Rufo approach is we, we take substantial policy and law victories, something that we can plant a
00:53:19.960
flag down and say, we passed a law and this is here. And so for Rufo, you know, getting the, the,
00:53:25.120
you know, DeSantis laws pass our victories because even if they're weak, it shows that you can get
00:53:30.220
something done. It creates a model. It moves the ball forward. It's about a game of inches,
00:53:34.380
right? And Demaster is saying, that's not really how this works, right? Like we, what, if you have
00:53:40.800
to write all this down, if you have to pass the DeSantis law, that means the regime is weak. You are
00:53:45.360
showing your weakness when you do that. And so, uh, what you really want is a cultural force that is so
00:53:52.100
powerful, uh, that, that is never done. Like you said, uh, you know, the, the Spartan,
00:53:56.780
they never have to write it down because it's written into the hearts of their children. You
00:54:00.460
know, that's how, that's how he phrases that, which I think is really important. They didn't
00:54:03.920
bother to write it down on a piece of paper because they, they spent all of their time
00:54:07.900
writing it onto the hearts of their children. And so, uh, you know, I think it'd be very interesting
00:54:13.440
because another part of this, maybe I could get a academic agent on for, for this too. Uh,
00:54:18.180
at some point is, you know, he, you know, he is always saying, you know, culture is downstream
00:54:22.140
from law. Right. And so, uh, very interesting in this sense, uh, if he thinks that the small
00:54:28.760
laws matter or if it's only the big laws matter, I think, I think there's a lot of very interesting
00:54:34.040
questions about political theory, the flow of power, the flow of ideas and what actually
00:54:40.060
changes a nation and then the direction of a government, uh, kind of wrapped up all in this
00:54:46.580
discussion. Yeah. And there's a section in this chapter that I find is really important when we
00:54:52.120
talk about like the separation of powers or even, uh, when we see dueling narratives, he says, you
00:54:58.100
know, uh, he's referring to Rome and the Roman Republic about the, the powers of the people and
00:55:02.960
the Senate. And this was the nature of the Roman constitution. But he says when sovereignty is shared
00:55:08.480
between two powers, the balancing of these two powers is necessarily a combat. If you introduce a
00:55:14.300
third power with the necessary strength, it will immediately establish a tranquil equilibrium by
00:55:18.660
gently inclining sometimes one side over the other. This could not, could take place in Rome by the
00:55:23.360
very nature of these things. It was always the alternating jolts of the two powers that it
00:55:26.920
maintained. And the whole of Roman history presents the spectacle of these two vigorous athletes who
00:55:32.100
grapple, who roll, and by turn, victor or vanquished. Um, but returning of course to England and also
00:55:37.600
Thomas Paine's concept, like the, the sovereignty even now in America with the court system, like where
00:55:43.660
you're ruled by judicial fiat. They give one side to the other. And this is why a lot of Congress and
00:55:49.640
a lot of special interest groups, your, your power is between unelected bureaucrats on one hand and on
00:55:55.600
the other, the Supreme court. If you want the most honest five minutes of an American Senator saying
00:56:01.240
anything, go look up Senator Ben Sasse's remarks during the Brett Kavanaugh hearings. He will tell you
00:56:06.980
very clearly that Congress doesn't do its job. It will write laws that will only be carried out by
00:56:12.320
unelected bureaucrats. And when people get upset, they go to the place for their only relief in this
00:56:17.140
country, which is the Supreme court. And even then the Supreme court has no power because it has to
00:56:22.000
fight two things at once its own internal squabbles about, you know, dealing with what's holy, i.e.,
00:56:28.620
you know, precedent. Um, we just talked about earlier today in this episode, but secondly, it also has to
00:56:35.100
deal with the people. And we saw that even more vibrantly when it came to the Dobbs decision about
00:56:39.760
abortion. Those were people threatening to kill those people. There was a guy that broke into Brett
00:56:44.240
Kavanaugh's house. I mean, this is, this illustrates the weaknesses of our own system.
00:56:49.840
The white house actually encouraged people to break the law and, and, and go and protest on the grounds of
00:56:57.660
these bills, houses, intimidate them. So yeah, that's very, very clear. Uh, and you know, he, he talks about
00:57:03.600
also, you know, the Roman Republic like that. There's just, there was never this, there's no
00:57:09.000
writing down about the importance of dividing powers that was manifested by those, by the, the
00:57:16.440
institutions of the Senate and the tribune and things emerging from a natural division, you know?
00:57:22.260
And so there's no need on paper to kind of justify those, those divisions because they emerge naturally.
00:57:29.720
And he says, and you know, this natural emergence is important. He defends, for instance, the English
00:57:35.780
constitution saying, well, it's important that it's not a written constitution because the rights
00:57:41.220
that are now, uh, enshrined have emerged over time. They've, they've grown from, uh, the character
00:57:48.400
of the people and its interactions with the nobility and its beliefs and who they are, you know, and, and
00:57:53.380
what the moral vision should be. And that's what gives it its resilience in his, in his mind is
00:57:59.100
specifically that it has been created over time, that it is part of the history of the people.
00:58:04.340
De Maester would very much be against this idea of like originalism that just sits around and like
00:58:10.080
you write the document and then it just means what it means forever. He would very much be of the
00:58:15.100
understanding that, you know, constitutions can and will and must change as time goes by. And that's
00:58:21.860
important because if you, if you delude yourself into believing that constitutions are just written
00:58:27.000
down and then they're there in perpetuity, then you will not understand why these things are
00:58:31.940
changing under your feet. And I think that's a lot of what has happened to conservatives.
00:58:35.060
They're pointing to the rules and saying, the rules are written down. I can see them.
00:58:39.220
These are the rules. And it's like, great, but no one has played the game that way for a hundred or
00:58:44.100
more years. So a good example of that would just to be ask conservatives, how well is originalism or
00:58:50.980
textualism holding up? That school of thought has not done as much as I think it is important
00:58:56.280
to consider things like the 14th amendment. Cause I mean, if we contextualize it, what does it say?
00:59:00.920
Well, those things are about newly freed slaves in the aftermath of the war of 1861. Great. What
00:59:06.760
does it have to do with gay marriage? Fantastic argument on paper, but if you don't have the force
00:59:10.980
to back that up and you don't have the cultural will to power to maintain that that is only applying
00:59:15.620
to this, then yeah, it can be definitely used for, for gay marriage or for, you know, transgender
00:59:21.140
stuff that's being subsidized by the state because it violates the equal protection clause of the 14th
00:59:26.020
amendment, which had nothing to do with those things. But because these things are written down,
00:59:30.640
because we point to the rules rather than actually pointing to the culture that we're supposed to be
00:59:35.600
maintaining. Um, you see a lot of conservative loss after loss after loss, but they point to the
00:59:41.680
rules like they've, like they've done some great point. And this is why Sam Francis called so many
00:59:45.980
of these things, beautiful losers. Yeah, that's a really good point. It, you know, conservatives
00:59:50.600
pointing to the rules instead of pointing to the culture that gives birth to them. Yeah, that,
00:59:55.760
that is, I think really critical. Uh, just so often the, we, we are echoing a set of platitudes
01:00:04.120
about how the country is supposed to be run instead of looking at the culture, having that context of
01:00:11.260
history, having that, uh, you know, what was going on at the time and why those things matter and
01:00:17.820
bringing that argument forward, bringing that logic forward and keeping that fresh in the minds of
01:00:23.420
people rather than just, well, we, we recited the rules and therefore kind of civilization will
01:00:28.060
continue. All right, guys, just keep pointing to the laws. It'll all work out. Right. This is
01:00:34.280
hypocrisy. Um, so, so, uh, we've got some super chats stacking up. We'll go ahead and pivot over
01:00:41.480
to the questions of the people here, but before we do that, Mr. Prudentialist, what should people
01:00:46.180
go for your great work? Is there anything that they should be looking for? Yeah. So, uh, I'll be
01:00:50.380
having a new video premiere tomorrow. It'll be taking a look at the subject of, uh, Marshall McLuhan and
01:00:56.560
how we look towards the East now as, as a culture. And what does that really mean when we say we're
01:01:01.220
orientalizing? Uh, that'll be out tomorrow morning, hopefully at 10 AM central time, but you can find
01:01:07.860
me on find my friends.net slash the Prudentialist. I'm on Twitter, Telegram, YouTube, Odyssey, Rumble,
01:01:13.000
um, really anywhere you can find me, just go to find my friends.net and you'll see my name there.
01:01:16.900
Look for the frog. Excellent. All right, let's go over here. Uh, first question.
01:01:24.280
Davos are for five hours. Take my patronage and keep up the great work gents. Well, thank you very much,
01:01:28.560
man. Definitely appreciate that. Uh, we've got, uh, Lyle Bradley, uh, Bradley here for 15 Canadian,
01:01:36.540
uh, just a donation. Thank you very much. Really appreciate that, man. Uh, Cooper weirdo here for
01:01:41.880
$5. So you're saying he could, uh, have predicted anti-nationalism. I guess I'm in awe of human
01:01:47.340
intellect and stupidity. Just wow. Uh, yeah, again, one of the things I like about Demaestra is that he
01:01:53.660
predicts a large amount of what we see here. Uh, he, he was writing very close, of course, to, uh,
01:02:00.040
the enlightenment, uh, French and American revolutions and, and all that going on. And, uh,
01:02:04.660
he sees a lot of the threads that would eventually lead us to where we are now. So it really lends him
01:02:09.840
a lot of credibility, calls his shots a couple hundred years in advance. Uh, then that, uh,
01:02:14.820
definitely shows you that he understood, uh, can, you could really cut to the importance of the argument.
01:02:19.660
Uh, George W. Hajduk for 499. Our religion and law is the tradition of our ancestors and is written
01:02:27.760
in the hearts of our people. Chief Seattle. I mean, yep, this is, this is something that pretty
01:02:33.640
much every civilization knew until we made a concerted effort to forget it. And that's
01:02:39.140
exactly what Demaestra says over and over again, right? Rousseau is specifically ignoring obvious
01:02:44.600
things that everyone has known for a very long time. So he can try to reconstruct society
01:02:49.640
in his own way. That's constantly Demaestra's, uh, kind of criticism of, uh, Rousseau and the rest
01:02:55.940
of the enlightenment project. And, uh, you know, this is not, none, none of this stuff should be
01:03:00.980
new. None of this should be, uh, groundbreaking, but we have just ignored it for so long. We've
01:03:06.240
kind of been sitting in the enlightenment stew for so long that we do have to go back and we do
01:03:10.200
have to explain these things. We do have to rediscover these things, uh, because, uh, we simply
01:03:14.400
did not grow up hearing them. I know I didn't, you know, and so it's really important to go back
01:03:18.140
and look at this. Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this kind of highlights the exact thing that
01:03:21.980
Demaestra's saying, like every person's traditions and their laws are going to be particular to a
01:03:26.480
group of people. But the one thing that is universal is, is that laws and traditions are,
01:03:31.200
you know, they're universal in respects to the fact that every group of people has them written
01:03:36.300
on their hearts. And if we don't have them written on our hearts and we write them on paper,
01:03:39.960
well then things fall apart very quickly. Yeah. And so this is, you know, just, just, uh,
01:03:45.420
I'm just going to go on an aside for a second. A lot of people, when you start talking about this
01:03:49.240
stuff, uh, and traditions and, and, and why these things kind of change from group to group
01:03:54.040
and people to people, they start saying, oh, this is moral relativism, right? This is all moral
01:03:57.880
relativism. You're just saying that all of these are equal and all of these are, there, there is no
01:04:02.640
right answer. And that, that is not what this is saying. Like Demaestra said, there is a right answer.
01:04:07.780
There is a truth. There is an absolute correct answer. However, God has made people different.
01:04:13.120
He's made nations different. And so that answer differs from nation to nation. It is not,
01:04:18.220
it is not relative into respect that there is just no truth. There is no absolute truth.
01:04:23.800
However, that is contextual to each nation and each people. And the God has written that on the hearts
01:04:30.020
of those people. So that is universally true. Like Prudentialist is saying that that continually
01:04:35.160
manifests and those truths are real, uh, but that they do adjust themselves, the institutions
01:04:40.700
and their manifestations do change depending on how they are being practiced. Again,
01:04:46.500
Christianity is true. Christ is King. However, the practice of Christianity does change from nation
01:04:53.040
to nation. It significantly alters itself to the character of the nation. That doesn't mean
01:04:57.540
that Christianity stops being true for that nation. It simply means that the way it is practiced,
01:05:02.040
the way that that truth is practiced and manifests itself will be dependent on the people who are
01:05:07.120
practicing. I mean, you'll just see the difference between like French, you know, exhibition of their
01:05:12.520
form of Catholicism versus German or even Russian versus Greek forms of orthodoxy. That's how it works
01:05:18.260
in regards to how it changes the people. And this is why the discussion over immigration is so important.
01:05:22.880
It's why people talk about it as a civilizational issue. They'll say, oh, well, you know, a lot of these
01:05:27.140
people coming from South of the border, you know, they have family values like we do. It'll all be fine.
01:05:31.280
But when their ideas of values and traditions are either a antithetical to yours or be so foreign
01:05:37.260
and alienated from anything that is a part of the American tradition, then what laws or traditions
01:05:42.120
will exist out of this? It goes very back to the beginning of what we said that homogenization means
01:05:47.280
the destruction of one or both peoples in their entirety. And this is why these issues are so
01:05:52.880
important, because if the laws and traditions or things that you believe to be sacred and true
01:05:57.040
matter to you, then all of a sudden those things can be erased overnight very quickly because people
01:06:02.940
think, oh, well, they'll just be like us. All right. And shop rat 2067 for $4.99. The only example
01:06:11.060
of the state of nature I can think of is when you first spawn into a Minecraft world. Yes, state of
01:06:16.720
nature, but in Minecraft. Make sure you always add in Minecraft when you're thinking about the state
01:06:22.160
of nature and what you might do there. Let's see. Oh, we got one. We got a couple more here.
01:06:28.960
Let's see. Crooper weirdo here for $2. So A is A, but culture is important. Yeah. Again,
01:06:37.380
there's this there's this misunderstanding that just because the way that these things manifest in
01:06:44.320
different cultures changes and you have to understand them in those contexts that you're not
01:06:49.620
declaring. Therefore, everything is completely relative and there is no there is no absolute
01:06:53.660
truth that that's no buddy, especially someone like Joseph Demastra would have told you there is
01:06:59.240
no absolute truth. None of these people who understood that cultures and people are different
01:07:04.900
and that their their governments and their laws and these things will manifest differently because of
01:07:10.440
their difference. None of those people would have told you there is no absolute truth.
01:07:14.700
They would have 100 percent told you that there's divine truth. In fact, that's all Demastra does
01:07:18.680
to tell you there is divine truth. There is one true God. There is his truth and his truth is
01:07:23.640
written onto the hearts of these people and it manifests as that, you know, they express it like
01:07:29.080
that. That's what he's trying to say. And I mean, if you want a better example of that from Demastra,
01:07:33.320
go read his essays on consideration on France and go read chapter five of the French Revolution
01:07:39.160
considered to be anti-religious in character, a digression on Christianity. Like if you want an example
01:07:44.180
of what he means, I would highly recommend that you you read that essay because he's like, oh, wow,
01:07:49.180
all of these progressives are a bunch of anti-Christian atheists that want to divide religion
01:07:54.020
from the hearts of man that are the French character.
01:08:00.820
You tis four, three, two, one for $1.99. The shedding of blood forges a nation. And that is,
01:08:07.080
of course, true. And Demastra being the most metal of all philosophers makes that very clear
01:08:12.840
elsewhere in his work. You know, he has the famous passage. The executioner is the cornerstone
01:08:18.540
of civilization. He talks about the importance of the sword, the ability to wield the sword.
01:08:25.580
He is definitely a guy who believes in both throne and altar, to be sure. So that's something that does
01:08:33.420
not go beyond him at all. But he's talking here about the shared, again, what binds the nation
01:08:41.900
together. So obviously, the sword is something that's going to be necessary to carve out the nation,
01:08:48.600
to protect the nation. He says that in many places in his work. But here he's focused on what binds
01:08:55.320
the identity and the character of the nation. And here he's talking about that shared moral vision,
01:09:00.680
those religious principles, that background, those traditions, those characters that are
01:09:06.200
written into the hearts of the people. That's what he's focusing on.
01:09:10.040
Yeah, it's like the bell curve meme. Both ends of the bell curve will say swords, and the guys in the
01:09:14.400
middle are complaining about laws and human nature. And Demastra is definitely at the right end of the
01:09:21.180
Yeah, yeah, 100%. Again, this is why Schmidt's decisionism comes from him. Again, I think it's
01:09:29.720
so important to have that context of Demastra as you then go forward to study some of these other
01:09:35.060
rioters, because you really understand that connective tissue, where those ideas flowed from.
01:09:39.940
And again, I really appreciate that Demastra never shies away from grounding his reason and his logic,
01:09:45.780
his structures in the metaphysical, in its relationship with the divine, the divine in the
01:09:50.760
truth of God's existence, and how he has created man. Those are all inseparable for him from an
01:09:57.820
explanation of nations, sovereignty, governments, all that stuff. You can't talk about one without
01:10:02.660
the other. And so I think that that's really critical.
01:10:07.100
All right, guys. Well, I think we're going to go ahead and wrap it up. As always,
01:10:10.580
pleasure talking with the Prudentialist. Make sure you're checking out his work.
01:10:14.440
If you would like to go ahead and get these broadcasts as podcasts, please make sure that
01:10:19.600
you go ahead and subscribe to The Oren McIntyre Show on your favorite podcast platform. And of
01:10:23.760
course, if this is your first time coming by the stream, coming by the channel, please go ahead
01:10:28.620
and subscribe. Thanks for coming by, guys. And as always, I'll talk to you next time.