The Ben Shapiro Show


Rich Lowry | The Ben Shapiro Show Sunday Special Ep. 77


Summary

Rich Lowry's new book, The Case for Nationalism, details the history of nationalism in America and why it s a good thing. He lays out a case for why nationalism is a good idea, and why we should all embrace it. Rich also lays out the case for the need for a strong government with a strong navy, and a strong economy, and the need to have a strong and capable national government. And he lays out why we need to move away from the idea that people are supposed to be subjects of a nation, and toward the notion that they are citizens of the world, as many on the political left would want it. Rich is a writer, editor, columnist, and commentator for the National Review and Fox News Channel, and is a regular contributor to the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. He's also a frequent contributor to The Weekly Standard and the New Republic, and has been featured on CNN, NPR, and NPR. Rich is the author of several books, including The Case For Nationalism: A Handbook of American Nationalism and The New Republic. His new book is out now. Go check it out! The case for nationalism has been widely derided by the media, and it s been equated with white supremacy and white nationalism, but it s actually the opposite of white supremacy, at least in the eyes of the media and the media. Rich argues that nationalism is something that is not only natural, it s natural, but something that can be found in American history and culture, and that it s part of our own history and history, and can be traced back to the founding of our nation. And that we should be seen as something we can learn from history, rather than something we should learn from, not only from our ancestors, but from our history and our history, not from our past and our past, and our ancestors. He also points out that there is no such thing as a universal nation, but that we have a common language that is universalism and universalism, not just a universalism and that we can all be a universal language a universal government we can be a nation in the words of the Bible, not a universal democracy that we are all a single country . We are all citizens, not all of us, but a single nation, not one of those things of which we have to be a certain kind but


Transcript

00:00:00.000 You become an American fundamentally by you learn the language, you adopt the mores, you thrill to the stories and the heroes, you honor the symbols, and you believe in the ideals.
00:00:13.000 that makes you an American. - Hey, hey, welcome to the show.
00:00:23.000 This is The Ben Shapiro Show, Sunday's special.
00:00:25.000 I am eager to welcome to the program Rich Lowry.
00:00:27.000 He's editor of National Review, syndicated columnist, a commentator for the Fox News Channel.
00:00:31.000 His brand new book is The Case for Nationalism.
00:00:33.000 Hey, I blurbed it.
00:00:34.000 It's a great book.
00:00:35.000 Go check it out today.
00:00:35.000 Rich, thanks so much for stopping by.
00:00:36.000 Thanks for having me, Ben.
00:00:37.000 So why don't we start from the beginning.
00:00:39.000 What exactly is the case for nationalism?
00:00:40.000 It's been much derided.
00:00:42.000 Obviously, nationalism has now been equated by the media with full-scale white supremacy.
00:00:46.000 If you say nationalism, just like if you say Judeo-Christian values, what you actually mean is white civilization.
00:00:50.000 So what exactly does nationalism mean in your definition?
00:00:53.000 Okay, so a couple things.
00:00:54.000 I make sort of two cases.
00:00:56.000 The broader case for nationalism, and then the specific case for American nationalism.
00:01:01.000 So the broader case is nationalism, or at least national feeling.
00:01:04.000 There's an argument about how old nationalism is.
00:01:07.000 But it's very old, it's natural, and it's powerful.
00:01:12.000 Look at Joan of Arc.
00:01:13.000 A 14-year-old girl has a vision in her father's garden from an angel that says, you are going to liberate your country from the English.
00:01:21.000 She kicks out the English, she restores the French heir to the throne, and the English want to wipe her out.
00:01:27.000 They burn her at the stake, scatter her ashes in the Seine River, and her memory never goes away.
00:01:33.000 And she becomes a symbol of France and France's independence that's so powerful when France is occupied later by a much more hideous power, you know, Germany.
00:01:43.000 The Free French Forces use Joan of Arc's symbol, the Cross of Lorraine, on their planes, on their ships.
00:01:50.000 So that's a good example of just how natural a national feeling is, the sense of loyalty and togetherness for people that share a language and a culture.
00:02:01.000 And that is not a bad thing.
00:02:03.000 It can be abused, like everything in human life, but it's very natural and you can't do away with it.
00:02:09.000 You know, we've had empires that have tried to smash nations.
00:02:12.000 You've had totalitarian ideologies try to smash nations.
00:02:15.000 They never succeed.
00:02:17.000 And then there's specifically an American tradition that runs to the Revolution, the Constitution, victory in the Civil War.
00:02:24.000 Alexander Hamilton's really the taproot of the American nationalist tradition.
00:02:28.000 We're going to have a strong and capable national government.
00:02:30.000 It's going to be limited, yes, but strong and capable.
00:02:33.000 We're going to have a strong military, including a strong navy, and we're going to become a great power like Great Britain.
00:02:40.000 That was the Hamiltonian vision.
00:02:41.000 Okay, so let's start with sort of the broader attack on nationalism.
00:02:44.000 Hannah Arendt is usually identified with the broader attack on nationalism, the idea that romantic nationalism is what causes World War I, it causes World War II, that basically there are people who believe that their nation is more important than other nations, that they are very nation-centric as opposed to seeing themselves as global citizens.
00:03:00.000 Why shouldn't we focus our efforts on trying to convince people that they are not actually subjects of a nation, that in fact they are citizens of the world, as many on the political left would want it?
00:03:10.000 Well, that's an illusion.
00:03:11.000 I mean, there's no such thing as a citizen of the world.
00:03:13.000 And the way I think about it is, say you get in a jam somewhere around the world.
00:03:16.000 You're kidnapped, or I don't know what.
00:03:18.000 Who comes to save you?
00:03:20.000 You know, who cares about you more than anyone else?
00:03:22.000 It's your own country, right?
00:03:23.000 Your country's military comes and gets you.
00:03:26.000 And there's no such thing as a universal nation.
00:03:27.000 There's no such thing as a universal military.
00:03:29.000 There's no such thing as a universal language.
00:03:32.000 And the history is that empires that have done the most to kind of mimic what would be a citizen of the world.
00:03:40.000 They've never been a liberal democratic project because someone has to rule.
00:03:44.000 Someone that speaks a certain kind of language has to rule.
00:03:46.000 Someone from a certain nation has to rule.
00:03:48.000 So you have the Habsburg Empire, for instance, you know, exists for 600 years.
00:03:52.000 It's a pretty good run in the middle of Central Europe, but constantly is riven by various revolts from the nations that are part of it, saying, well, our language needs more recognition.
00:04:02.000 We need more power within this imperial contrivance.
00:04:07.000 And eventually, when the repressive apparatus gives way, it falls apart.
00:04:11.000 The nations want to go their own way and govern themselves.
00:04:14.000 And a more recent example, in the 20th century, is the Soviet Empire.
00:04:18.000 You know, 70 years.
00:04:19.000 They had their boot on the necks of the countries of Eastern Europe.
00:04:23.000 But again, once the coercion gives way, the nations want to go their own way and govern themselves.
00:04:28.000 So in a second, I want to ask you about the possibility of xenophobia attached to nationalism that people tend to connect with the concept.
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00:05:44.000 Okay, so let's talk a little bit about the downside of that sort of nationalism.
00:05:47.000 So, a lot of folks will look at the world today and they'll look at nationalistic states, particularly in Eastern Europe, where nationalism has been seen to be on the rise.
00:05:55.000 Some people say Israel, where nationalism is obviously very strong in an area of the world where Israel is under existential threat.
00:06:01.000 And they'll say, well, why aren't they more cosmopolitan?
00:06:04.000 They don't want more immigrants.
00:06:05.000 They want to shut their borders.
00:06:06.000 They seem xenophobic.
00:06:08.000 So, how do we reconcile the idea of, for example, liberal democracy with nationalism?
00:06:13.000 Yeah, so clearly you have forms of nationalism that are caught up in a certain ethnicity and they become ethno-nationalism.
00:06:22.000 I don't think that's the tradition in the United States.
00:06:24.000 And I think true nationalism is not tribal.
00:06:28.000 The nation is a loyalty above your race, above your ethnicity, above your sect, above your partisan loyalty.
00:06:37.000 So it should be a unifying Now, does that always happen?
00:06:43.000 No.
00:06:43.000 Has it largely happened in this country?
00:06:46.000 I would say yes.
00:06:47.000 And this is where I would underline that the large part of my book is about American nationalism, which I think, like a lot of things about this country, is different than versions around the world, different than versions in Europe or Eastern Europe.
00:07:01.000 So let's talk about American nationalism.
00:07:02.000 The chief critique of American nationalism is that we're not actually a nation, that we're a set of different competing interest groups and that we have been bound together by fate or by military power, depending on how you see it.
00:07:15.000 But realistically, The idea of a common American nation that spans both slaves and slaveholders, that spans Native Americans and the people who drove them off their land, that spans oppressors and people who were oppressed, that that is a fantasy or a mirage and that it's history written by the winners.
00:07:31.000 How do you respond to that?
00:07:32.000 Well, there's been an American nation for a very long time, and my contention is that it predates the revolution in 1776.
00:07:40.000 I can't tell you exactly when the American nation arises, but it's sometime between the early 17th century where the settlement starts here and the revolution where you have people who become used to governing themselves that have their own governing institutions.
00:07:55.000 Most importantly, this colonial assemblies that are governing for 100 years.
00:08:00.000 That's a very long time.
00:08:02.000 You don't get the revolution if you don't have a nation prior to it that feels that it has its own claims and rights that need to be vindicated.
00:08:11.000 Now, the shortcomings of the nation, African-Americans are part of the cultural nation from the very beginning, but their rights aren't recognized by the government and the state, and Native Americans are pushed aside by the American nation.
00:08:23.000 So these are two shameful aspects of our history, and I spent a lot of time talking in the book how we need a truthful history of the United States that includes our sins, but it shouldn't Um, necessitate lying about ourselves, which is what we see now in the 1619 Project, the New York Times, and elsewhere, which is something I think really unprecedented in human history.
00:08:45.000 Usually the national tendency is you lie about the other guy.
00:08:49.000 You lie about the other country to drag them down.
00:08:51.000 We have people now who are dragging our own country down.
00:08:55.000 So when we talk about people joining the stream of American history, being admitted to the broader stream of American history, in the case of freed slaves, for example, or Native Americans who decide not to live in tribal reservations, which are a separate governed area, how do people join the American nation?
00:09:10.000 Because if America is a creedal idea, that makes sense, but if America is more than a creed, how do you join with a nation that has a separate history or a separate culture?
00:09:19.000 Yes, I think one of the pillars of the American nation is a cultural core.
00:09:24.000 And African-Americans were contributing to that from the very beginning.
00:09:28.000 I spent some time talking in the book about how Southern culture is really impossible to disaggregate in certain important respects.
00:09:35.000 What's the African influence and what's the European influence?
00:09:38.000 Because it's all mixed up.
00:09:41.000 Native Americans, again, a different case.
00:09:42.000 They were pushed aside, they were excluded, and that's part of the original sin of this country.
00:09:49.000 But you become an American fundamentally by you learn the language, you adopt the mores, you thrill to the stories and the heroes, you honor the symbols.
00:10:01.000 And you believe in the ideals.
00:10:03.000 That makes you an American.
00:10:05.000 And something I say in talks about this topic is if, hypothetically tonight, take a tourist metaphor, an African American meets a white American on the streets, on the stairs of the Paris Opera House, they instantly have more in common than anyone around them.
00:10:24.000 It doesn't matter whether their ideologies are different, their politics are different, where they are from this country, they have a common language, a common mode of dress likely, common cuisine, tend to like the same kind of food, and a huge stock of common cultural references.
00:10:38.000 And I just don't think you can minimize the importance of that to what it is to making an American.
00:10:46.000 So yes, the creed is important, and it's part of that, and the culture and the creed interact with one another and support one another, but it's not just a creed entirely.
00:10:54.000 So, philosophically, what separates group identity from national identity?
00:10:59.000 So, you know, we can say that, for example, black Americans obviously are part of the American story, but there are some black Americans who say, well, we're not.
00:11:06.000 We were left out of the American story, and our chief loyalty lies to the black American story, which is different from the general national American story, and trying to pretend that we are just one part of a broader American history is selling us short.
00:11:18.000 Why should loyalty be to a nation, and in some cases a nation that victimized the group to which it belonged, As opposed to the group to which you, which seems closer to you in terms of proximity.
00:11:29.000 Well, I mean, I think they're overlapping loyalties, right?
00:11:32.000 We're all loyal, most of all, to our family.
00:11:36.000 We might have an affiliation, you know, if you're Irish or American, you might be particularly have a connection to Ireland and St.
00:11:45.000 Patrick's Day and aspects of that language and culture.
00:11:50.000 But ultimately, I think we're all in this together.
00:11:53.000 And none of us are what we are if it weren't for this country.
00:11:58.000 And being born in this country is something none of us are responsible for.
00:12:03.000 It's just an incredibly gratuitous blessing that we're here.
00:12:07.000 So for me, that argues for loyalty to the nation.
00:12:12.000 Now, African Americans, it's a much more difficult case, because they were Treated unjustly for 150 years, horrifically.
00:12:20.000 You know, I've been reading up on slavery because I've been arguing with some of the people who wrote for the 1619 Project, and the Atlantic passage is something it's almost impossible to read about.
00:12:31.000 It's so nauseatingly horrifying.
00:12:35.000 But the story of African-Americans is of loyalty to this country.
00:12:40.000 The emphasis on African-American has to be American.
00:12:44.000 And the lead essay in the New York Times' 1619 Project, I think, was actually moving and correct on this topic.
00:12:50.000 Participated in every American war, even when they had no rights or returning to a country that was going to oppress them.
00:12:57.000 And it's a very moving anecdote in an essay where the author describes being a little girl in school, and the teacher has some project where all the students are going to point to the country on the globe that their family is originally from, and her African-American friend They have no idea.
00:13:14.000 They have no idea where to point.
00:13:15.000 Because they're so American.
00:13:17.000 Exactly because they're so American.
00:13:19.000 And because of various factors, including that we didn't import many slaves here compared to Caribbean islands, and our immigration policy was racist, and we didn't welcome African-Americans.
00:13:31.000 For that reason, if you're an African-American and your family didn't emigrate fairly recently, your lineage in this country probably goes way, way, way back.
00:13:40.000 And in that sense, you're more American than any of the European-American neo-Nazis in Charlottesville, for instance.
00:13:46.000 So let's talk about the Charlottesville supposed-America-first nationalists.
00:13:50.000 So they talk about themselves as nationalists all the time.
00:13:53.000 They speak overtly in terms of ethno-nationalism.
00:13:56.000 They like to quote the founders on this.
00:13:58.000 They will suggest that the founders were talking about white European stock when they were talking about human rights.
00:14:03.000 How do you rebut claims that America was in fact an ethno-state and that over time we sort of changed that, but originally it was designed to be an ethno-state?
00:14:10.000 Yeah, well, originally it was imagined as a country for white people.
00:14:16.000 And that, again, is a great failing of this country at the beginning.
00:14:21.000 Now, I would argue, you know, the founders, even the most blinkered on race, they weren't neo-Nazis, right?
00:14:27.000 I mean, that's just a ridiculous smear.
00:14:29.000 And they created a country that had in it the inherent seed for something bigger and more wide-ranging.
00:14:38.000 And not all the founders were completely blameworthy on this score by contemporary terms.
00:14:45.000 There were some, Alexander Hamilton again, who were relatively tolerant on questions of race at the time, certainly had a dim view of slavery, and they created a system that had this tension.
00:14:58.000 You know, they wanted to have the southern states To do that required compromising with the slave system, but they didn't give away the store.
00:15:07.000 And there's a famous debate in the Constitutional Convention where there's a question of whether we're going to explicitly recognize property in men, whether that phrase is going to be in the Constitution.
00:15:18.000 And Madison says no, because that will really give the slave system a legitimacy it doesn't deserve for.
00:15:27.000 And I think the argument that also, in the back of their minds, is that eventually slavery would be whittled down and eliminated was an important part of that as well.
00:15:37.000 And they were leaving that possibility open.
00:15:39.000 And just the idea, we've heard, that the American Revolution was about slavery and preserving slavery is completely false and a lie.
00:15:46.000 It was actually a time of openness on the question where you have northern states embracing gradual abolition of slavery and even a loosening in the South.
00:15:57.000 Now, obviously there's major backsliding in the South in the 19th century, but if you didn't get the largely free North at that time, At that time, you wouldn't have had a section of the country that eventually is going to win the Civil War and eliminate slavery and at least, in theory, extend rights to blacks.
00:16:16.000 But in the Reconstruction era, there's backsliding, a lack of national will, and then you get another hundred years of oppression.
00:16:23.000 So one of the things that you kick back against in the case for nationalism is the idea that America is solely a creedal nation.
00:16:28.000 So what's wrong with the idea that America is solely a creedal nation based on the Declaration of Independence, this sort of secular catechism, the Constitution of the United States?
00:16:37.000 It simplifies a lot of the problems because when you say common history, language, culture, It's easy for folks on both the ethno-nationalist right and on the left to read that as, well, what you actually mean is race.
00:16:49.000 What you actually mean is ethnicity.
00:16:50.000 When you say that America's creedal, then anybody can join, anybody can leave.
00:16:54.000 Basically, you fulfill these basic tenets and you're American.
00:16:57.000 This is an open debate, obviously, even in the pages of National Review.
00:16:59.000 I know Jonah Goldberg and David French have taken a sort of antagonistic position to your own on this.
00:17:03.000 I have too, actually, on occasion, on this subject.
00:17:06.000 So what's the objection to the idea of American patriotism based on creed as opposed to American patriotism that has this additional element of history, language, culture.
00:17:15.000 So I don't think the creedal nation, the idea of the creedal nation takes account of this distinct bounded entity that is the American Nation.
00:17:27.000 If sort of the ideas are all that matter, what distinguishes us now from any really advanced Western country?
00:17:34.000 They've all embraced the idea.
00:17:36.000 In the 1776, we were different in how thoroughgoingly democratic, small d, democratic we were.
00:17:42.000 Not anymore, you know?
00:17:43.000 So are we all just, America's just the same as any country in the list of OECD countries?
00:17:50.000 I don't think so.
00:17:51.000 It doesn't account for the distinctiveness of America that runs much deeper than the ideals.
00:17:55.000 And two, without the nation, without a nation that has significant territorial extent and power, I would argue the ideals wouldn't mean as much.
00:18:08.000 You can write them down, but this is the insight of the founders that led to the adoption of the Constitution.
00:18:12.000 If you're just going to fall apart into squabbling statelets and be picked apart by, you know, European powers still on our periphery, what's going to happen to your ideals?
00:18:22.000 They're going to be discredited.
00:18:24.000 And we wouldn't have been able to apply our ideals in the way that we did in the 20th century if we weren't a continental nation.
00:18:31.000 So again, the extent and the power of the nation matters and buttresses the ideals.
00:18:37.000 So the distinction between a creedal nation versus a nationalist nation has some practical significance in terms of policy, most obviously on immigration policy.
00:18:47.000 So the idea of a creedal nation would suggest that any Anybody who is willing to join the American creed should be let in.
00:18:54.000 And if they don't have a right to let in, they have at least a very, very strong case to be let in.
00:18:57.000 The idea of a nationalist nation would suggest that even if you adhere to the American creed or you sort of like the American creed, that the American nation still has the sort of moral right to reject you.
00:19:06.000 How do you think that plays out in practical terms?
00:19:08.000 And why do you think that the national view of immigration, the nationalist view of immigration, is superior to the creedal view of immigration?
00:19:14.000 Yeah, so I just don't think, even if for a creedal nation, why would that affect levels of immigration necessarily?
00:19:23.000 I mean, why does that dictate you should have two million rather than one million?
00:19:25.000 You still have to make a policy choice.
00:19:28.000 And, by the way, my idea of nationalism, it's not exclusive.
00:19:33.000 Because people can come here, they can learn the language, they can adopt the mores, they can learn to love the country.
00:19:39.000 That happens all the time.
00:19:41.000 So it's not as though an immigrant from Bangladesh can't do that.
00:19:44.000 They can, and they have.
00:19:46.000 But I object to sort of the saccharine view of America as a quote-unquote nation of immigrants.
00:19:53.000 That means that we can't really question our current immigration policy and can't say we should have fewer immigrants or different kinds of immigrants with different characteristics.
00:20:03.000 I think that's just wrong.
00:20:04.000 I think immigration policy has always been contested in this country.
00:20:09.000 Levels have gone up and down.
00:20:11.000 And I spent a lot of time talking, and this has been misunderstood by critics, talking about the experience in the early 20th century.
00:20:19.000 We had this big characteristic wave of immigration from various European countries.
00:20:26.000 That was a strain on our economy, on our culture, and we worked really hard to absorb These immigrants, there's an incredibly machinery of assimilation set up called the Americanization Movement, and something that's kind of horrifying when you look back on it, is that every elite institution in our life was part of this project, was vested in this project, whether it was the schools, or the non-profits, or the corporations.
00:20:52.000 The Ford Motor Company, don't quote me on this, but it's like 40% of the guys on the factory line were immigrants.
00:20:59.000 A lot of them didn't speak English, so the Ford Motor Company was teaching them English, and the first line in their instructional manual was, I am an American.
00:21:08.000 Now we have comparable high levels of immigration with that machinery of assimilation totally broken down, and with the elite institutions all tilting the other way, kind of against the idea we have of common culture, against the idea of assimilation, which are Presumed to be somehow hateful or divisive or small-minded and exclusive.
00:21:31.000 So that's what worries me about the current high levels of immigration.
00:21:36.000 Also, in the early 20th century, you had all sorts of different people from different countries that spoke different foreign languages, which prevented the creation of big ethnic enclaves all speaking a foreign language, which is hugely problematic for national cohesion.
00:21:53.000 You see examples of this all around the world.
00:21:55.000 So I worry about so many of the current immigrants speaking Spanish at a time when assimilation is weakened.
00:22:03.000 So I would tamp down numbers somewhat, and I would also emphasize skills more than we do currently.
00:22:11.000 And it seems to me there's nothing hateful about that, But the basic insight is that immigration policy should serve our interests, not the interests of the immigrants.
00:22:23.000 And once someone's here, we should be welcoming to them.
00:22:26.000 I'm not anti-immigrant in the least, but we should also be demanding in terms of learning the language and adopting the culture.
00:22:32.000 So in one second, I want to ask you about some of the other policy ramifications of nationalism, where you come down on various issues as an American nationalist.
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00:23:42.000 Alrighty, so let's talk about so-called economic nationalism.
00:23:46.000 So there's a whole group of people, particularly on the right, who have talked about economic nationalism, although you've seen Elizabeth Warren actually adopt some of this language, economic nationalism.
00:23:52.000 We have to stand up for America.
00:23:54.000 She accuses corporations of being transnationally loyal, that corporations are not loyal to the United States.
00:24:01.000 You've seen folks like Tucker Carlson suggest the same.
00:24:04.000 The idea being that economic nationalism is about the welfare of American citizens, which means that we should have high trade barriers, we should have subsidies for particular industries.
00:24:13.000 How does economic nationalism cross streams or not cross streams with nationalism?
00:24:17.000 Well, I think it's just a word for protectionism, basically.
00:24:21.000 And where I come down on this is that the nationalist policy should be, we are putting the interests of our workers first.
00:24:30.000 And same thing in foreign policy.
00:24:31.000 The interests of the nation should come first.
00:24:34.000 Now what constitutes a policy that supports their interests?
00:24:38.000 Then you have a big policy dispute.
00:24:40.000 And this is one thing I frankly acknowledge, is that nationalism doesn't really give you any of these policy answers.
00:24:48.000 In the book, I kind of outline what I think would be a lowest common denominator, conservative version of nationalism.
00:24:55.000 It's emphasizing some of the cultural aspects we've talked about, emphasizing immigration policy, emphasize teaching our history and not as an unrelieved tale of oppression and woe.
00:25:08.000 But once you get beyond that, it's really there's a huge policy dispute.
00:25:13.000 And it's not enough.
00:25:15.000 It doesn't tell you enough about where you are in the political spectrum.
00:25:18.000 Just to say you're a nationalist, you need some further definition of it.
00:25:22.000 You need more adjectives.
00:25:23.000 What is the case for nationalism have to say about the symbols of unity in the United States?
00:25:27.000 So, for example, we've had a huge, massive controversy break out over the use of the American flag.
00:25:33.000 We've had the New York Times running articles basically every other week suggesting it's too controversial to use the American flag.
00:25:39.000 Even the mainstream right has accepted the idea that flag burning is a legitimate form of expression under the First Amendment.
00:25:45.000 The argument there in part seems to turn on the creedal nationalism versus the Sort of historic nationalism argument, meaning that, you know, when I was in when I was in law school, there was a professor named Richard Parker, who's actually a fan of the new left, who's kind of a Robert F. Kennedy liberal.
00:25:59.000 And he wrote an entire book basically arguing in favor of a constitutional amendment to ban flag burning, because his idea was that you do need the symbols of American unity and that the notion that we should tolerate people who are attempting to destroy those symbols is a mistake.
00:26:14.000 Where do you come down on that debate?
00:26:15.000 Well, I appreciate that sentiment.
00:26:16.000 I do think, under the First Amendment, you can't ban flag burning.
00:26:21.000 But you have to have these symbols.
00:26:22.000 They're really important.
00:26:24.000 Part of them just stirs human nature.
00:26:26.000 The great Zionist Theodore Herzl said, with a flag, you'll lead men.
00:26:31.000 That's really true.
00:26:33.000 And we're the most flag-soaked society in the world.
00:26:38.000 And really the adulation of the flag rose up with Civil War and in the aftermath of the Civil War.
00:26:44.000 And you read about the Civil War and color sergeants who were responsible for carrying the flag, just amazing moving stories.
00:26:51.000 Because these battlefields are confused, they get filled with smoke, guys don't know where to go, and they look for the flag.
00:26:59.000 And the flag is considered a symbol of Honor, you can't lose the flag to the other side.
00:27:04.000 So you'll have instances like in Battle of Fredericksburg, one color sergeant shot down, hands it to the other, picked up by the next color sergeant, shot down, picked up by the next color sergeant.
00:27:15.000 So men, not just in a metaphorical sense, in a literal sense, have died for this flag.
00:27:22.000 And if this isn't going to be a symbol of our national unity, you need something else.
00:27:26.000 You have to create something else, and I don't know what it's going to be.
00:27:29.000 And just the idea, I have a colleague whose daughter went to school in New York City, and they wouldn't display any flag.
00:27:39.000 And she asked about this, and the answer from the school was, it's too exclusionary, which is completely absurd.
00:27:45.000 This is something that belongs to all of us.
00:27:47.000 And protest movements always make a mistake if they don't embrace the flag.
00:27:52.000 If they're seen opposing the flag, they hurt their own cause.
00:27:56.000 I just remember when I was at Barack Obama's acceptance speech in 2008 in that big stadium in Denver, Colorado, and I was leaning back, I was down on the floor of the stadium, and leaning back towards where the stands were, filing something, a BlackBerry, still had a BlackBerry, then right at the end of the speech, and something was whipping my head, and I didn't know what it was, and I looked back, and it was the biggest honking American flag I've ever seen outside of maybe a car dealership,
00:28:24.000 And it was an African-American family of 8 to 10 people just waving this flag as vigorously and joyfully as you can imagine.
00:28:32.000 And that's embracing the symbol, and we all should do that.
00:28:35.000 Speaking of those sort of symbols, and symbols of divisiveness, and sort of how broadly we should read the American nationalist stream, what do you make of the controversy over the Confederate flag?
00:28:44.000 So there's obviously been this massive controversy over the Confederate flag.
00:28:47.000 It seems to me, largely from the angle of The Confederate flag as a symbol of enslavement, which is obviously correct at the time, but also as a symbol of it doesn't mean secession.
00:29:00.000 Does it not mean secession?
00:29:01.000 How much respect should be granted to symbols or statues of people who are forcibly attempting to remove part of the United States from from the American nation?
00:29:09.000 Yeah.
00:29:10.000 So the Confederates weren't Nazis.
00:29:11.000 Robert E. Lee wasn't a Nazi.
00:29:13.000 But I'm not a fan of the statues.
00:29:15.000 I don't want them vandalized and people going after them with sledgehammers at 2 a.m.
00:29:19.000 in the morning or anything like that.
00:29:21.000 But it's ultimately a decision for the localities.
00:29:24.000 But my preferred solution would be sending them to battlefields or sending them to museums.
00:29:30.000 They're highly offensive for understandable reasons to African-Americans.
00:29:34.000 In some instances, not all, but some instances they were erected specifically to send a message to African-Americans and to send a message about the worthiness of the Confederate cause.
00:29:45.000 And that's a huge problem.
00:29:47.000 So I'm not a fan of any of those symbols.
00:29:51.000 So why do you think there's been such a kickback against American nationalism over the last 50 years?
00:29:55.000 It's very odd.
00:29:55.000 For a long time, there wasn't a huge amount of kickback over the idea that America was a cohesive nation, even when we were significantly more divided than we are today.
00:30:03.000 I mean, in a time of segregation, there wasn't even this sort of controversy over American Cohesion as a nation.
00:30:09.000 I remember on my radio show I interviewed one of the last surviving members of the Tuskegee Airmen, a red tail, and he was obviously leaving a country that was segregated, going and serving in the military to protect, in many cases, white pilots, shooting down Germans, and then coming back to a country that was segregated.
00:30:24.000 Yeah, unbelievable.
00:30:25.000 And I said to him, you know, why did you do this?
00:30:27.000 He said, because America is my country, and the Constitution of the United States is our founding document, and that's what I was protecting.
00:30:31.000 Right.
00:30:31.000 And now we live in a time where segregation is legally abolished, in a time when everyone, virtually everyone in the United States, with very, very rare exceptions, believes that there should be equal rights for everyone in the United States.
00:30:45.000 When our differences on these sorts of issues that destroyed unity in America for hundreds of years have basically ended— And in the wake of that, we have seen more kickback against nationalism rather than more unity via nationalism.
00:30:57.000 Why do you think that is?
00:30:58.000 Yeah, so I think a couple things.
00:30:59.000 One, cosmopolitanism used to be a posture of the outsiders and the critics of societies, going way back to the philosopher Diogenes, who lived in the marketplace and said, I'm a citizen of the world, at a time when that was completely a meaningless statement because In that time, in that society, you had no meaning outside the polis, your city-state.
00:31:21.000 But this attitude in the 60s and 70s in this country began to seep into the mainstream of our elite institutions.
00:31:29.000 So we now have a denationalizing elite in effect, which again is probably unprecedented in human history, because the governing elite has usually been concerned with building up the nation, as you would expect, because they have a huge role in leading The nation.
00:31:43.000 Then you've also had business and technological changes.
00:31:45.000 The late great sociologist Samuel Huntington pointed out that the 19th century had a lot of business and technological changes that created national affiliations, national loyalty, over and above local affiliations and loyalties.
00:31:59.000 Now in the 20th, late 20th, early 21st century, those kind of changes have tended to create transnational attitude or loyalties over above national loyalties.
00:32:08.000 And then finally, we've seen the rise of anti-racism as kind of a quasi-religious disposition.
00:32:14.000 And it's important to emphasize, there was a Democratic Party nationalist tradition in this country.
00:32:24.000 FDR relies on nationalist symbols and sentiments to sell his program and to rally the country against the real Nazis.
00:32:31.000 And JFK, too, is kind of an exemplar of a consensus nationalism in the mid-20th century.
00:32:37.000 Now that tradition in the Democratic Party is totally blown away.
00:32:41.000 When it comes to the Decline of nationalism and social media.
00:32:45.000 One of the things that I think is an interesting phenomenon is not just the rise of sort of transnational affiliation via social media, but the nationalization of every issue.
00:32:54.000 So if you read the Federalist Papers, there's this idea that the federal government by being set up in a particular way would eventually draw loyalty toward the federal government and away from states and localities.
00:33:03.000 But at the same time, it seems because every issue has now been nationalized, I mean every issue, It's actually led to a breakdown in nationalism, meaning that the agreement of nationalism was that we had to agree on a few top-line items, and this is what made us a nation.
00:33:15.000 We had a few top-line cultural items.
00:33:18.000 But beyond that, we were members of states, localities, local communities, families.
00:33:23.000 As every issue becomes nationalized, ironically, it actually ends up breaking down the nation because we realize just how much we disagree with each other as soon as people start saying that we have to agree at a national level about a lot of these contentious issues.
00:33:32.000 Yeah, and that's a really good point.
00:33:34.000 I think also what's going on is there's this whole strata that conservatives have traditionally been focused on that libertarians haven't been.
00:33:43.000 Libertarians tend to have a view of the society as the state and the individual.
00:33:48.000 Well, there's this whole middle ground of civil society and civil affiliations, whether it's church, family, workplace, volunteer organizations.
00:33:57.000 And that has really been wiped out is too strong a word, but it's been significantly eroded and you have huge parts of the country that don't feel those attachments anymore.
00:34:07.000 So you have a rise of a kind of more isolated individualism than you ever have before.
00:34:14.000 And those people are inherently unhappy.
00:34:17.000 Sometimes to the point of suicide and extremely self-destructive behaviors.
00:34:23.000 But the kind of less maligned form of it, though, is we lack those affiliations now.
00:34:28.000 Now we have our team and our jerseys in terms of national politics, and that's what I'm going to be invested in.
00:34:33.000 And that's a very unhealthy thing.
00:34:35.000 So in one second, I'm going to ask you about President Trump's use of the word nationalism and has that been good or bad for general American perceptions of nationalism.
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00:35:52.000 Alright, so let's talk about President Trump.
00:35:54.000 So obviously, Trump uses the word nationalism a lot.
00:35:56.000 He talks about nationalism.
00:35:57.000 The left loses it on a regular basis every time he uses the word nationalism.
00:36:02.000 It's unclear to me what Trump necessarily means by nationalism.
00:36:05.000 It seems to me more a sort of gut level...
00:36:07.000 I like the flag, I like the military, which is fine.
00:36:09.000 I mean, all of that is stuff with which I agree.
00:36:11.000 But the left wants to read him saying nationalism as alt-right white nationalism or as xenophobic nationalism.
00:36:18.000 He makes a speech in Europe that I thought was actually the best speech of his presidency about nationalism in Europe and then extending that to nationalism in the United States.
00:36:26.000 What do you make of Trump's impact on the nationalism debate?
00:36:28.000 Yeah.
00:36:28.000 So first of all, there's just this nationalist baton that's kind of left on the floor because the Republican Party had lost touch with it under the influence of libertarianism, under the influence of the business elite we've talked about.
00:36:40.000 So he picked up this really powerful force when no one else was interested in it.
00:36:45.000 And I do think it's instinctive.
00:36:47.000 And Trump's nationalism, when you strip it down, it's that famous photo of him at CPAC a year or two ago hugging the flag.
00:36:54.000 I mean, that's his nationalism.
00:36:55.000 But you get him on the teleprompter, and I think it's unassailable, and in some cases really powerful and moving.
00:37:03.000 The Poland speech that you're referring to is a great example of that, where he talks about, and this is deeply true, how the Polish nation could never be eliminated, because there's something so Polish about the Poles.
00:37:16.000 So even though it's in this horrific place in Europe where it's constantly trampled and occupied and partitioned and subject to the worst kind of horrors during World War II, the Polish nation never goes away.
00:37:29.000 And this is really an insight, this might be the only insight that Rousseau and Trump have ever shared, but Rousseau wrote that this is the key, you know, when Poland was being occupied by Russia, just stay Polish.
00:37:41.000 Your customs, your mores, your tradition, hold to those, and they'll never absorb you and make you go away.
00:37:46.000 And that turned out to be correct.
00:37:48.000 Then you get Trump out in the wild, off of the teleprompter, and I think a huge part of the appeal of nationalism is the potential to make a unifying, one-nation appeal.
00:38:00.000 And Trump just throws away this opportunity Over and over again.
00:38:05.000 Just an example, two months ago, the tweets storm about Baltimore, where it says no human being would live in Baltimore or West Baltimore.
00:38:14.000 Well, the fact of the matter, human beings do live in West Baltimore, and they're not just human beings, they're Americans, and Donald Trump is the head of state of the United States of America.
00:38:23.000 So it's just one of these other instances, and I think this is one of the main pitfalls of his presidency, where he doesn't stop to think, I'm the President of the United States, right?
00:38:32.000 If people are looking at me, and I'm not just the host of Celebrity Apprentice anymore, you know, fighting with Rosie O'Donnell on social media.
00:38:41.000 I have a much higher role than that, and he falls down on that.
00:38:45.000 And obviously, Charlottesville is another example, where it's just a layup to forthrightly and unambiguously denounce the neo-Nazis.
00:38:53.000 And I know, read it closely, he does denounce the neo-Nazis, but does it kind of in a mealy-mouthed way.
00:39:00.000 And these are just instances of Trump just falling down as a president and as a nationalist.
00:39:07.000 So when you talk about the Democratic Party having abandoned its former adherence to nationalism, and obviously from FDR to JFK this was a common strain for the Democratic Party.
00:39:18.000 At the same time, you'll hear Democrats argue that Barack Obama was talking about our higher ideals, the better angels of our nature, that he was attempting to unify.
00:39:25.000 It's just that there were too many people in America who weren't willing to hear his version of unity.
00:39:28.000 Now, as a conservative, I do not recall a lot about Barack Obama that was unifying, nor do I remember him trying to unify the country very much.
00:39:35.000 I seem to remember more him talking about his typical white grandmother and how America's racism was baked into its DNA and all the rest of this.
00:39:41.000 But people on the left seem to remember a completely different Barack Obama who actually was pursuing American unity rather than American division.
00:39:47.000 What do you make of Obama's presidency along these lines?
00:39:49.000 So I do think there was an appeal to a creedal patriotism or nationalism.
00:39:55.000 It completely slighted or left out kind of the more grounded aspects of nationalism that I've been talking about.
00:40:02.000 But I think certainly in comparison to where the Democratic Party is today, and this is an endless progression, where in Obama years Clinton looked like a moderate, and Obama now looks like a moderate compared to where the left is today.
00:40:17.000 So compared to what we're hearing from current Democrats, yes, he was patriotic compared to where they were, and he was trying to make a unifying appeal on race, certainly compared to where the left is today.
00:40:33.000 What's been fascinating to watch is Beto O'Rourke, who obviously, after flaming out spectacularly in the early stages of this campaign, decided to become the most woke person on stage and simply say what he thinks was lying at the root of the soul of the Democratic Party.
00:40:46.000 You know, we're going to grab all of your guns.
00:40:48.000 I'm going to remove tax-exempt status for every church in the country.
00:40:51.000 Among the things that he was saying, and has continued to say even after his campaign, is that America was founded in 1619, repeating the nostrums of the 1619 Project.
00:41:00.000 How do you rebut the presumption that America was founded on slavery, that the true founding of the United States was not 1776, or even Plymouth Rock, that the true founding of the United States was in fact when the first African slave arrived on American shores?
00:41:11.000 Yes, I don't see how that makes any sense.
00:41:13.000 Why would that be the founding of America?
00:41:16.000 It's very important.
00:41:17.000 date in America, tracing this threat of oppression back to the beginning.
00:41:23.000 But I think it makes no sense to say that that's the founding of America unless you are going to make America entirely about race and entirely about slavery and entirely about our sins, which is obviously what they're doing and why they're focusing on that date.
00:41:41.000 And And Beto, while the campaign was still going, he had a meeting, I think it was in San Antonio or something, with recent immigrants and refugees.
00:41:49.000 And he was telling this story of the country to these people who the best thing that's ever happened to them has actually gotten here, and he's telling them a lie.
00:41:57.000 About America.
00:41:58.000 And again, going to assimilation, I worry that we are going to assimilate immigrants into a culture of grievance about the country they've joined.
00:42:10.000 And that's a shameful and really worrisome thing.
00:42:14.000 Frankly, I'm sort of amazed at the adherence that the 1619 Project has brought.
00:42:18.000 You saw the Washington Post immediately launch its competitor to the 1619 Project, suddenly running pieces about slavery as though this was breaking news.
00:42:25.000 And it seems to me that it's been over for at least 150 years, but apparently should be covered on the front page of every major newspaper as soon as the New York Times starts pushing the 1619 Project.
00:42:34.000 Again, the 1619 Project to me, and I was very critical of it, was It has some points to make, obviously, about what Americans should know about the dark side of American history and slavery, and I'm a big believer in that.
00:42:47.000 At the same time, every single essay was geared toward the idea that major institutions in America were rooted in American slavery in a way that was utterly disconnected from both logic and history.
00:42:58.000 It was bizarre.
00:42:59.000 Traffic jams in the Atlanta suburbs are because of slavery.
00:43:03.000 That's actually one of the better pieces.
00:43:04.000 I mean, the traffic jams in the Atlanta suburbs, at least they tried to connect that to segregation and the history of living patterns.
00:43:09.000 My favorite was when they connected your use of an Excel spreadsheet to slavery.
00:43:14.000 There's an actual piece in the 1619 Project where someone posits that because slave masters used to tally How much work people were getting done on a ledger, that that was an element of capitalism that you repeat every single day when you go into your office and you fill out a time sheet, which is completely ridiculous.
00:43:32.000 It's complete insanity.
00:43:34.000 What's driving all this?
00:43:36.000 What is the motivating factor behind this?
00:43:38.000 I really think we have people in this country, we talked a little bit about denationalizing elite, and a left that does not like the American nation and wants to tear it down, and wants to tell lies about it.
00:43:52.000 And that's a shameful proposition.
00:43:56.000 I will say this though, as conservatives and republicans.
00:44:00.000 We talked about how we need a truthful version of American history, and there have been times when we've turned away from our sins.
00:44:09.000 I think they're telling a lie, and we have at times told ourselves a sugar-coated version, so we should face frontally the nation's sins and should realize, as the 1619 Project points out, the freedom fighters in American history at the vanguard have been African-Americans.
00:44:28.000 And I've talked about how the lineage of African-Americans goes back so far in this country and the emphasis is on Americans.
00:44:34.000 So as conservatives who love this country and love freedom, we need to be connected with that more.
00:44:40.000 It's a historic tragedy that the Republican Party is so alienated from African-American voters and conservatives.
00:44:47.000 We are, and I think we need to be aware of this, and we need to work at this.
00:44:52.000 And Frederick Douglass should be on the currency, right?
00:44:55.000 Frederick Douglass, the most photographed man in the 19th century, looks like an Old Testament prophet, you know?
00:45:00.000 No one looks better than Frederick Douglass.
00:45:02.000 Should be on the currency.
00:45:04.000 We should mark Juneteenth.
00:45:06.000 That's a big deal, the end of slavery.
00:45:10.000 We should reject the lies about ourselves, but also acknowledge the truth in that story about African-American history and their oppression by this country.
00:45:20.000 I mean, it seems like we're in such a reactionary time, where if you say that much, then people on the right say, well, you know what the left's going to do.
00:45:25.000 What the left's going to do is now they're going to say, okay, you've acknowledged all these evils of history, and they're going to say, well, every evil that exists today is actually a vestige of the evils of history.
00:45:33.000 So how do you logically Create gaps between the evils of slavery, the evils of Jim Crow, and what people would say are vestiges of slavery and Jim Crow in lasting inequality between black and white in the United States.
00:45:45.000 Well, thinking's all about drawing lines.
00:45:47.000 And yes, there's a slippery slope.
00:45:48.000 There's a slippery slope in everything.
00:45:50.000 But you don't want the fact that giving one concession leads to something completely absurd to make you avoid giving the concession if it's justified.
00:46:02.000 And People on the right, including at National Review, push back against me on Confederate monuments.
00:46:08.000 This is a point they make.
00:46:09.000 They'll come after Thomas Jefferson, which they will.
00:46:12.000 They'll come after George Washington, which they will.
00:46:14.000 But they can be defended, and should be defended, on entirely different grounds.
00:46:19.000 I talk about in the book this historic church in Alexandria, where after the Charlottesville They took down a plaque of Robert E. Lee, because he had worshipped there, and they also took down a plaque of George Washington, because he was worshipped there.
00:46:32.000 These two things are not the same.
00:46:34.000 These are not comparable figures with comparable contributions to American history.
00:46:40.000 So it's incumbent on conservatives, as the rational people, to be willing to make these distinctions and not get pushed into an unthinking tribalism just because that's what you have on the other side.
00:46:53.000 So, speaking of nationalism more broadly, not just American nationalism, what is the, Yoram Hazony has talked about, again a nationalist scholar, he's talked about nationalism a fair bit.
00:47:02.000 He suggests that nationalism is a great, good for the world, makes some of the same arguments you make in the case for nationalism.
00:47:07.000 He also suggests that in order for nationalism to be justified, there has to be a sort of moral minimum.
00:47:11.000 And the moral minimum are things like human rights, the capacity to vote, you know, certain things that we all have to agree on.
00:47:18.000 It seems like one of the things that the left has done in the media and transnationally is they've simply lumped all nationalism together in a ball.
00:47:25.000 They've said that American nationalism is the same as Polish nationalism is the same as Saudi nationalism and that they are all the same.
00:47:32.000 How do we draw those distinctions?
00:47:34.000 Right.
00:47:34.000 So, first of all, American nationalism is different.
00:47:36.000 I mean, its sheet anchor is the U.S.
00:47:38.000 Constitution, which is a document of liberty and a liberal document, and that makes us different than most of the other countries abroad.
00:47:48.000 But there's no doubt that nationalism can be abused, like anything that's a powerful and natural force.
00:47:54.000 Malign people will use it for ill ends.
00:47:58.000 I think a very basic distinction is between small-D democratic nationalism and authoritarian or dictatorial nationalism, which fades into imperialism.
00:48:07.000 Now, the line gets fuzzy.
00:48:09.000 What is just being a bumptious and aggressive nation advancing nationalism and what becomes imperialism?
00:48:17.000 But certainly, Putin uses nationalistic themes, but I think Russia is clearly a neo-imperial project.
00:48:26.000 The same thing is true of President Xi and China.
00:48:29.000 But these distinctions are not hard to make and they should be made.
00:48:34.000 And you look at World War II, the The Nazis make nationalist appeals as well.
00:48:39.000 I would argue they're not just nationalists.
00:48:42.000 There's this cracked racial vision of a Europe that's going to be dominated by the Aryan race.
00:48:49.000 And the people who defeat them, in the West at least, are democratic nationalists.
00:48:53.000 They're FDR.
00:48:55.000 They're de Gaulle.
00:48:56.000 They're Churchill.
00:48:57.000 So when we look at the future of the United States, do you think that there is a future to American nationalism?
00:49:03.000 Because we've discussed the fact that the left is making a very strong case against American nationalism, almost a separatist case with regard to various groups in the United States bifurcating all of us, suggesting that we are all members of subgroups rather than the parent group.
00:49:16.000 And that seems to be having an enormous amount of of effect, particularly on young people, who are either reacting from the left by saying, you're right, America was never a nation, it was all a myth, or reacting, in some cases, on the far right by saying, no, you're totally right, now we want out.
00:49:33.000 You keep degrading white people, and so we are going to start identifying as white nationalists.
00:49:39.000 You want your group to be treated as a group, but we want our group to be treated as a group.
00:49:43.000 Do you see a future for this unity road?
00:49:46.000 It seems increasingly difficult.
00:49:48.000 Yeah, I think there has to be a future for it, because identity politics will end one way or the other, eventually, it might take a long time, in destruction of the country, because it will erode our institutions, and it'll eat away at the creed.
00:50:05.000 If people are loyal to their race or ethnicity above all, that will eat away at the foundations of our country.
00:50:15.000 And you might not like the emphasis I have in my nationalism and might say other things are more important than I'm giving credit for them, but some version of this is hugely important to preserve this country and its institutions and its ideals.
00:50:33.000 So one of the things that I'm fearful of is you can see on both the right and the left the revived use of nationalism to go back to the economic nationalism point.
00:50:41.000 The idea is that if unity can't be found in sort of the higher ideals or a common history, language, and culture, that unity will be found in the leviathan, that unity is going to be found in the government.
00:50:50.000 A government that takes care of all of us, a government that provides for our health care, a government that decides how the markets are supposed to work.
00:50:56.000 You see this on the right, I'd say Tucker Carlson tends to be more on the side.
00:51:00.000 And then on the left, you see it in Elizabeth Warren.
00:51:02.000 And there's a reason that Tucker has endorsed some of Elizabeth Warren's economic plans.
00:51:07.000 Are you concerned at all that the rubric of American nationalism can be hijacked by people who say, okay, well, as Barack Obama suggested in 2012 at the DNC, the only thing that we have in common is the government?
00:51:18.000 Right, right, right.
00:51:19.000 So I think we need a strong, capable national government, a government that can respond to crises.
00:51:26.000 That is a point of coherence for the country.
00:51:30.000 But there are all sorts of other really important aspects of this country besides the government.
00:51:36.000 And a strong and capable government doesn't need to be handing you a check every month.
00:51:41.000 It doesn't need to be regulating or cracking down on you if the wrong sort of tortoise wanders into your property somewhere in the southwest.
00:51:49.000 I do think the party, Republican Party, it needs to become more nationalist in a thoughtful way.
00:51:56.000 And it does need to become more populist.
00:51:59.000 It doesn't mean throwing away the markets, but it does mean paying more attention to the plight of the working class in this country.
00:52:09.000 Now, one of the frustrations I've had in this big debate we're having on the right at a certain 30,000 feet level It's so abstract, it's completely disconnected to what the policies are.
00:52:20.000 So what are you proposing that's actually going to help these working class voters?
00:52:25.000 I mean, clearly they should have, it's important to have cheap energy, cheap healthcare, cheap education, high wages, and a culture that is conducive to virtuous behavior and stable families.
00:52:40.000 I think all conservatives, everyone on the right, support those things.
00:52:43.000 So let's argue about how to get them.
00:52:45.000 And I think, by and large, there are ways to get them through market-oriented solution.
00:52:50.000 But let's think it through and get to some specifics here.
00:52:54.000 I think that's a big thing that's been missing from the debate.
00:52:56.000 And I also think that this is one of the ironies of Trump ideologies.
00:53:00.000 I think a more nationalistic working class oriented politics has more potential to jump racial lines than kind of a conventional stereotypical Mitt Romney republicanism.
00:53:11.000 I do think there are black working class and middle class males and Latino males who can be attracted to this sort of politics.
00:53:22.000 Is Trump ever going to realize that?
00:53:24.000 Probably not.
00:53:25.000 He'd really have to work it.
00:53:27.000 He'd have to act differently than he does.
00:53:30.000 But I do think this is a pointer for some future Republican leader.
00:53:34.000 And I just think it's necessary because the map, it's going to be driven by the electoral map, if nothing else.
00:53:41.000 You know, Virginia may be gone for the Republican Party.
00:53:44.000 He's You see the Southwest, maybe Texas sliding away because of demographic changes there and suburban growth.
00:53:51.000 So you may need to have a more consistent path to winning Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin.
00:53:58.000 And I do think that will require a different kind of politics.
00:54:00.000 So there's some on the right.
00:54:02.000 Henry Olsen comes to mind who believes that the move that the Republican Party needs to make, the conservatives need to make, is a sort of bigger government involvement in the economy and acceptance that the government is going to play a significant role in everything from health care to subsidizing manufacturing and that the conservatives have to get out of bed with quote-unquote big business, move away from the sort of economic libertarianism that has become sort of characteristic of the Republican Party for the last 20 odd years.
00:54:29.000 Then there are folks who say, no, those policies are good policies, but they need to start making an overtly nationalistic pitch on those grounds.
00:54:35.000 And then you have folks who say, well, they shouldn't make a nationalistic pitch at all.
00:54:37.000 They should just make the libertarian sort of argument.
00:54:40.000 Where do you come down on that debate?
00:54:42.000 I think the libertarian argument isn't a winner.
00:54:45.000 I think market-oriented policies are the better policies, but how you present them, and in certain cases, you know, your policy might change, but how you present them is certainly important.
00:54:57.000 One thing that's very frustrating to me, and I think we've seen some changes in this respect, but was the overemphasis on entrepreneurs and the rhetoric of the Republican Party.
00:55:09.000 Entrepreneurs are extremely important.
00:55:11.000 We love entrepreneurs.
00:55:13.000 About 8% of the country or something, entrepreneurs.
00:55:15.000 The vast majority are workers.
00:55:18.000 So you need to be focused on them and on their needs as well, at least as a matter of rhetoric.
00:55:27.000 And we also need to be focused on wages.
00:55:30.000 We tend to focus on GDP growth, we tend to focus on the stock market.
00:55:35.000 Astonishingly, President Trump, although the whole thing is supposed to be based on this populism, he talks about GDP growth in the stock market all the time, rather than wages, even though he has a pretty good story to tell about wages, certainly among people in the lower part of the income scale.
00:55:51.000 But I think it should be higher on the conservative agenda.
00:55:53.000 How do we get higher wages for workers than it has been in the past?
00:55:59.000 One of the questions there has historically been, how do you make that pitch without sliding immediately into the terms of debate that the left prefers to use?
00:56:05.000 As soon as you start talking about workers, then the left starts pitching the labor theory of value.
00:56:10.000 As soon as you start talking about wages, they say, well, why don't we just subsidize wages with minimum wage?
00:56:14.000 And I guess the question becomes, on a political level, how do you outpitch the person who is basically offering a direct guarantee that they're going to give you exactly the thing that you're suggesting will naturally happen if you leave the market to its own devices?
00:56:24.000 Yeah, so I mean that's a problem with every area, right?
00:56:28.000 They directly say we're just going to give people or mandate whatever this good is, and there's always some major downsides and unattended effects to that which make us oppose it.
00:56:41.000 So minimum wage laws, obviously you're pricing some people out of the job market, and being in the job market is hugely important.
00:56:50.000 It's good for your well-being at every level, and it's important to developing skills.
00:56:56.000 So even if some workers will be better off with that higher minimum wage, if you're screwing others out of a job, that's not a good policy.
00:57:06.000 Unions, the problem is, they often, in the American model of unions, they can be parasitic on their companies and help destroy them, which isn't good for workers.
00:57:15.000 But I'm open to considering, are there other forms of worker organization?
00:57:20.000 There's a policy guy named Eli Lehrer who's written about this a little bit for us.
00:57:25.000 And let's just be an instance of, let's think it through.
00:57:28.000 Let's see what the detailed policy would be, whether it's a good idea, and whether we can support it, even though it's something Different, and something that we wouldn't have been focused on, say, in the 1980s.
00:57:40.000 So I'm going to ask you to do a little bit of political projection here.
00:57:42.000 You're looking forward to 2020 like the rest of us are.
00:57:45.000 We may be recording this in our rears, so everything may change in the next five minutes.
00:57:50.000 We'll see how impeachment is going.
00:57:52.000 But if you had to ballpark, if you had to forecast what's going to happen in 2020, who takes the Democratic nomination, how President Trump performs against them, what are the factors and what do you see happening?
00:58:02.000 Well, I think Democrats are going through this phase that we went through in 2016, where we think, oh, it's a big field, a lot of new, fresh faces.
00:58:09.000 This is a really strong field.
00:58:11.000 And then you get into it, and you're like, this is a terrible field, and Trump's going to stomp them all.
00:58:16.000 And that's why, well, this may be over when this runs, but the Bloomberg flirtation with running and others we've heard about, you know, Eric Holder.
00:58:25.000 And others, it's part of a freak-out on the part of at least an element of the Democratic establishment and the Democratic donor base.
00:58:31.000 Because you have Joe Biden that's this bifurcated phenomenon.
00:58:35.000 I'm not sure he's had one good day on the campaign trail.
00:58:38.000 The fundraising is atrocious.
00:58:40.000 He's like in fourth place in fundraising.
00:58:43.000 In the early states, you'd say Iowa and New Hampshire, based on that, he's crashing and burning.
00:58:48.000 But he has persisted in the strength in the national polls.
00:58:52.000 So to me, that just shows Democrats, they want to be with him.
00:58:57.000 They want to like him.
00:58:58.000 They want someone like that.
00:59:00.000 But the performance ability isn't there.
00:59:02.000 And I would just think throwing him into this race with Donald Trump would be a huge risk because you just don't know when he's going to fall on his face, like in a really big moment or during a debate.
00:59:12.000 Almost literally.
00:59:12.000 Yeah, no, literally.
00:59:14.000 And then Elizabeth Warren, she's run a pretty good primary campaign, but she's not objectively, like, a generational talent, you know, the way Barack Obama was.
00:59:24.000 Maybe Obama, at his best days, could kind of sell this program in a general election.
00:59:29.000 Can she?
00:59:29.000 I really doubt it.
00:59:31.000 And it even seems to be dawning on her that Medicare for All is a huge mistake and is going to be an albatross around her neck.
00:59:39.000 And if she wins a nomination, she's going to have to find some way, I think, to wiggle out of it.
00:59:43.000 Bernie Sanders might be stronger in some ways than Elizabeth Warren, but he's a self-declared socialist, and that's a radioactive word in our politics.
00:59:51.000 So sometimes I squint just the right way, and I'm like, okay, Buttigieg.
00:59:54.000 Buttigieg is their stronger guy.
00:59:56.000 He is hyper-articulate, like Obama levels of speaking.
01:00:00.000 He hasn't had any bad moments in any of the debates except for that one debate over, you know, there's a police-involved shooting, and he was Cornered at one moment, but someone from the wings interrupted and he didn't really quite see how cornered he was.
01:00:13.000 But he's, you know, bright and shiny as a new penny.
01:00:17.000 He's the mayor of South Bend, and so far shown just zero appeal to African Americans.
01:00:22.000 So, that'd obviously be a huge obstacle to winning the nomination, and a huge problem in a general election.
01:00:29.000 And we've seen some debate about this bubbling out there.
01:00:32.000 But African-Americans are, there's some element of African-American opinion that is not in to gay marriage.
01:00:39.000 And this would be a huge problem for him.
01:00:40.000 So who's the strongest?
01:00:42.000 I don't know.
01:00:43.000 I have zero idea.
01:00:45.000 And Trump's path, obviously, it's a really narrow path, but it's an open path.
01:00:50.000 And it's a path that does not involve winning the popular vote, which is kind of crazy.
01:00:54.000 I mean, have you ever thought about an incumbent president who's going to win but can't do with the popular vote?
01:00:58.000 but it's threading the needle again electorally and...
01:01:02.000 And that path is open in those formerly blue-wall states, especially if they nominate someone who is deeply flawed or ideologically too far to the left.
01:01:13.000 And that seems to characterize the top four candidates at the moment.
01:01:17.000 So in a second, I'm going to ask you what Trump needs to do in order to win.
01:01:19.000 So you talked about the shortcomings of the Democrats.
01:01:20.000 I want to ask you what Trump needs to do in order to win.
01:01:22.000 But if you want to hear Rich Lowry's answer, you have to be a Daily Wire subscriber.
01:01:26.000 To subscribe, head on over to dailywire.com, click our subscribe button, and you can hear the end of our conversation over there.
01:01:32.000 Well, Rich Lowry, the book is The Case for Nationalism.
01:01:34.000 Thanks so much for stopping by, Rich.
01:01:35.000 Great to see you.
01:01:35.000 I appreciate it.
01:01:36.000 I appreciate it.
01:01:47.000 Executive producer, Jeremy Boren.
01:01:49.000 Associate producer, Colton Haas.
01:01:51.000 Our guests are booked by Caitlin Maynard.
01:01:53.000 Post-production is supervised by Alex Zingara.
01:01:56.000 Editing by Donovan Fowler.
01:01:58.000 Audio is mixed by Mike Peromino.
01:02:00.000 Hair and makeup is by Jesua Olvera.
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01:02:04.000 The Ben Shapiro Show Sunday Special is a Daily Wire production.