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The Candice Malcolm Show
- March 21, 2022
Canada collapsed during Covid. Here’s how we fix it. (Ft. Irvin Studin)
Episode Stats
Length
32 minutes
Words per Minute
166.84798
Word Count
5,368
Sentence Count
341
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
15
Summary
Summaries are generated with
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.
Transcript
Transcript is generated with
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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.
00:00:00.000
Canada needs to come up with a serious and credible plan to move past COVID, to end all
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COVID-era mandates and restrictions, to get our economy back on track, but also to begin to
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address the considerable harm done to the social fabric of our country by the unprecedented
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government overreach. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in. So it's become almost like a cliche lately to say
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that we need to move past COVID. We need to get back to normal. The reality is that we cannot move
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back in time. We'll never be able to get back to 2019. We need to move forward, yes, but we also
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need to meticulously study what exactly happened over the past two years. We need to investigate
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what happened and why. We need to cancel the overzealous government programs, yes, but we also
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need to put in place safeguards to make sure that that power can never be abused again, that power
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thirsty politicians, overbearing governments cannot undermine our rights and freedoms again in the
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future. So today I'm very pleased to be joined by someone who is working on these very ideas, working
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on a project to get us to move forward and to get our lives back on track. I'm very pleased today to be
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joined by Irvin Studen. Irvin is the founder and editor-in-chief of Global Brief Magazine, one of the
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leading international policy thinkers in Canada. Irvin has been a public policy professor and worked
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for both the Canadian Prime Minister and an Australian Prime Minister in 2004. He was a member
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of a small team who wrote Canada's first national security policy. In 2006, he did something similar
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down in Australia. Irvin holds a bachelor's degree from York University, a master's from both Oxford and
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London School of Economics, and a PhD from Osgood Law School. Notably, this is really interesting,
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Irvin has taught foreign policy, both at Ukraine's Higher School of Public Administration in Kiev,
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as well as at Russia's Academy for National Economy and Public Administration in Moscow. So we're going
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to talk a little bit about the Russia-Ukraine conflict as well. There are a few people in the
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world who are more qualified to talk about what's going on than Irvin, and I'm really pleased to have
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him on the show today. So Irvin, thank you so much for taking the time to join us today.
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It's a real pleasure, Candice. Thanks for having me. I enjoy your work.
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Well, I appreciate it. So you recently chaired and you wrote a national exit plan for COVID. So
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first of all, take us through what led to this and why you decided to take on this project.
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Well, we were not exiting. We were not exiting as a country. We were studying COVID. We were
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living COVID. We were sentimentalizing. And in late 2021, I had a long conversation with
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the person who is now the co-chair of this national, the Canada Science and Policy Committee
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to exit the pandemic, Kouadjo Keremantan. He said, we said, we should bring together the leading
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scientists and leading policy thinkers and do our own science table. And so I turned that on its head
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and we spoke for a while. And I said, Kouadjo, let's actually call it the committee to exit the pandemic
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because I'm a policy person. You're a science and medical person. We'll bring together these
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solitudes, the solitudes that really have not been talking to each other. The medical and science
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community is clinically strong, but they stink at public policy. I mean, really, they stink because
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public policy is a craft. It's not something that can be just made up through pure intelligence.
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And the policy community, the political community is illiterate in science, largely. So we bring
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together these solitudes, properly national, specialists across all the disciplines, which
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is key, and I'm sure we'll get to that. And we choreograph and exit. So we're not there to study
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or sentimentalize. It really is a policy lead informed by science. So Kouadjo and I and the
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committee have released the national exit plan. It is comprehensive. It is regionalized across the
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second largest country in the world. And it speaks to a policy choreography of exit across eight
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systems crises, which are important to understand, if you're really going to understand where we are,
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what's happened, and how to properly get out as a country so that we have a good tomorrow.
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It's excellent. Such a great initiative and so comprehensive. So I want to go through some of
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the areas that you focused on. One of the things I thought was interesting that you had two different
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categories, one COVID public health and one non-COVID public health. And I know that it's become
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a big issue that everyone's talking about, the fact that there's so many people have neglected
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their health. So much of this early cancer prevention, so much mental health issues have
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come up. In some cases, they're far worse than COVID itself. So could you walk us through those
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two different public health areas and why you drew that distinction? Well, there are actually eight
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systems, and those are two of the eight. So I'll walk through the eight and then explain what those two
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mean and why we came to that divination. It's COVID public health, non-COVID public health.
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A couple of years ago, you might have said public health as a generality, one system, but we divided
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it to be a little sharper. COVID public health, non-COVID public health. Then there's, of course,
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the economy and business. Education, institutions, national unity, social fabric,
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and then the international. I might be missing one. I'm a systems thinker, and the only proper way to
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have dealt with the COVID pandemic at the start, this is how the best countries dealt with it,
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but certainly on exit is to think of the country and systems. At that point, we would appreciate that
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while COVID was a shock to the country, it was not the only system going in the second largest country
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in the world in a big society. We always have many balls in the air. That's the appropriate way to
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think of a complex country. In the early pandemic, through some of the solitudes we discussed, and
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also through social media, and the general inexperience in Canada in dealing with crises of this scale,
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we reduced all of our reality to COVID counts, for better or worse. And I'm not sentimentalizing,
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I'm just recounting what was. But then we began to think that COVID was our only condition,
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and that solving COVID, whenever that meant, would bleed favorably into all these other systems,
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which we neither appreciated nor understood. As a result of that reduction of all our reality
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to the COVID public health pandemic, we collapsed the other systems. I mean, literally collapsed.
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Education, which is near and dear to my heart, and which we've been working on separately through
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the Worldwide Commission to Educate All Kids, was a total collapse. I mean, kids started being ousted
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from all education in total, 200,000 kids plus across the country in the Oliver Twist condition,
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not in any school at all. Businesses were being collapsed and bankrupted and ousted for no reason other
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than we imagined that the only thing happening was the pandemic. Whereas other countries had an
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appreciation, the pandemic is here, put an accent on it. But there are other fish to fry, we have a big
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country, we can't collapse the economy, kids should still be educated, because tomorrow is going to be
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difficult. We have to keep the country unified, we have to keep our international standing, we keep diplomatic
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and intelligence activities. And we didn't. The government closed the society, and the government
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itself retreated. And betwixt these two solitudes, we, in the de-energization of the society, we had
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disintegration. And so the systems approach commends a reconstitution of these systems that were
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collapsed. That's why when we say COVID public health, we're at an endemic stage. For all practical
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intense purpose, the pandemic is over. For Canada, it is endemic. That means it will be seasonal in
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character. It will be managed seasonally, as we do other maladies. And for comorbid, or aged or
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vulnerable populations, we project that much more energy. That's appropriate. That's how an
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intelligent society thinks. But in non-COVID public health, which we collapsed, we must provide surplus
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energy. So all the things that were not diagnosed, all the procedures and processes that were
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neglected, or marginalized, the new mental health conditions that that that that were created over
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course the pandemic, physical health conditions, the general societal angst, children, all of this
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thing requires energy. One of the working hypotheses of the exit plan is high energy, high energy at the
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front. So no sentimentality, high energy, not because I have a fetish for energy, or because I like high
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energy, it's because we collapse the systems. So we need to reconstitute the systems even to 2019 levels
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2019. We have to provide that much more energy. So it is all the systems at once, high energy at the
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front, including that vulnerable population COVID, but especially in non-COVID public health, huge surge,
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reach out to the population, who's not well, who hasn't been diagnosed in the business area, in the
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business sector, business system as well, reach out to all the companies, who's in trouble, who hasn't
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been able to access working capital for whatever reason, who's on the on the verge, who needs to be
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reconstituted. It's not because government has a central role in business, but because government was
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responsible for the original ouster. And even if government removes restrictions, tens of thousands of
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businesses are either on the on the on the edge or disappeared. So it's not enough to just remove
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restrictions, even though that's a that's a key first point in the in the strategy, all things need
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to be worked in a simultaneous choreography. But Irvin, we're left with this struggle. So the very
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people who were in charge who failed to have the foresight to understand all of these complicated
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systems, who let them all collapse and focus entirely on COVID, I can kind of understand that
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in March, April 2020, when we just didn't know what this was, we didn't know how bad it was going
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to be. But at some point, we realized the limited scope of COVID, that there are certain populations
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that are very vulnerable, and the rest of society, not so much the fact that little kids were
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punitively punished by COVID policies, even though they're at such small risk. So the very people who
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let all that terrible things happened and led the charge on that are now the ones that we are going to
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expect to come up with this plan to sort of move past it. How can we trust these, these institutions
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and these people who allow this to happen in the first place?
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What I call thinking, we're at the core of their absence, the absence of leadership and thinking
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we're at the core of our collapse. And it was really a calamitous collapse for Canada, I've never
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seen it. Some people will have difficulty accepting, once they see what's happened, that this could have
00:11:08.180
happened in our country. Now, obviously, many of those people are, are still in decision making
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roles, at all levels of government, at all levels of public health across all parties, and the
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professions. We did this plan for them. We did the thinking for them. And many of them, I should say,
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I could now say the public fed quietly into parts of the plan, because they said, Irvin, you guys do the
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thinking, you do the structure, we don't exactly understand what the problem is, what, by the way,
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many people don't understand what the problem is, they think our problem is COVID and masks and
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vaccines. That is one widget of a larger systems collapse. You know, it is the key original impulse
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for collapse. And we need to fix it, but we need to fix it in tandem with all these other systems.
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So once we have that broad structure, again, the exit matrix is eight by 21, across all the systems,
00:12:04.040
several months out, across all regions of Canada, with an endpoint, with a strategic endpoint. Once
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people understand that that is the choreography, rather than mask on, mask off, obviously, it's mask
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off, I should just stress, but that's just a tweet, right? Once they understand that, they can start to
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implement. We've done the thinking, they fed their parts in, they fed us intelligence across the
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country, because the country is very big. So the regional, the regional character of the exit is
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very important. We have to trust that they will execute. And I see in bits now, that they are co-opting
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or directly using our, our elements, even though many of the systems collapses require really heroic
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energy in a number of areas, because of the depth of the collapse. So that we're talking really
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national leadership, provincial leadership, coordination amongst the leaderships. And
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I hope that that happens. I'm certainly browbeating them quietly behind the scenes. And we've fed this
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to all the medical office of health and deputy ministers and different political parties. But it is,
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it remains a paradox of the time that we need better leadership for the times. It's not obvious
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that Canada will survive 10 years out. It's just not obvious. We really have to up our game. Most
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countries, given the performance of the last two years, would not have a tomorrow. And we see this
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around the world, different countries are in difficult straits. And we maybe have been forgiven by
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history. Maybe we do have a tomorrow. But God forbid, we should repeat this performance in the next
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calamity, because it will be more, more dire. This was not a world historical pandemic on the mortality
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count. I'm sorry to say it was not. It was a pandemic. It was global. We survived it as a country won't
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survive the next one. We won't survive the next war, the next international conflicts, we have to up our game
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and understand that we have to draw the right conclusions, right? No feeling sorry for ourselves.
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And so the exit is to prepare for tomorrow. And that is certainly part of our thinking in the
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choreography. Okay, well, I have two questions that come from that. I'm not sure which to ask for. So
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I'll ask you them both. And then you can you can decide which one goes first. So number one, you said
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that Canada almost collapsed, and we might not survive. We're lucky to survive 10 years from now. So
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so what is the threat? What what might happen? Or what could have happened? You're talking about
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from a perspective of national unity of separatist movements of vulnerability from
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foreign attacks. Can you describe what you mean by the risk, the existential threat to Canada?
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And then the second thing is, you said that we have to make sure that governments can't do this
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again. So how can we guarantee how can we protect our citizens? How can we ensure that future
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governments don't give themselves this power to act in a way to just declare an emergency to say
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something's a bigger threat than it actually is, and be able to go through and destroy our
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institutions like that in the future? Let me start with the latter question is a great question. The
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latter question is more difficult to understand and to to to guarantee we can't guarantee that we'll
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have the right leadership for the right for for the next calamity, although I suspect that becoming
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calamities will be much more pressure for pressure full for for for Canada externally and domestically
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than this one. We overreacted or underreacted, right? Leadership in many cases in leading leading
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provinces pretended that they were just one of us rather than leading. When there were closures,
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whether the closure were right or not, government took all the energy out of the society and didn't
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compensate for the energy, right? All of these things are lessons that a society that is serious
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about non repetition of catastrophe draws. If we move on in 2022 and pretend the last two years don't
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exist. And by the way, I worry about that greatly, because in the language I hear, I hear that
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things are back to normal, like nothing ever happened. Whereas a serious society, one that loses a war,
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or almost loses a war, or that created or committed grave mistakes of public policy administration does
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huge introspection, not self-flagellation, not sentimentality. What did we do wrong? And what
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must we never repeat? And that's part of our work. Although we're not there to punish or do
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accountability, that will come in time, right? I've taken notes, but we need to exit in order to
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create that intellectual space to draw conclusions. And hopefully the next set of leaders will draw
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that. We need a higher set of leaders across the professions, because that goes to your first
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question, the circumstances around the bend will be wicked for our country. First of all, the world
00:16:50.500
is coming out of its most serious catastrophe since the Cold War, maybe since the end of the Second
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World War. Huge economic drop, social conflict, collapse in a number of public administration
00:17:05.640
systems in major countries, destitching of global structures. And we're the second largest country
00:17:12.520
in the world. So we can collapse, because history suggests, as I've calculated, that countries last
00:17:19.700
about 60 years. Countries last about 60 years after which they collapse either through constitutional
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domestic collapse or war. We're going on 153, 154 years plus. Means every year on top of that is good
00:17:36.980
luck and work, hard work. And we see many, it's very tragically around the world, many countries that are
00:17:43.020
on the verge of collapse, disintegration, or fighting for their lives. Some in war, some through COVID
00:17:50.140
collapse through domestic circumstances. And that is not foreign to the Canadian future.
00:17:57.740
We just imagine it. So the pandemic should bring to roost the idea that Canada is just as real as the
00:18:03.940
other countries. We're not exceptional. We've had exceptional good luck. We come out of the pandemic
00:18:09.120
with four major domestic pressures, any of which on its own could tear the country apart. The Quebec
00:18:15.620
question is still alive, whatever people realize structurally. If Quebec should ever go for whatever
00:18:20.540
reason, there's no rest of Canada, the country disintegrates. The Western question is very, very
00:18:25.680
sharp. It is much sharper than before the pandemic and is not understood by the rest of Canada.
00:18:31.900
The Indigenous question is massive, and it has centrifugal pressures across the country that could
00:18:38.480
make it impossible for the country to be properly governed, even as we imagine ourselves as being a
00:18:43.760
national reconciliation, to which I'm sympathetic. And then finally, we've created borders from
00:18:50.320
jurisdiction to jurisdiction, province to province, province to territory, territory to territory,
00:18:56.300
territory to territory, city to city, that have disunified a structure that took over a century
00:19:02.680
and a half to make cohesive. So there are real, both physical borders, and also regulatory borders
00:19:09.340
that have been created through COVID restrictions, COVID borders, COVID thinking, COVID mental
00:19:15.680
structures that need to be unwound with great pace. And that's in the national exit plan as well.
00:19:22.840
Within the next couple of months, we need to bury all of those borders. It needs to be reunification of
00:19:27.980
the national economic, social, and political space. That takes work though, however. If not, these borders
00:19:34.060
become sticky. And at any point in time, New Brunswick can say, you guys aren't New Brunswickers,
00:19:39.340
not welcome here. Or same with Alberta, same with Northwest Territories. And that's completely
00:19:45.820
contrary to the original ethic of federalism, of confederation. We create a unity across the
00:19:51.560
second largest country in the world. Now internationally, it's even more wicked because
00:19:56.020
as I described the post-pandemic world, Canada now has four major borders, all of them populated by
00:20:06.060
great powers. And we're not one of them. We imagine everything is America, the A-axis.
00:20:11.580
But we're close to China. You're from Vancouver. Colleagues from Vancouver, Victoria, and Whitehorse
00:20:18.920
up north will appreciate that they're closer to Beijing than our Brisbane, Australia, Canberra,
00:20:24.180
and Sydney, geographically. China is the major country of the post-pandemic world. Whatever
00:20:29.940
people think about China, it's just an objective fact. And we're close to them. So China is our western
00:20:34.480
border. Russia is our Arctic border. Russia is at war with Ukraine. But that means we're immediate
00:20:42.340
neighbors with a country that is at full-on war, with final E-axis to our east. So ACRE,
00:20:49.820
that's our rectangle, ACRE. America, China, Russia, Europe. At any point in time, these borders could
00:20:56.220
crush us or pull us apart. And if one does the math, it's 15 combinations of push and pull that could
00:21:02.840
disintegrate us as fast as any of the countries that are in trouble today are being pressured. And
00:21:08.960
that could happen on any given Wednesday. That's such an incredible way of thinking about Canada
00:21:15.260
and looking at the situation. Irvin, I don't think that many people keep it at the front of mind that
00:21:20.660
we're so close to Russia, that we're so close to China in the way you describe. And I know you have a
00:21:26.020
whole book on this topic, and I'm going to get you to come back and we can really dive into the
00:21:31.320
strategic importance that Canada plays in the world and how we can really grow to our full
00:21:35.760
potential. So we're going to save that topic for the next interview. But I do want to ask you while
00:21:39.700
we're on this topic of disintegration, and you mentioned how we are on the border with two
00:21:45.840
countries at war. I have to ask you while you're here, you've lectured and taught in both cities,
00:21:51.380
you're very familiar with the sort of underlying issues of the conflict. So can you sort of give us
00:21:57.680
an idea of what do you think Canada can do in this conflict to be a force for good in resolving or
00:22:06.160
helping to mitigate or helping to end this conflict between Russia and Ukraine?
00:22:11.120
Actually, at the outset, it's a painful conflict to behold and watch. It would have been unthinkable
00:22:21.060
10 years ago. But professionally speaking, I've been writing about these tectonic plates of conflict
00:22:30.020
for the last several years. So it's not completely unanticipated. All of the scale is horrendous and
00:22:37.540
inappropriate. There are two questions that are implicit in your one question. Canada is forced for
00:22:44.900
good. Let's park that for a second, because my own thinking, and it's in the book, and it's also part
00:22:51.140
of my own professional work is first, Canada must think for itself, and about itself. Nobody owes
00:22:56.740
Canada anything. There's nobody around the world. And there are too few people in Canada saying,
00:23:01.460
what does Canada need? How does Canada survive? And no country has a suicide pact, meaning that no
00:23:07.820
country must do anything for any other country at its own expense, that we will help the world,
00:23:13.520
but we will crumble while we're at it. My thinking is the reverse, is that if Canada thinks for itself
00:23:19.760
at the right level, we can, by extension, be a great force for good for humanity, which is,
00:23:26.480
of course, in historical terms, the better condition. We're all human. But our vehicle for the goodness is
00:23:33.680
a Canada that thinks for itself, a strong, big Canada that survives. So let's take them on in sequence.
00:23:43.520
Canada thinking for itself, vis-a-vis Russia, first and foremost, must understand our basic geography.
00:23:50.720
And I commend to all your distinguished listeners, as I do to my son, every second day, look at the map,
00:23:58.000
look at our geography. The Arctic is opening up. Everybody should go visit the Arctic, especially our
00:24:06.320
young. And then you will see that there are two Arctic giants this century. One is Russia, which
00:24:14.240
controls over 50% of the Arctic space. And one is Canada. The second is Canada, which controls
00:24:20.240
over 25% of the Arctic space. So the two giants, the United States, the European countries are far
00:24:26.640
behind. So what are we going to do? Our posture could be directly confrontational with Russia.
00:24:33.440
Russia. And I understand that at the moment, it is such, right? And we owe ourselves the imperative
00:24:41.760
of defense. But for the remainder of the century, the more intelligent posture is that of embedding
00:24:50.640
these major countries at our borders, Russia, China to the West, but also increasingly, to some extent,
00:24:58.080
with the Northern interest. And of course, the United States, which, by the way, I look at as
00:25:03.360
just another country in strategic terms. Not our friend, not someone who will protect us. I think
00:25:10.400
quite the reverse. In strategic terms, I look at them as just another major country that acts like
00:25:14.640
a major country. So what does a smaller country like us do with that wicked, now wicked geography?
00:25:22.720
We embed them. We embed them in a framework of peace and prosperity with defensive assets at the
00:25:28.720
plate, but not imagining, as we do by Twitter, that we're going to war with them because they
00:25:33.200
will all crush us fast, all of them. And in any combination will crush us even faster. And God
00:25:40.400
forbid they should fight war across our territory, right? Or play diplomatic or information space or
00:25:48.160
intelligence games across our territory. We need to up our game. And I guess this will be in a future
00:25:54.240
interview or in the book that I have, I've written about Canada creating the Singapore of the North that
00:25:59.360
embeds all these major countries, including Russia, including China, including the United States,
00:26:04.720
Northern European countries, in a framework whereby we're the center of an international market,
00:26:10.240
a framework connecting four continents of two billion people. That's a seven to one ratio,
00:26:17.920
I think, of the continental North American market alone. And we're at the center of that because we
00:26:22.640
constructed it. So that's a way of saying, yes, Arctic sovereignty, but Arctic sovereignty,
00:26:27.680
vis-a-vis the Russians is not building up basis, we can build a basis. But on top of that, we create
00:26:32.080
markets, we create people to people relationships, and travel and all that's coming out of this
00:26:39.200
terrible war. In respect of the war itself, I do not see it as an ancient conflict between Ukrainians
00:26:46.480
and Russians. We can talk about the history, I see it as a post Soviet conflict about territory and
00:26:54.400
borders, and critically, the legitimacy of two very young post Soviet states. I mean,
00:27:01.840
both Russia and Ukraine are old cultures and civilizations. But both of them, we forget,
00:27:08.560
are very young countries. They're just over 30 years old. And each of them across huge geography
00:27:15.120
is trying to secure legitimacy. In the Russian case, they're trying to secure legitimacy across the
00:27:20.720
biggest territory in the world with 14 land borders, three maritime borders. It is the most complex
00:27:26.400
country in the world. And it is extremely difficult to govern. I'm convinced that the Russian governors
00:27:31.120
do not even have an appreciation of what's happening in their territory. It's just too big. And they're all
00:27:35.840
in Moscow. Ukraine is also huge. It is bigger than Germany. But it has a very, very young self-government
00:27:45.440
culture. And if I may be direct, very, very weak governors. To this day, no great president has
00:27:53.040
arrived. Now, including with the greatest respect, the current president, who was a very, very good
00:27:58.560
comedian in Russian language. I would listen to him once in a while. But until the war, he was a terrible
00:28:04.480
president. And the one prior to him, even worse. And oh, he's heroic today. And appropriately so, he loves
00:28:11.920
this country. But the question is now, for a proper exit, one that serves Canada and the world and these
00:28:18.560
countries, the only exit can be one that re-legitimizes or re-legitimates both the Ukrainian
00:28:25.600
state and the Russian state side by side, both strong, both living in peace. There is no other solution.
00:28:33.840
Whatever we say on Twitter, whatever our sentimentality, every other solution will
00:28:37.920
conduce to disintegration of Ukraine first. And if Russia goes second, then it takes Ukraine with it.
00:28:45.520
Repeat. If Russia disintegrates, it takes Ukraine with it. If Russia and Ukraine disintegrate, they
00:28:51.520
take Europe with it. If Europe disintegrates, the world is in trouble. We're back in the 20th century,
00:28:57.040
and that's bad for us because they're at our border. What is the exit? There must be immediate
00:29:03.920
mediation. The mediation must come from outside of NATO and it must come outside of the Soviet space.
00:29:11.920
I've recommended Asian countries, some West Asian, some East Asian, because they're neutral
00:29:17.200
and they're respected by both Kyiv and Moscow. So Israel has stepped up. I don't know whether they
00:29:21.520
have the assets to do it. I am talking about India, China, maybe Singapore. But in a consortium,
00:29:29.840
they can help to negotiate two countries that are largely fraternal, that are fighting for different
00:29:35.520
teams, that really are warrior nations. I mean, both the Ukrainians and the Russians know how to fight.
00:29:42.080
And they will fight for a long time. And it is tragic. So Canada must push for that diplomatic
00:29:49.920
settlement. There need to be peacekeepers, in my view, in the end. I think I've recommended Indian
00:29:55.040
peacekeepers, again, third force under the UN umbrella to provide a separation of the belligerents.
00:30:03.040
In terms of the Canadian play, I think the solution, one thing that has been mooted even today about
00:30:11.520
flights for refugees to Canada, we should have done that two weeks ago if we're a serious
00:30:16.320
country. We did it with other countries. Israel is looking at that. Poland has been heroic on refugees.
00:30:22.720
We must save maximum lives. In any conflict, we save lives. And Canada has all the capacity to do
00:30:28.960
that. We're just slow. Much like in the pandemic, we were slow to mobilize. Internationally, we're even
00:30:33.760
slower. There's a couple of things on the future look of Ukraine. Obviously, it must be a sovereign
00:30:40.720
state, but it will be a neutral state if it survives. And it has to have a character that is,
00:30:47.840
and I talk about this in the book, interstitial. It must be a segue between the European Union and
00:30:53.200
the former Soviet space. It cannot be part of a hard block because otherwise these major blocks will
00:30:58.880
be fighting across this geography. Much like we wish to avoid the North American blocks and Chinese
00:31:04.960
blocks and Soviet blocks, post-Soviet blocks fighting across a weakly governed Canadian territory,
00:31:11.120
which will, again, tear us apart.
00:31:14.080
Oh, wow. I mean, there's so much there. And I really appreciate you breaking it down for us. I
00:31:18.640
completely agree. Ukraine has always sort of been a buffer zone. And even the population itself is a
00:31:22.880
mix of Ukrainians and Russians. And for a long, long time, they lived together in one country or one
00:31:29.680
empire. And so it's such a shame to see them break out. But I really appreciate your time,
00:31:35.920
Irvin. You're clear thinking on this. I hope that world leaders will take the advice both on COVID
00:31:41.760
and the geopolitics in Europe and the importance of coming to a resolution sooner rather than later.
00:31:48.960
So thank you for all your wisdom. And we'll certainly have you on again to talk
00:31:52.800
about building up Canada and the potential that we have here in our country.
00:31:57.520
My great pleasure.
00:31:58.640
All right. That's Irvin Studen. I'm Candice Malcolm. This is The Candice Malcolm Show.
00:32:05.920
Thanks.
00:32:09.680
Yeah.
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