Canada collapsed during Covid. Here’s how we fix it. (Ft. Irvin Studin)
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Summary
In this episode, Dr. Irvin Studen joins Candice to talk about his work on a new project, the Canada Science and Policy Committee to Exit the Pandemic, and the Ukraine conflict. Dr. Studen is the founder and editor-in-chief of Global Brief Magazine, one of the leading international policy thinkers in Canada. He has been a public policy professor and worked for both the Canadian Prime Minister and an Australian Prime Minister in 2004, and was a member of a small team who wrote Canada s first national security policy in 2006. He holds a Bachelor s degree from York University, a Master s from both Oxford and London School of Economics, and a PhD from Osgood Law School.
Transcript
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Canada needs to come up with a serious and credible plan to move past COVID, to end all
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COVID-era mandates and restrictions, to get our economy back on track, but also to begin to
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address the considerable harm done to the social fabric of our country by the unprecedented
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government overreach. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in. So it's become almost like a cliche lately to say
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that we need to move past COVID. We need to get back to normal. The reality is that we cannot move
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back in time. We'll never be able to get back to 2019. We need to move forward, yes, but we also
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need to meticulously study what exactly happened over the past two years. We need to investigate
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what happened and why. We need to cancel the overzealous government programs, yes, but we also
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need to put in place safeguards to make sure that that power can never be abused again, that power
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thirsty politicians, overbearing governments cannot undermine our rights and freedoms again in the
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future. So today I'm very pleased to be joined by someone who is working on these very ideas, working
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on a project to get us to move forward and to get our lives back on track. I'm very pleased today to be
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joined by Irvin Studen. Irvin is the founder and editor-in-chief of Global Brief Magazine, one of the
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leading international policy thinkers in Canada. Irvin has been a public policy professor and worked
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for both the Canadian Prime Minister and an Australian Prime Minister in 2004. He was a member
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of a small team who wrote Canada's first national security policy. In 2006, he did something similar
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down in Australia. Irvin holds a bachelor's degree from York University, a master's from both Oxford and
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London School of Economics, and a PhD from Osgood Law School. Notably, this is really interesting,
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Irvin has taught foreign policy, both at Ukraine's Higher School of Public Administration in Kiev,
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as well as at Russia's Academy for National Economy and Public Administration in Moscow. So we're going
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to talk a little bit about the Russia-Ukraine conflict as well. There are a few people in the
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world who are more qualified to talk about what's going on than Irvin, and I'm really pleased to have
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him on the show today. So Irvin, thank you so much for taking the time to join us today.
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It's a real pleasure, Candice. Thanks for having me. I enjoy your work.
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Well, I appreciate it. So you recently chaired and you wrote a national exit plan for COVID. So
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first of all, take us through what led to this and why you decided to take on this project.
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Well, we were not exiting. We were not exiting as a country. We were studying COVID. We were
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living COVID. We were sentimentalizing. And in late 2021, I had a long conversation with
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the person who is now the co-chair of this national, the Canada Science and Policy Committee
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to exit the pandemic, Kouadjo Keremantan. He said, we said, we should bring together the leading
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scientists and leading policy thinkers and do our own science table. And so I turned that on its head
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and we spoke for a while. And I said, Kouadjo, let's actually call it the committee to exit the pandemic
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because I'm a policy person. You're a science and medical person. We'll bring together these
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solitudes, the solitudes that really have not been talking to each other. The medical and science
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community is clinically strong, but they stink at public policy. I mean, really, they stink because
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public policy is a craft. It's not something that can be just made up through pure intelligence.
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And the policy community, the political community is illiterate in science, largely. So we bring
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together these solitudes, properly national, specialists across all the disciplines, which
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is key, and I'm sure we'll get to that. And we choreograph and exit. So we're not there to study
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or sentimentalize. It really is a policy lead informed by science. So Kouadjo and I and the
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committee have released the national exit plan. It is comprehensive. It is regionalized across the
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second largest country in the world. And it speaks to a policy choreography of exit across eight
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systems crises, which are important to understand, if you're really going to understand where we are,
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what's happened, and how to properly get out as a country so that we have a good tomorrow.
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It's excellent. Such a great initiative and so comprehensive. So I want to go through some of
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the areas that you focused on. One of the things I thought was interesting that you had two different
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categories, one COVID public health and one non-COVID public health. And I know that it's become
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a big issue that everyone's talking about, the fact that there's so many people have neglected
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their health. So much of this early cancer prevention, so much mental health issues have
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come up. In some cases, they're far worse than COVID itself. So could you walk us through those
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two different public health areas and why you drew that distinction? Well, there are actually eight
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systems, and those are two of the eight. So I'll walk through the eight and then explain what those two
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mean and why we came to that divination. It's COVID public health, non-COVID public health.
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A couple of years ago, you might have said public health as a generality, one system, but we divided
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it to be a little sharper. COVID public health, non-COVID public health. Then there's, of course,
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the economy and business. Education, institutions, national unity, social fabric,
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and then the international. I might be missing one. I'm a systems thinker, and the only proper way to
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have dealt with the COVID pandemic at the start, this is how the best countries dealt with it,
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but certainly on exit is to think of the country and systems. At that point, we would appreciate that
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while COVID was a shock to the country, it was not the only system going in the second largest country
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in the world in a big society. We always have many balls in the air. That's the appropriate way to
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think of a complex country. In the early pandemic, through some of the solitudes we discussed, and
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also through social media, and the general inexperience in Canada in dealing with crises of this scale,
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we reduced all of our reality to COVID counts, for better or worse. And I'm not sentimentalizing,
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I'm just recounting what was. But then we began to think that COVID was our only condition,
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and that solving COVID, whenever that meant, would bleed favorably into all these other systems,
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which we neither appreciated nor understood. As a result of that reduction of all our reality
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to the COVID public health pandemic, we collapsed the other systems. I mean, literally collapsed.
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Education, which is near and dear to my heart, and which we've been working on separately through
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the Worldwide Commission to Educate All Kids, was a total collapse. I mean, kids started being ousted
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from all education in total, 200,000 kids plus across the country in the Oliver Twist condition,
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not in any school at all. Businesses were being collapsed and bankrupted and ousted for no reason other
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than we imagined that the only thing happening was the pandemic. Whereas other countries had an
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appreciation, the pandemic is here, put an accent on it. But there are other fish to fry, we have a big
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country, we can't collapse the economy, kids should still be educated, because tomorrow is going to be
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difficult. We have to keep the country unified, we have to keep our international standing, we keep diplomatic
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and intelligence activities. And we didn't. The government closed the society, and the government
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itself retreated. And betwixt these two solitudes, we, in the de-energization of the society, we had
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disintegration. And so the systems approach commends a reconstitution of these systems that were
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collapsed. That's why when we say COVID public health, we're at an endemic stage. For all practical
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intense purpose, the pandemic is over. For Canada, it is endemic. That means it will be seasonal in
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character. It will be managed seasonally, as we do other maladies. And for comorbid, or aged or
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vulnerable populations, we project that much more energy. That's appropriate. That's how an
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intelligent society thinks. But in non-COVID public health, which we collapsed, we must provide surplus
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energy. So all the things that were not diagnosed, all the procedures and processes that were
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neglected, or marginalized, the new mental health conditions that that that that were created over
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course the pandemic, physical health conditions, the general societal angst, children, all of this
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thing requires energy. One of the working hypotheses of the exit plan is high energy, high energy at the
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front. So no sentimentality, high energy, not because I have a fetish for energy, or because I like high
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energy, it's because we collapse the systems. So we need to reconstitute the systems even to 2019 levels
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2019. We have to provide that much more energy. So it is all the systems at once, high energy at the
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front, including that vulnerable population COVID, but especially in non-COVID public health, huge surge,
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reach out to the population, who's not well, who hasn't been diagnosed in the business area, in the
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business sector, business system as well, reach out to all the companies, who's in trouble, who hasn't
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been able to access working capital for whatever reason, who's on the on the verge, who needs to be
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reconstituted. It's not because government has a central role in business, but because government was
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responsible for the original ouster. And even if government removes restrictions, tens of thousands of
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businesses are either on the on the on the edge or disappeared. So it's not enough to just remove
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restrictions, even though that's a that's a key first point in the in the strategy, all things need
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to be worked in a simultaneous choreography. But Irvin, we're left with this struggle. So the very
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people who were in charge who failed to have the foresight to understand all of these complicated
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systems, who let them all collapse and focus entirely on COVID, I can kind of understand that
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in March, April 2020, when we just didn't know what this was, we didn't know how bad it was going
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to be. But at some point, we realized the limited scope of COVID, that there are certain populations
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that are very vulnerable, and the rest of society, not so much the fact that little kids were
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punitively punished by COVID policies, even though they're at such small risk. So the very people who
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let all that terrible things happened and led the charge on that are now the ones that we are going to
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expect to come up with this plan to sort of move past it. How can we trust these, these institutions
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and these people who allow this to happen in the first place?
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What I call thinking, we're at the core of their absence, the absence of leadership and thinking
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we're at the core of our collapse. And it was really a calamitous collapse for Canada, I've never
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seen it. Some people will have difficulty accepting, once they see what's happened, that this could have
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happened in our country. Now, obviously, many of those people are, are still in decision making
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roles, at all levels of government, at all levels of public health across all parties, and the
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professions. We did this plan for them. We did the thinking for them. And many of them, I should say,
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I could now say the public fed quietly into parts of the plan, because they said, Irvin, you guys do the
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thinking, you do the structure, we don't exactly understand what the problem is, what, by the way,
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many people don't understand what the problem is, they think our problem is COVID and masks and
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vaccines. That is one widget of a larger systems collapse. You know, it is the key original impulse
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for collapse. And we need to fix it, but we need to fix it in tandem with all these other systems.
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So once we have that broad structure, again, the exit matrix is eight by 21, across all the systems,
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several months out, across all regions of Canada, with an endpoint, with a strategic endpoint. Once
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people understand that that is the choreography, rather than mask on, mask off, obviously, it's mask
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off, I should just stress, but that's just a tweet, right? Once they understand that, they can start to
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implement. We've done the thinking, they fed their parts in, they fed us intelligence across the
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country, because the country is very big. So the regional, the regional character of the exit is
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very important. We have to trust that they will execute. And I see in bits now, that they are co-opting
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or directly using our, our elements, even though many of the systems collapses require really heroic
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energy in a number of areas, because of the depth of the collapse. So that we're talking really
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national leadership, provincial leadership, coordination amongst the leaderships. And
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I hope that that happens. I'm certainly browbeating them quietly behind the scenes. And we've fed this
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to all the medical office of health and deputy ministers and different political parties. But it is,
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it remains a paradox of the time that we need better leadership for the times. It's not obvious
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that Canada will survive 10 years out. It's just not obvious. We really have to up our game. Most
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countries, given the performance of the last two years, would not have a tomorrow. And we see this
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around the world, different countries are in difficult straits. And we maybe have been forgiven by
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history. Maybe we do have a tomorrow. But God forbid, we should repeat this performance in the next
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calamity, because it will be more, more dire. This was not a world historical pandemic on the mortality
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count. I'm sorry to say it was not. It was a pandemic. It was global. We survived it as a country won't
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survive the next one. We won't survive the next war, the next international conflicts, we have to up our game
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and understand that we have to draw the right conclusions, right? No feeling sorry for ourselves.
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And so the exit is to prepare for tomorrow. And that is certainly part of our thinking in the
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choreography. Okay, well, I have two questions that come from that. I'm not sure which to ask for. So
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I'll ask you them both. And then you can you can decide which one goes first. So number one, you said
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that Canada almost collapsed, and we might not survive. We're lucky to survive 10 years from now. So
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so what is the threat? What what might happen? Or what could have happened? You're talking about
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from a perspective of national unity of separatist movements of vulnerability from
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foreign attacks. Can you describe what you mean by the risk, the existential threat to Canada?
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And then the second thing is, you said that we have to make sure that governments can't do this
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again. So how can we guarantee how can we protect our citizens? How can we ensure that future
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governments don't give themselves this power to act in a way to just declare an emergency to say
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something's a bigger threat than it actually is, and be able to go through and destroy our
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institutions like that in the future? Let me start with the latter question is a great question. The
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latter question is more difficult to understand and to to to guarantee we can't guarantee that we'll
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have the right leadership for the right for for the next calamity, although I suspect that becoming
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calamities will be much more pressure for pressure full for for for Canada externally and domestically
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than this one. We overreacted or underreacted, right? Leadership in many cases in leading leading
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provinces pretended that they were just one of us rather than leading. When there were closures,
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whether the closure were right or not, government took all the energy out of the society and didn't
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compensate for the energy, right? All of these things are lessons that a society that is serious
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about non repetition of catastrophe draws. If we move on in 2022 and pretend the last two years don't
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exist. And by the way, I worry about that greatly, because in the language I hear, I hear that
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things are back to normal, like nothing ever happened. Whereas a serious society, one that loses a war,
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or almost loses a war, or that created or committed grave mistakes of public policy administration does
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huge introspection, not self-flagellation, not sentimentality. What did we do wrong? And what
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must we never repeat? And that's part of our work. Although we're not there to punish or do
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accountability, that will come in time, right? I've taken notes, but we need to exit in order to
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create that intellectual space to draw conclusions. And hopefully the next set of leaders will draw
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that. We need a higher set of leaders across the professions, because that goes to your first
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question, the circumstances around the bend will be wicked for our country. First of all, the world
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is coming out of its most serious catastrophe since the Cold War, maybe since the end of the Second
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World War. Huge economic drop, social conflict, collapse in a number of public administration
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systems in major countries, destitching of global structures. And we're the second largest country
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in the world. So we can collapse, because history suggests, as I've calculated, that countries last
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about 60 years. Countries last about 60 years after which they collapse either through constitutional
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domestic collapse or war. We're going on 153, 154 years plus. Means every year on top of that is good
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luck and work, hard work. And we see many, it's very tragically around the world, many countries that are
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on the verge of collapse, disintegration, or fighting for their lives. Some in war, some through COVID
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collapse through domestic circumstances. And that is not foreign to the Canadian future.
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We just imagine it. So the pandemic should bring to roost the idea that Canada is just as real as the
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other countries. We're not exceptional. We've had exceptional good luck. We come out of the pandemic
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with four major domestic pressures, any of which on its own could tear the country apart. The Quebec
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question is still alive, whatever people realize structurally. If Quebec should ever go for whatever
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reason, there's no rest of Canada, the country disintegrates. The Western question is very, very
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sharp. It is much sharper than before the pandemic and is not understood by the rest of Canada.
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The Indigenous question is massive, and it has centrifugal pressures across the country that could
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make it impossible for the country to be properly governed, even as we imagine ourselves as being a
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national reconciliation, to which I'm sympathetic. And then finally, we've created borders from
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jurisdiction to jurisdiction, province to province, province to territory, territory to territory,
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territory to territory, city to city, that have disunified a structure that took over a century
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and a half to make cohesive. So there are real, both physical borders, and also regulatory borders
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that have been created through COVID restrictions, COVID borders, COVID thinking, COVID mental
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structures that need to be unwound with great pace. And that's in the national exit plan as well.
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Within the next couple of months, we need to bury all of those borders. It needs to be reunification of
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the national economic, social, and political space. That takes work though, however. If not, these borders
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become sticky. And at any point in time, New Brunswick can say, you guys aren't New Brunswickers,
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not welcome here. Or same with Alberta, same with Northwest Territories. And that's completely
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contrary to the original ethic of federalism, of confederation. We create a unity across the
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second largest country in the world. Now internationally, it's even more wicked because
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as I described the post-pandemic world, Canada now has four major borders, all of them populated by
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great powers. And we're not one of them. We imagine everything is America, the A-axis.
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But we're close to China. You're from Vancouver. Colleagues from Vancouver, Victoria, and Whitehorse
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up north will appreciate that they're closer to Beijing than our Brisbane, Australia, Canberra,
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and Sydney, geographically. China is the major country of the post-pandemic world. Whatever
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people think about China, it's just an objective fact. And we're close to them. So China is our western
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border. Russia is our Arctic border. Russia is at war with Ukraine. But that means we're immediate
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neighbors with a country that is at full-on war, with final E-axis to our east. So ACRE,
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that's our rectangle, ACRE. America, China, Russia, Europe. At any point in time, these borders could
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crush us or pull us apart. And if one does the math, it's 15 combinations of push and pull that could
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disintegrate us as fast as any of the countries that are in trouble today are being pressured. And
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that could happen on any given Wednesday. That's such an incredible way of thinking about Canada
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and looking at the situation. Irvin, I don't think that many people keep it at the front of mind that
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we're so close to Russia, that we're so close to China in the way you describe. And I know you have a
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whole book on this topic, and I'm going to get you to come back and we can really dive into the
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strategic importance that Canada plays in the world and how we can really grow to our full
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potential. So we're going to save that topic for the next interview. But I do want to ask you while
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we're on this topic of disintegration, and you mentioned how we are on the border with two
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countries at war. I have to ask you while you're here, you've lectured and taught in both cities,
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you're very familiar with the sort of underlying issues of the conflict. So can you sort of give us
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an idea of what do you think Canada can do in this conflict to be a force for good in resolving or
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helping to mitigate or helping to end this conflict between Russia and Ukraine?
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Actually, at the outset, it's a painful conflict to behold and watch. It would have been unthinkable
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10 years ago. But professionally speaking, I've been writing about these tectonic plates of conflict
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for the last several years. So it's not completely unanticipated. All of the scale is horrendous and
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inappropriate. There are two questions that are implicit in your one question. Canada is forced for
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good. Let's park that for a second, because my own thinking, and it's in the book, and it's also part
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of my own professional work is first, Canada must think for itself, and about itself. Nobody owes
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Canada anything. There's nobody around the world. And there are too few people in Canada saying,
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what does Canada need? How does Canada survive? And no country has a suicide pact, meaning that no
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country must do anything for any other country at its own expense, that we will help the world,
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but we will crumble while we're at it. My thinking is the reverse, is that if Canada thinks for itself
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at the right level, we can, by extension, be a great force for good for humanity, which is,
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of course, in historical terms, the better condition. We're all human. But our vehicle for the goodness is
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a Canada that thinks for itself, a strong, big Canada that survives. So let's take them on in sequence.
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Canada thinking for itself, vis-a-vis Russia, first and foremost, must understand our basic geography.
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And I commend to all your distinguished listeners, as I do to my son, every second day, look at the map,
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look at our geography. The Arctic is opening up. Everybody should go visit the Arctic, especially our
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young. And then you will see that there are two Arctic giants this century. One is Russia, which
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controls over 50% of the Arctic space. And one is Canada. The second is Canada, which controls
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over 25% of the Arctic space. So the two giants, the United States, the European countries are far
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behind. So what are we going to do? Our posture could be directly confrontational with Russia.
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Russia. And I understand that at the moment, it is such, right? And we owe ourselves the imperative
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of defense. But for the remainder of the century, the more intelligent posture is that of embedding
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these major countries at our borders, Russia, China to the West, but also increasingly, to some extent,
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with the Northern interest. And of course, the United States, which, by the way, I look at as
00:25:03.360
just another country in strategic terms. Not our friend, not someone who will protect us. I think
00:25:10.400
quite the reverse. In strategic terms, I look at them as just another major country that acts like
00:25:14.640
a major country. So what does a smaller country like us do with that wicked, now wicked geography?
00:25:22.720
We embed them. We embed them in a framework of peace and prosperity with defensive assets at the
00:25:28.720
plate, but not imagining, as we do by Twitter, that we're going to war with them because they
00:25:33.200
will all crush us fast, all of them. And in any combination will crush us even faster. And God
00:25:40.400
forbid they should fight war across our territory, right? Or play diplomatic or information space or
00:25:48.160
intelligence games across our territory. We need to up our game. And I guess this will be in a future
00:25:54.240
interview or in the book that I have, I've written about Canada creating the Singapore of the North that
00:25:59.360
embeds all these major countries, including Russia, including China, including the United States,
00:26:04.720
Northern European countries, in a framework whereby we're the center of an international market,
00:26:10.240
a framework connecting four continents of two billion people. That's a seven to one ratio,
00:26:17.920
I think, of the continental North American market alone. And we're at the center of that because we
00:26:22.640
constructed it. So that's a way of saying, yes, Arctic sovereignty, but Arctic sovereignty,
00:26:27.680
vis-a-vis the Russians is not building up basis, we can build a basis. But on top of that, we create
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markets, we create people to people relationships, and travel and all that's coming out of this
00:26:39.200
terrible war. In respect of the war itself, I do not see it as an ancient conflict between Ukrainians
00:26:46.480
and Russians. We can talk about the history, I see it as a post Soviet conflict about territory and
00:26:54.400
borders, and critically, the legitimacy of two very young post Soviet states. I mean,
00:27:01.840
both Russia and Ukraine are old cultures and civilizations. But both of them, we forget,
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are very young countries. They're just over 30 years old. And each of them across huge geography
00:27:15.120
is trying to secure legitimacy. In the Russian case, they're trying to secure legitimacy across the
00:27:20.720
biggest territory in the world with 14 land borders, three maritime borders. It is the most complex
00:27:26.400
country in the world. And it is extremely difficult to govern. I'm convinced that the Russian governors
00:27:31.120
do not even have an appreciation of what's happening in their territory. It's just too big. And they're all
00:27:35.840
in Moscow. Ukraine is also huge. It is bigger than Germany. But it has a very, very young self-government
00:27:45.440
culture. And if I may be direct, very, very weak governors. To this day, no great president has
00:27:53.040
arrived. Now, including with the greatest respect, the current president, who was a very, very good
00:27:58.560
comedian in Russian language. I would listen to him once in a while. But until the war, he was a terrible
00:28:04.480
president. And the one prior to him, even worse. And oh, he's heroic today. And appropriately so, he loves
00:28:11.920
this country. But the question is now, for a proper exit, one that serves Canada and the world and these
00:28:18.560
countries, the only exit can be one that re-legitimizes or re-legitimates both the Ukrainian
00:28:25.600
state and the Russian state side by side, both strong, both living in peace. There is no other solution.
00:28:33.840
Whatever we say on Twitter, whatever our sentimentality, every other solution will
00:28:37.920
conduce to disintegration of Ukraine first. And if Russia goes second, then it takes Ukraine with it.
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00:28:45.520
Repeat. If Russia disintegrates, it takes Ukraine with it. If Russia and Ukraine disintegrate, they
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00:28:51.520
take Europe with it. If Europe disintegrates, the world is in trouble. We're back in the 20th century,
00:28:57.040
and that's bad for us because they're at our border. What is the exit? There must be immediate
00:29:03.920
mediation. The mediation must come from outside of NATO and it must come outside of the Soviet space.
00:29:11.920
I've recommended Asian countries, some West Asian, some East Asian, because they're neutral
1.00
00:29:17.200
and they're respected by both Kyiv and Moscow. So Israel has stepped up. I don't know whether they
00:29:21.520
have the assets to do it. I am talking about India, China, maybe Singapore. But in a consortium,
00:29:29.840
they can help to negotiate two countries that are largely fraternal, that are fighting for different
00:29:35.520
teams, that really are warrior nations. I mean, both the Ukrainians and the Russians know how to fight.
00:29:42.080
And they will fight for a long time. And it is tragic. So Canada must push for that diplomatic
00:29:49.920
settlement. There need to be peacekeepers, in my view, in the end. I think I've recommended Indian
1.00
00:29:55.040
peacekeepers, again, third force under the UN umbrella to provide a separation of the belligerents.
00:30:03.040
In terms of the Canadian play, I think the solution, one thing that has been mooted even today about
00:30:11.520
flights for refugees to Canada, we should have done that two weeks ago if we're a serious
00:30:16.320
country. We did it with other countries. Israel is looking at that. Poland has been heroic on refugees.
00:30:22.720
We must save maximum lives. In any conflict, we save lives. And Canada has all the capacity to do
00:30:28.960
that. We're just slow. Much like in the pandemic, we were slow to mobilize. Internationally, we're even
00:30:33.760
slower. There's a couple of things on the future look of Ukraine. Obviously, it must be a sovereign
00:30:40.720
state, but it will be a neutral state if it survives. And it has to have a character that is,
00:30:47.840
and I talk about this in the book, interstitial. It must be a segue between the European Union and
00:30:53.200
the former Soviet space. It cannot be part of a hard block because otherwise these major blocks will
00:30:58.880
be fighting across this geography. Much like we wish to avoid the North American blocks and Chinese
1.00
00:31:04.960
blocks and Soviet blocks, post-Soviet blocks fighting across a weakly governed Canadian territory,
00:31:14.080
Oh, wow. I mean, there's so much there. And I really appreciate you breaking it down for us. I
00:31:18.640
completely agree. Ukraine has always sort of been a buffer zone. And even the population itself is a
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00:31:22.880
mix of Ukrainians and Russians. And for a long, long time, they lived together in one country or one
00:31:29.680
empire. And so it's such a shame to see them break out. But I really appreciate your time,
00:31:35.920
Irvin. You're clear thinking on this. I hope that world leaders will take the advice both on COVID
00:31:41.760
and the geopolitics in Europe and the importance of coming to a resolution sooner rather than later.
00:31:48.960
So thank you for all your wisdom. And we'll certainly have you on again to talk
00:31:52.800
about building up Canada and the potential that we have here in our country.
00:31:58.640
All right. That's Irvin Studen. I'm Candice Malcolm. This is The Candice Malcolm Show.