Canada’s insignificant role on the world stage
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Summary
In this episode, Candice is joined by Conservative MP Garnett Genis to discuss the government's new bill to ban conversion therapy in Canada, and why he thinks it's a bad idea. They also discuss why the Conservative Party stopped opposing the bill and voted in favour of it.
Transcript
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In 2015, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau told the world that Canada is back. Well, in the six years
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since, he has embarrassed the country over and over again, and Canada is more significant than
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ever. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning into the show. And as we get closer to Christmas,
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we'd like to take a step back and take a broader look at the country, look at some of the deeper
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themes as the news cycle slows down a little. And we are doing that today. I'm delighted to be joined
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by a member of Parliament, a Conservative Member of Parliament, Garnett Genis. Garnett is the MP for
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Sherwood Park, Fort Saskatchewan. He was first elected in 2015, has been re-elected with more
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than 50% of the vote in every election since. In Parliament, he has been a vocal proponent for
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Alberta's interest in Ottawa, fighting back against the carbon tax and advocating for more Canadian
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oil and gas. Garnett currently serves as the Conservative Critic for International Development.
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In his time as an elected official, he has prompted a return to Canada's principled foreign policy,
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and has gained a reputation for being a tireless advocate for human rights and religious freedoms,
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both domestically and abroad. So, Garnett, thank you so much for joining us today.
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Well, thank you, Candice. It's great to be with you and have this conversation.
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So, I want to talk about foreign policy, and we will get there. But before, there's just one
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question that I really want to ask you about a recent bill that received unanimous consent
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and passed without a vote in the House of Commons. And I'm talking about the government's bill on what
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they call conversion therapy. So, I know that you ran a campaign on this topic. You said everyone,
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in theory, opposes the idea of conversion therapy. I think that the name of the bill was called
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conversion therapy because it elicits such a negative response when people hear about it.
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They think of a sort of outdated, cruel practice. And yet, your criticism of it was that the bill was
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too broad and too vague. And because of the vagueness and the broadness of the wording,
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it could actually have a negative impact on freedom of speech. It could ban just normal conversations
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between teenagers and their parents, between qualified therapists, between members of their church.
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If someone seeks on their own, you know, freely seeks to go get counseling, that could actually
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be banned by this law. And yet, you know, when it came through the House of Commons,
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all of the Conservatives voted in favor of it. This is after twice opposing the bill. And from best
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I can tell, it hadn't been rewritten, and those definitions hadn't been changed. So,
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I want to ask you your opinion on this bill, and why is it that the Conservatives stopped opposing this bill?
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Sure. Well, I guess a little bit of the context. I think, you know, in general terms, you describe
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my position on this issue well. I'm opposed to conversion therapy. I support efforts to ban
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conversion therapy. I think when we legislate, we need to look at the definitions that are given
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to that terminology. If you ban something that everybody agrees should be banned, and yet you
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define it in a way that is incorrect in terms of the way people conceive of the definition,
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then you've ended up banning something other than the thing you set out to ban. I use the analogy in
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the House. If you say, we're going to ban hard drugs, I'm with you. If you call coffee a hard drug
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through an error of the definition, then I'm going to be not with you. So,
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this is something that, you know, that I think it's a pretty clear thing to point out to say,
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hey, like, let's analyze the bill. Let's look at the definition used in it. And in particular,
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in the last parliament, I spoke about the need to fix the definition in then Bill C-6, because
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the issue was that the definition included, it was broad enough to include even private
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conversations, not involving a therapist or official person of any, or just a conversation.
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And it was broad enough that it defined as conversion therapy, any effort to reduce sexual
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attraction or behavior. So I think a reasonable inference from that is that like a conversation
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in which a mentor tells a young person that they should modify their sexual behavior in some way,
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that that would be construed under the definition as being conversion therapy. And that's obviously
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not what conversion therapy is. When people who, I mean, many people aren't aware of this,
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but when people who are aware of conversion therapy, they understand that to mean acts of violence,
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coercion, degrading someone efforts to sort of compel a change in sexual orientation, it's, you know,
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those are methods that were sort of experimented with at times in the past. And look, they're wrong,
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they're degrading, they're evil, and also they don't achieve the stated objective. So it's a bit of a
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language trick on the government's part to say, you know, you know, if you, if you, if you are,
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if you're in favor, if you're against this bill, then you're in favor of conversion therapy, allegedly,
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but then demanding a lack of scrutiny around the definition. You know, Candace, you asked some
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questions about, about process, just, I'll just share with folks that, you know, we're gonna, we're gonna be
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talking a lot about foreign policy, I was in Europe for NATO and OSCE meetings last week. And I'm sure
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we'll get to just the, the emerging security concerns in, in Eastern Europe as a, as a result of
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the aggressive posture that Russia was taking, I was, I was invited to be part of, of a parliamentary
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delegation that was present for those meetings. And to be honest, I would not have expected
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the process that was followed before I, before I went on the trip. I, I didn't expect to be,
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to be missing votes. And so I've had some conversations with colleagues about, you know,
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how, how this unfolded, but I, I can't really speak to the process piece, because those were
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things that I either wasn't involved in, or to the extent that I know about them, I know about them
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because of, because of private conversations I've had with other colleagues.
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Well, it's interesting, because you said that it's a word trick, and it's with a definition,
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the media bought right into it. So the whole idea was, oh, there's these 63 conservative MPs
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who support this harmful practice called conversion therapy, even though you ran a campaign that was
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pretty clear, called change, fix the definition that said that you were opposed to literal conversion
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therapy, but you were not in favor of this bill because of the wording. So we saw a lot of dishonesty
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across the board. And I think for a lot of conservatives, it was just strange to see
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you guys abandon a bill that you had previously, abandon opposing a bill that you previously had a
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really strong opposition to, and then just sort of, you know, having this, I guess, feel good moment,
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not over where everyone agrees, which is not really what you want in your parliament, you want
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opposition, but yeah, let's move on. So why don't you tell us a little bit about what, what you're
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working on with regards to NATO and the aggression of the Russian government towards Ukraine?
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Well, so last week, I was in Latvia for a couple days on the sidelines at the NATO summit that was
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happening there. And then I was in Stockholm, where the OSCE summit was, and a lot of interesting
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conversations with respect to the situation in Eastern Europe. I think it's important for more
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people to know just about the, the important leadership role that Canada is playing as part
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of our NATO mission in Latvia. And this is something that obviously has the support of,
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of all parties being, being an active participant in NATO, being part of that NATO, NATO forward presence.
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And, you know, if you, if you go to Holland, there's a lot of, there's a lot of gratitude,
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of course, to Canada for the role we play to liberation during the Second World War. In Latvia,
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there, there's a lot of recognition of Canada as well, for the fact that we're leading a battle
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group there and, you know, full, full credit to our, our armed forces for the incredible work they do
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around the world. Sometimes not with the level of resources from, from government that, you know,
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certainly we've, we've talked in the past about, about increasing our, our, our, our defense
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engagement and moving towards that, that NATO target of 2% of GDP. So, so, so there's a lot
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of awareness of the fact that there's a Russian military buildup, increasing Russian military
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activities and, you know, concern about what steps may be, may be taken next by Russia. And I don't think
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that'll be a new information by, to, to many people, but I just think we need to, we need to
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really take seriously the possibility that, that the Putin regime are planning something and we need
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to reflect on, on our and NATO's level of, of readiness to respond. So, so maybe you can walk us
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through a little bit more details because I think maybe some viewers don't know what, what specifically
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is Canada's involvement when it comes to the operation you're talking about in Latvia? How
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many troops do we have there and what specifically is the Trudeau government doing with, with regards to,
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you know, the, the, the aggression that we might be seeing from Russia?
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Yeah. Yeah. So, so there's a, there's a mission in enhanced forward presence. The idea of, of having
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more NATO countries present providing a level of, of reassurance in, in NATO countries that are,
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that are sort of geographically closer to, to Russia. So Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and, and Poland. And
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there is a, there are various countries involved in, in each of those missions. And there is a country
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that is leading each, each battle group. So, you know, the UK, the US, Germany, or the other,
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other nations leading battle groups and Canada's leading the battle group in, in, in Latvia. So,
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we're, we're, we're present there. We're, we're, we're part of, of leading that mission. And there's,
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there's many other countries that are involved and that we're, we're cooperating with. And I mean,
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I think there's, there's a lot of benefits to that, that operation and the obvious one in terms of
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demonstrating our, our readiness and our solidarity with NATO members. But, but it's, look, it's, it's also a
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great opportunity for, for our, you know, various NATO countries to work together. And I think, I think
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the battle group in Latvia is actually the largest in terms of the number of countries that are, that
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are represented. So, so it's, it was interesting to hear in the briefing, just about that, that breadth
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being something that the Canadian Armed Forces is able to do really well, which is, which is
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collaboration with other NATO partners and, and building that large multi, multinational force.
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You know, I, I think the, the, the concern around action that Russia would take, I should say that
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the Putin regime would take would be specifically into Ukraine. And in, in the sort of side meetings I
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was a part of, there's a lot of discussion about this question of, of, of NATO enlargement, because you
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have, you have, you have Ukraine, you have Georgia countries that, that, that the Putin regime is, is
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interfering in, in various ways, and that don't have that kind of security blanket of being part of,
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part of NATO. On the one hand, Russia complains about the enlargement of, of NATO, but on the other hand,
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they don't, you know, they, they, they take advantage of, of, of countries that are not covered by that security
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blanket, and they're more likely to, to intervene and interfere there. So, this is, this is a concern,
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obviously, and I think we have to think seriously about what kind of response we would, we would, we would
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undertake if we see the kind of Russian aggression that a lot of people are talking about as being a realistic
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possibility. You know, probably it would be, it would be further aggression in Ukraine beyond,
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of course, the ongoing occupation and, and, and issues that are happening there.
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So, one of the things that previous Harper government was known for was sort of a refusal to
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bow down to other countries, especially bad actors and adversarial nations. We saw Harper,
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one, stand up directly to Vladimir Putin. He stood up to the Iranian regime by kicking out their diplomats,
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and he, he even stood up to the United Nations. Justin Trudeau, you couldn't have a more stark
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difference between that and Justin Trudeau. Justin Trudeau said that he admired China's
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dictatorship. He shook hands with Iran's foreign minister just days after Iran shot down a civilian
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airline flight 752, murdering scores of Canadians, including students and children.
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You know, during your time as an elected official and MP Garnett, have you seen Canada's reputation
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change on the world stage? I know Justin Trudeau liked to say that he was bringing Canada back,
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that the foreign policy diplomats were all, you know, applauding when he, when he was elected and
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first entered the foreign affairs building. But, but, but, but on the ground out in these missions that you go on
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and, and, and working with our allies, have you seen a change in, in Canada's reputation? And what,
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what, how, how, how has Canada's reputation changed? You know, thanks. That's a, that's a really important
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question. And, and look, as a, as a member of the loyal opposition, I'm obviously a proud Canadian,
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and I want to see Canada do well. And I'm particularly proud of our, our armed forces and the courage that
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the women and men in uniform show as, as part of the various missions that we're, we're a part of and,
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and sometimes not getting the political support that they, that they should have. You talked about
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Stephen Harper. I think one thing that, that really came out to me talking to various people in, in
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Eastern Europe was, was sort of thinking about that trajectory of Putin aggression, that the, the kind of,
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there were, there were various human rights issues and aggressive actions taken within the, the
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territory of Russia itself. One critical step, I believe in 2008, I might be off a little bit,
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but I believe in 2008 where Russia invaded Georgia. And this, this is, has perhaps lessened the conscience
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of people in Canada. We have a closer relationship with Ukraine. But I think there's, there's a consensus now
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that basically there was a, there was a lack of meaningful response to, to that act of Russian
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aggression in, in Georgia. And there was sort of a perception in the Putin regime that they could,
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could get away with that. In 2014, in the context of Russian aggression in Ukraine, there was a much
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stronger, if anything sort of stronger than expected response from the international community in terms of
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showing support for Ukraine. That response on Ukraine was substantially, I would argue, driven by
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Stephen Harper's leadership within the, the G7. And Canada's firm, just refusal to accept a return to
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sort of 19th century so-called great power politics in which big countries can bite off chunks of small
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countries at will. We, we have to assert the, the principles of international law, the, the sovereignty
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of states, the principle of self-determination against this kind of, this kind of might makes right
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narrative. And Canada did that boldly, decisively. And, you know, Stephen Harper being well-respected,
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the senior member of the G7 was, was, was, was able to maybe say things that Europeans or Americans at
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the time were unwilling to say, but ultimately to pull that consensus towards us. So I think when you
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are a, you know, when you're, when you're somewhere in between a super tower, pardon me, when you're
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somewhere in between a super power and, and, and, and very small, when you're kind of a, at that, at that
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middle level as Canada is part of many international organizations, you know, you, the degree to which
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you're listened to really depends on the strength and credibility of your, of your leadership. The U.S.,
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people have to listen to the U.S. regardless of what they think of the present of the day because of
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its, its, its size and, and geopolitical importance. Canada is the sort of country where, where we have
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an opportunity to be heard, but it's not inevitable that we will be heard or that we will be, we will
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be listened to. And I think what I, what I see, and you can, I can see this quite clearly from the Biden
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administration, its posture towards the Trudeau government is, you know, doing all the kind of nice
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things and photo ops, but, but not really taking our concerns seriously, not really responding to
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them. And, and, and I, I think Canadians have this perception of our, of our prime minister as
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kind of in it for the image and, and not being that serious about the substance. And I think, look,
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Canada as a country still has a great reputation around the world. But it is very hard to imagine
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Justin Trudeau playing the same kind of leadership role today as Stephen Harper did on, on Ukraine.
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That, that leadership required a willingness, yes, to work within multilateral frame frameworks,
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but to lead and to be the first out of the gate and to, and to pull other countries towards us in
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terms of the process of building consensus. I, I don't think, I don't think we are, we are likely to
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see that kind of leadership from Justin Trudeau. We, we certainly haven't in the past.
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It's been interesting. You talk about Russia. You can look at maybe China and other,
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another important geo-strategic challenge that, that Canada faces. And obviously the Trudeau
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government came in promising this, this golden age of, of relations between Canada and China.
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And, and now what we've seen is, is like a shift in some of the rhetoric, right? The, the liberals,
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the liberals are adopting some of the language of conservative foreign policy in, in some of their,
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the way they try to frame what they're doing, but we're not seeing it in the substance. We're,
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we're seeing a shift in posture, but not a shift in substance of our foreign policy. And that's,
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Well, I do want to get to China, but before we do just quickly, there, there was an announcement
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not too long ago of a new submarine deal between the UK, the US and Australia. And when I saw that
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news Garnett and I, and I read the details to me, it was like, okay, we used to have this agreement
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called the five eyes and it was, it was Canada in that mix and New Zealand as well. And here we have
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this new, you know, groundbreaking technology and this, this, you know, next generation deal that,
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that Canada was just completely left out of. So I'm wondering if you could comment on that
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specifically and why Justin Trudeau, why under, under Justin Trudeau's leadership, Canada wasn't
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involved in those discussions you talked about, not meeting our 2% NATO requirement that, that seemed
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to be perhaps an opportunity to at least push it in that direction. If we were to make investments in,
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in the submarine technology, icebreakers in the North, what, why isn't Canada involved in these conversations?
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Well, I think it's a, it's an important question and it's a question we've asked. So we have an
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opportunity as, as members of parliament to submit something called order paper questions, which is,
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you know, people are thinking of questions in parliament, they think of the cut and thrust of
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question period, which is obviously one, one great opportunity, but we also submit written questions,
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which are, which are, are usually kind of detailed requests for information. And it's, it's,
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it's harder for the government to, to avoid providing, providing answers to those. So, so,
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although they, they still find ways of doing so. So, so I've submitted a, a question specifically on
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AUKUS, the, the UK, US, Australia deal asking, was Canada part of discussions?
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Was Canada invited to join? Would Canada be interested in joining? And I'm, I'm hopeful that,
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that within the deadline of that question, the question, the response will have to be submitted
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when parliament returns in January, at that point, we'll be able to see what the, what the response is.
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But, but look, I mean, obviously this raises some, some red flags when we see kind of within the
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Five Eyes, some members of the Five Eyes establishing agreements, which, I mean, they're, they're, they're
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going to be some aspects of, of, for instance, US-Australia cooperation that are going to focus
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on specific theaters where we're, where we're less present, but there's, there's a lot of elements of
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the AUKUS deal, some of which I think would be, would be very relevant to, to Canada. And shortly
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after that, I think people, people noticed the, the, the interaction between, between President Biden
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and the Prime Minister of Australia, in which he said, the US has no more reliable friend and ally
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than Australia, which I think, you know, from a Canadian perspective, is sort of like seeing your
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spouse out for dinner with somebody else. You know, Biden has described his relationship with Canada
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as the easiest relationship. So it's, it, it is interesting, you know, Trudeau has, has sat across
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from three different American presidents. And I think a lot of people were willing to give him a
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pass on certain things with Trump because they, they perceive Trump as a, as a, as a tough customer.
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But when, when you have two, two democratic presidents and still really a failure to achieve
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results and, and seeming gaps in terms of ability to cooperate, you start to wonder, you know, maybe,
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maybe, maybe our current leadership is missing something in terms of, of effective engagement of
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our allies. Well, so, so our relationship with the US, I mean, you, you shouldn't be seen as being easy
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if you're, if you're Canada, you should bargain, you should still make demands, whether it be pipelines
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or, you know, exemptions to meet in the USA tariffs. That, that, that should be an easier
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relationship because we have so much in common and we share so many mutual values. So, so, so compare
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that with, you know, seeing Trudeau have very few results with our greatest partner and ally, the US,
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and then juxtapose that with, with China, where you have an adversarial regime, you have a
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a terrible offender of human rights, you have, you know, a country that is, is acting more and more
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belligerent on the world stage. And yet, you know, we have Trudeau failing to negotiate a trade deal,
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a waffling, waffling on Huawei and, and, and how, how we're going to deal with them, not really standing
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up in the way that many wanted to see with the two Michaels who are arbitrarily arrested. In the US,
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we see both Democrats and Republicans in agreement about China's aggression and the need to build up
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their own domestic economy so that they're less reliant on imports from China. Canada doesn't
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seem to have an appetite to, to implement some of the same trade restrictions against China. So I'm
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wondering if you could comment both on the foreign policy side with China and how Trudeau deals with
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them and how, how we ought to deal with them in a different, different way. And then also address
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the issue of trade and, and whether we are too reliant on, upon China, whether we ought to be building
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up more of our own domestic or at least North American manufacturing base so that we're not
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relying on, on China in the future. Yeah. So I, I think on, on the trade piece, it's maybe important to
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distinguish between the question of, of trade in general and the question of strategic dependency.
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Um, you know, trade, you know, you can, you can engage in commerce, um, without being in a position
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of, of, um, of strategic vulnerability, where there are things that you are going to need at critical
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times and, uh, and that access could be managed by, um, by an authoritarian political actor for their
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own strategic, strategic reasons. Right. So we saw that a little bit with COVID with the, with the vaccines,
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as well as with PP and E that we were reliant on China and they, they didn't really seem to, to care
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and they didn't really seem to be reciprocal in, in terms of following through on agreements that we
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had with them. Yeah, certainly it became evident through the study we did at the special committee
00:25:19.760
on Canada-China relations in the, in the last parliament that, uh, that there were political
00:25:24.160
decisions aimed at Canada in response to, to political factors. And, uh, there is, there are, there are many
00:25:30.320
advantages to focusing on, on, uh, expanding free trade among free nations, rule of law nations where,
00:25:36.640
um, you know, where, where, uh, contracts are, are formally enforceable and, um, and there can't be
00:25:43.440
threats made against, uh, judges, business people and, and, and, and so forth. Um, it doesn't mean we,
00:25:49.520
we can't and shouldn't trade with countries that, uh, that don't share our values. I mean, I think there
00:25:54.320
are, there are good arguments for both the economic benefits, but also the potential just engagement that can,
00:25:59.600
can flow from that. But, uh, separate from the question of trade in general, we, we have to be
00:26:06.000
attentive to this question of, of strategic dependency, uh, that, that came through the, the
00:26:11.520
pandemic and, um, and, uh, you know, we, we see it in other issues as well. I know during, during a
00:26:18.160
recent trip to Eastern Europe, a lot of, um, a lot of people are, are interested there in questions
00:26:23.280
around energy security, right? And, and we, we should, should think about the role that Canada can play,
00:26:28.000
uh, as a, as a, an exporter of energy resources in, uh, in supporting energy security, because that's
00:26:34.160
another, uh, one of those, uh, those strategic, strategic, uh, commodities and points of strategic
00:26:40.800
vulnerability for certain, uh, for certain like, like-minded countries. Um, on the sort of relationship
00:26:47.760
with, with, uh, with China in general, um, how we kind of relate to the Chinese government, I think
00:26:53.360
for a long time, the Trudeau government has just been very naive. Uh, they've, they sort of assumed
00:26:58.000
that if you're, if you're treating someone in a certain way that they will, uh, reciprocate that,
00:27:03.360
uh, uh, that, that treatment. And, um, we've seen in, in response to, I think, very effective
00:27:10.560
work in the last parliament, again, through the special committee on, on Canada-China relations,
00:27:14.080
being a, being a big part of it. Um, the, many, many, many of the government's failures on this
00:27:21.760
and, and, and failures in perception have been exposed and that has forced certain changes in
00:27:28.480
tone and language. Uh, the, um, uh, the, two U.S. administrations actually have recognized the
00:27:36.560
Uyghur genocide. Canada's parliament has recognized the Uyghur genocide. Uh, the government has,
00:27:41.840
has failed to provide that recognition, um, in terms of our own domestic security, right? Uh,
00:27:48.160
we haven't, we have not, uh, recognized yet that the, the security threat posed by, by Huawei,
00:27:54.640
the government says its decision with respect to Huawei is still, uh, still pending. So, um,
00:28:00.080
there are these, there are these key issues of substance, uh, protecting our own security,
00:28:04.560
defending our own interests, standing with our allies on issues of human rights where Canada, uh,
00:28:09.440
needs to step up and, and has not stepped up yet. Um, and I would say just protecting our own
00:28:15.040
security is in, in this context is, is a particularly urgent priority. Uh, the biggest security threat
00:28:21.200
facing Canada right now is foreign state back interference in our country. Uh, the, the sort
00:28:26.480
of silent invasion, uh, that one, one Australian writer, uh, described where, um, where the institutions of,
00:28:34.160
of, of, uh, uh, of, of a foreign state, you know, rather than, rather than rolling up, uh, with,
00:28:39.920
with tanks and flags on the beach, uh, are seeking to, uh, to, to bring institutions in other country,
00:28:47.040
on countries under their control. And, um, and, and we really need to wise up about this and respond
00:28:53.840
to it more effectively. Well, there, there have been, uh, there's been several books written about,
00:28:58.240
uh, Chinese spies and infiltration into Canada. Uh, we saw it, uh, flare up not too long ago in
00:29:04.640
Vancouver when, um, there were, you know, high school kids fighting over, um, you know, the
00:29:10.160
invasion of, um, or the, the changes of law in Hong Kong that will give China more autonomy. We see,
00:29:15.280
uh, pro China rallies in, in Vancouver frequently. So, uh, unfortunate stuff is definitely happening in
00:29:21.360
Canada. Well, Garnett, I really appreciate your time, really appreciate all your, uh, expertise and,
00:29:25.760
and shedding light on all of these issues to help us, uh, get a better understanding of what's
00:29:29.280
happening, uh, you know, inside Canada's, uh, foreign policy, um, area. So, so we really
00:29:35.360
appreciate you coming on the show and, um, wishing you a very Merry Christmas to you and your family.
00:29:40.560
Well, thank you so much. Merry Christmas to you. And I'll maybe just say in conclusion that
00:29:44.240
these foreign and security policy issues, um, they're not often top of mind for Canadians. Um,
00:29:50.960
but when something goes wrong in the world, uh, they can, they can move from low down the list
00:29:55.760
to the top of the list very, very quickly in terms of their significance and their impact.
00:29:59.760
So, uh, obviously, uh, you know, conservatives are working hard to hold the government accountable
00:30:03.760
on the economy, on inflation, uh, on, uh, on justice issues, on domestic freedoms issues.
00:30:09.040
Uh, but these, but these foreign, foreign affairs and, uh, and security issues, uh, they,
00:30:14.720
they have the potential to have a very significant impact, uh, on our, on our lives. And it's important
00:30:19.600
for us to be vigilant and asking the government questions about, about what their, their plans
00:30:24.000
are. So again, Merry Christmas to you and thanks for the opportunity.
00:30:26.800
All right. Thank you so much, Garnas, Janet, MP for the Conservative Party. I'm
00:30:31.200
Candice Malcolm, and this is the Candice Malcolm Show.