Could the rise of Maxime Bernier and the PPC be the deciding factor in the election?
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Summary
We re neck and neck in the polls, and the race is still too close to call. Could Maxime Bernier and the People s Party of Canada make the difference in this election campaign? To help us make sense of the numbers, we talk to pollster Hamish Marshall.
Transcript
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We're neck and neck in the final week of the campaign. Could Maxime Bernier and the People's
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Party of Canada make the difference in this election campaign? I'm Candace Malcolm and
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this is The Candace Malcolm Show. Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning in. If you're
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watching on YouTube, please don't forget to like this video and hit the subscription button.
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Please subscribe to True North to stay in touch with everything that's happening in the campaign,
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in Canadian politics. We will be here with you every step of the way throughout the rest of
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the campaign and we'll be coming live on election night to break everything down, to give you the
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results as they come in. We'll have lots of exciting and interesting guests and we'll be there all night
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with you. So please consider joining us for that live broadcast. Now, like I said, this election
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is incredibly close. It's too close to call and to help us make sense of the recent numbers and to
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look at what's happening across the country, I am joined by True North's in-house pollster Hamish
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Marshall. Hi Hamish, how are you? Hi Candace, how's it going? So I think what we're seeing at
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this point in the campaign, Hamish, is more or less evening out. Depending on the poll,
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the Tories might be up a few points, Liberals might be up a few points. But for us to get
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to tell, it's the same result as what we saw in your poll that we did through True North last week,
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which is that the parties are neck and neck. It's virtually a tie. So what does this mean?
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What can we make of this at this point in the campaign? Well, it's actually, it's fascinating
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because what we're seeing is, you're right, the national polls are all sort of coming together.
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Generally speaking, it looks like Liberals have perhaps a slightly, maybe a percent,
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maybe less than a percent. So it's really extraordinarily close. And the really complicated
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thing is that, you know, Canada, we don't really have an election across the country. We have
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dozens of regional elections because what's happening in different parts of the country is
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very, very, very different. And so the real story is in the regional poll and what's happening in each of
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the provinces and even sub-regions. And the, I guess, frustrating thing is with all these polls
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being very close, there actually isn't a great deal of agreement on what's going on. Some areas,
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some polls that might have a similar overall number show Liberals pulling away in Ontario and other
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ones show a very, very close race in Ontario. So it's very, very difficult to say exactly what's
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going to happen right now. The polls are not especially helpful in that. Generally speaking,
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I think though, if, if the, if we're tied in the polls on election day, that's probably a structural
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advantage to Liberals. You know, the Conservatives won the last election with, with 1.1% of the popular
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vote, but obviously lost the seats. All right. The Liberals won, 1.37 or 36 or more seats than the
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Conservatives. The Conservatives don't, aren't, don't seem to be as far ahead in Alberta and
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Saskatchewan as they were last time, but they still have a structural advantage, which means that,
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or the Liberals have a structural advantage, which means that the exact same number of,
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they both get the exact same number of votes nationwide. The Liberals will probably win the most seats.
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That's really interesting. Well, I saw an article that sort of stuck out to me because it reminded
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me a little bit of your Writings to Watch report that you did for us, except for it really only
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focused on three cities. So, so it was in the National Post. It was, you know, these three area
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codes could determine who wins the election. And they basically broke it down to the 450, which is the
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area around Montreal that the Liberals desperately need to win and win back against the bloc. We have the
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905, which is the belt around the sort of suburban belt around Toronto that Stephen Harper was able
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to do really, really well back in 2011. And right now it's pretty much a Liberal stronghold. And then
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we have the 604, which is Vancouver proper. And that's typically a very, very strong place for
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the Liberals. I know that the two of those seats right now are held by the NDP. One is held by an
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independent, Jody Wilson-Raybill, who's not seeking re-election. So the Liberals need to win all of
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those. But according to polling, Hamish, it shows that the Liberals are in third place in Vancouver,
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which is really shocking. I don't think I've seen Conservatives do this well, or at least appear to
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be doing this well in Vancouver in a very long time. So I was wondering if you could just sort of
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comment, is this election really going to boil down to just the three biggest cities in the country?
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It's such a big country. There's so much going on. Is it these three? And can you comment on each of
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the three cities to see how each party is doing? Sure. And we'll go, we'll go east to west. So in
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Montreal, there's this band of seats in the 450 area code around the city. So you aren't really the
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seats on the island of Montreal. It's what they call the Rive Nord, the Rive Sud, suburban bedroom
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communities. And a lot of these seats are very classic Liberal block swing seats. And those are the
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seats the Liberals want to win. Places like Cluvial de Mille-Ile, La Paris, Langueille-Saint-Hubert,
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suburban seats where they, in many cases, Liberals won these seats in 2015, lost them in 2019. The
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bloc's trying to take them back. But there's also a few seats that the bloc want to pick up themselves.
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You know, the bloc across Quebec missed eight more seats, but I think less than 2,000 votes or less
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than. So there's a lot of very close seats in Quebec. And this goes to my point about the regional
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polling. We've seen polling numbers in Quebec that are very inconsistent. Some polls will show the
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bloc up over the last time, which means they're probably going to be cutting into those Liberal
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seats, could win two or three seats off the Liberals, which means the Liberal quest for majority is that
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much harder. It means the Conservatives need to win less seats than the rest of the country in order to
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get ahead of the Liberals. On the other hand, there's regional polling that seems to show that the
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Liberals have opened their lead over the bloc a little bit more. And the Liberals could win two or
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three seats off the bloc, which means that, or maybe even four seats off the bloc, which means
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that Conservatives and NDPers have to win more seats in other parts of the country in order to
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offset that. And right now, I don't think anybody truly knows which way it's going to go. It's going
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to be very tight. But these suburban seats around Montreal are very important. In suburban Toronto,
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you're right, the 905 was obviously swept by Harper in 2011, and then virtually swept by Trudeau in
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2015. And the Conservatives and Liberals won the same number of seats as they did in 2019 as they
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did in 2015, although those exact seats changed a little bit. I don't think at this point, any of
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the polling seems to suggest that there's a knife edge where, you know, 15 or 20 of these seats is
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going to switch. What everything looks like right now is that there's a few seats the Conservatives
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didn't win by a lot last time, or certainly didn't lose by a lot last time, which are in play. So a
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place like Whitby, which is right, which is adjacent to Oshawa, it's in Durham region, where Erin O'Toole
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is from, or a seat like King Vaughan, which is the northern rural part, which talked about it earlier.
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And then there's a seat like Richmond Hill, where the Conservatives lost by a couple hundred votes.
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The twist is in a seat like Richmond Hill, which is very, very interesting, is obviously we're
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seeing the PPC cost the Conservatives that seat in the last election, because PPC is clearly on the
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rise. And there's no Green candidate in that seat, which means the Greens got, I think,
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1800 votes there last time. A lot of those voters probably aren't even aware there's no Green candidate,
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but they're going to walk into the polling booth, and they're going to decide who they're going to vote
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for. And some of them will vote Conservatives, some of them will vote PPC, but a lot more are
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going to vote Liberal and NDP. So that gives the Liberals a built-in advantage and a seat that the
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Conservatives could actually gain votes and still not gain that seat. So it's going to be very,
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very tight. But really what we're looking at in the 905 is whether the Conservatives can pick up
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at best maybe five or six more seats. We're not talking about, none of the pollings indicate
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a sort of sweep in 2011, or where the Conservatives could win, you know, a dozen or 15 more seats.
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And just to interject there, I know you're going to get to the 604 in Vancouver, but I wonder,
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because this week, the sort of big news story was the Jody Wilson-Raybould book coming out really
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damning against Justin Trudeau. And something else interesting happened, which is that the former
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Liberal MP, Selena Cesar Chivanas, came out and endorsed the Tories and said that she was going to be
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voting for her local Conservative, which for a high profile former MP to come out and she's based in
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the 905. Would something like that have an impact on the vote in her riding and sort of more broadly
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in that suburban belt? Look, it certainly helps the Conservatives and the Conservative candidate there
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in Whitby, whose name I can't quite remember, but she's a local city councillor. She's an extremely
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impressive candidate. So they've got a strong candidate and the endorsement from the former
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Liberal MP certainly helps. But I don't think we should overstate it. You know, in the last
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election, that Liberal, the former Liberal MP didn't run again. And it was very, very clear about
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her disputes with Trudeau. She was extremely critical of Trudeau. And the Conservatives did
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better in that seat than they had done previously. But that's Jim Flaherty's old seat. It's certainly a
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seat with a Conservative base. And if there was sort of seats the Conservatives are going to do better in
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last time, that was one of them. So her attacks on Trudeau in 2019 weren't enough to deliver it to the
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Conservatives. Her endorsement, certainly helpful, will definitely move some votes. But is it 5,000
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votes? Probably not. It's probably closer to 500 than 5,000, which might make all the difference. But
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it's, I don't think we should expect that she's got some magic switch that she, you know, she's a
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one-term MP, let's face it, right? And she doesn't have the ability to instantly change the seat like that.
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And then moving on to Vancouver. So I just, I think there was a little confusion over some of
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the numbers we're seeing. Most of the numbers we're seeing are actually province-wide numbers
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in BC that show the Liberals in third place. And the city of Vancouver, the 604 region,
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really includes all the suburbs of Vancouver as well, which is where it's really at play.
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The seats in the city, I actually think the Liberals are going to gain one. The chances of the
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Liberals winning Jody Wilson-Raybould's old seat, I think is extremely, extremely high. The, if she'd
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run again, I think she could have held on, but she obviously decided not to. But the further
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complication is that what we're seeing, broadly speaking, some polls for the Liberals in third,
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some shall still throw them in second. It's hard to say. Most polls seem to agree in British Columbia,
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the NDPs on the rise. That probably means that there's seats, there's a couple of things happening.
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One is, there's some seats NDP can win. So there's a seat called Coquitlam, or Moody Coquitlam,
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which the Conservatives won by a couple of hundred votes last time over the NDP. Liberals were in close
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third. NDP chances of picking up that seat are very, are very good. But on the other hand, there's
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seats like Langley-Cloverdale, where the, where the Liberals are coming hard and want to take that
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seat from the Conservatives. The rise in the NDP probably splits the vote unless the Conservatives
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squeak through. There's other seats that Conservatives could pick up. There's a
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Coquitlam, Port Coquitlam, which we can end up seeing a rise of the NDP, take some liberal votes,
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and let the Conservatives win. Although like Richmond Hill, there's no Green candidate there,
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and the Greens got about 4,000 votes there last time, which is certainly going to give the Conservatives
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a bit of a structural disadvantage. So I think it's extremely tight. I think the Conservatives can win
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some more seats in the 905 and the broader Greater Vancouver region, but not a lot. There's not,
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you know, 20 or 30 seats here that can be won. The other interesting thing that I just want to point
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out is that the, we now have the total number of people who requested mail-in ballots, which is over
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a million Canadians are going to be voting by mail in this election, which is I think what 80,000 voted
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last time. So it's a huge, huge number. Interestingly enough, it's far less than what Elections Canada
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was expecting. Elections Canada in the spring was predicting between three and four million people
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would vote in ballots by mail. And what's fascinating about this is that the top 10 ridings,
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that I think nine of the top 10 ridings for mail-in ballots are in British Columbia, and I think six or
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five of those top 10 are on Vancouver Island, and they're where the NDP is highly organized.
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I think the NDP is going to be, I think we're going to see some very interesting votes where the NDP
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has embraced a mail-in ballot strategy, and most likely when we're going to see their votes might
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be counted a little later, it might be a little delayed. And we can see seats on election night,
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it looks like the NDP might be losing some seats, and they win them in later parts of the count,
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which will be very interesting. And it also thinks the NDP is going hard after a place like NIMO,
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and perhaps even Saanich Gulf Islands where they were the green parties at play.
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Interesting. And so would that affect our ability to know who becomes prime minister on election
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night? Do you know how delayed these things will be and whether this will turn into something like
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we saw in the last US election where it took, what, a week for them to certify president?
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I don't think it'll be anything like that. We generally still know within a few hours. It might
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be take four or five hours to know as opposed to, you know, two hours. But it's also hard to say,
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you know, a lot of these seats are reasonably safe NDP seats. So, so we'll see, we'll see how
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that plays out. But like a million votes being counted this way, there's going to definitely be
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some disputes. But when they arrive, there is, you know, there's people vote, the mail-in ballots
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have to be received by election day, by I think five o'clock locally on election day,
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or maybe it's by the close of polls. There's always going to be, you know, was this,
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does this bag of mail come in? Does it come in late? You know, so it could result in some very,
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very, in some very tight races ending up in some sort of judicial reviews and that kind of thing.
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Interesting. All right. I want to pick up on something else you mentioned when you're talking
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about the Richmond Hill seat. You mentioned how the PPC were the spoilers for the conservatives in
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the 2019 election in that race. I think there was two or three ridings that turned out that way.
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The story, one of the major stories of this election has certainly been the huge, huge rise
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and growth of the PPC. We mentioned this on our debate night show that some polls have them up at
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10%, 11%. You know, we've seen huge rallies and protests across the country. Trudeau is sort of
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turning them into his biggest campaign foe and really going after them in pretty nasty attacks.
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So let's talk about the rise of the People's Party, Maxime Bernier. First,
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do you think Bernier has a good shot at regaining his own seat out in Beauce?
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I think it's extremely difficult to say at this point. The PPC's polling numbers in Quebec as a
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province are pretty poor. They're universally seen as their worst province. That doesn't mean there
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isn't something different going on in Beauce. And we've certainly seen the poll that I did for
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True North show that the people turning their backs on government and being concerned about government
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overreach is highest in Quebec. So I think there's the potential there. But Maxime Bernier has been
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traveling in the country. You know, Richard LeHoux, the conservative MP, has been working the ground
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hard. So I think there's a good chance Maxime Bernier will do better than he did last time.
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And it might be close. But if I had to bet, I'd say that Bernier probably won't win it. But
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I believe there's a greater chance of him winning it today than I would have at the beginning of the
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campaign four weeks ago. And what about the the rest of the country? So even even if they don't
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have a good shot at winning a seat, is there a possibility that they will make a difference in
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terms of those close seats? I know you mentioned that some of the Green Party candidates aren't
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running. It seems to me that a lot of the people who might have voted for a protest party like the
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Greens may have swung around to support the PPC. The polls seem to suggest, I mean, given that,
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you know, you have a poll that shows the conservatives leading and the PPC at 10 or 11 percent,
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I mean, it's not like that 10 or 11 percent came directly from the conservative party. The votes
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are coming from lots of places, it seems. That's exactly right. You know, I would say
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the general consensus is in the last election, the PPC, you know, Bernier had just left the
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conservative party. PPC probably got two thirds of its votes from conservative voters. In this election,
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that number seems to be down to maybe 45 percent, maybe 50, but probably 40, 40, 45,
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somewhere in there. And the rest is coming from habitual non-voters, people new to the political
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process. It always happens when there's a new party that attracts people in who are new,
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as well as Liberals, NDPers and Greens and Quebec Sunblock, who have for a variety of reasons,
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you know, they've got questions about vaccines, have moved over to the PPC. I agree that I think
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it's actually probably going to disproportionately pull from some of that Green vote,
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because you're right, there's a protest party. There's sort of people who vote for
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smaller parties are attracted to other smaller parties. So I think it's going to take that,
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but they are taking Liberal and NDP votes as well. But overall, it seems to be that the conservative
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vote is the plurality, whereas last time it was the majority. Interesting. Well, thank you so much,
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Hamish, for this report. We're really excited for our election night coverage. You're going to be
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joining us for most of the evening, I believe, and helping us break down all the results, making the
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calls when they come in and helping us make sense. So hopefully it won't be, you know, an eight,
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ten-hour night like we've seen in the past. But with those mail-in ballots, who knows,
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we could be in for a long night on election night. That's true. We'll see. All right. Thank you so
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much for joining us. I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is The Candace Malcolm Show.
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I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is The Candace Malcolm.