Economist Jack Mintz EXPOSES Mark Carney’s HIDDEN budget
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Summary
Candice Malan talks with Jack Mintz, an economist and public policy expert, about the differences between the two main parties' costed budgets, and their platforms for the upcoming election. She is joined by economist and Public Policy Fellow at the School of Public Policy at the University of Calgary, Dr. Jack Mintzes.
Transcript
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Half of young Canadian women say they're putting off kids because they can't
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afford them. But Mark Carney wants 100 million people, not for families, for the
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machine. No homes, no hope, and no future. Just growth at any cost. Not to build
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Canada, but to change it. Hi, I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is The Candace Malcolm Show. Folks, we are
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in the final stretch of the election, less than one week until E-Day. Very excited. I hope that
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you got out there and voted in the advance poll. My husband and I did. We were actually the first
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people to show up on Saturday morning, and it was very seamless. Very easy. I didn't bring my own
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pen. Didn't need it, though. So hopefully you got out there and voted in the advance polls. If not,
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go and vote on election day. Like I've said throughout the campaign, I believe this is the
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most important election of my lifetime. I know you hear that a lot during elections, but really we
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are at a crossroad as a country. And I think that the past few days have really, really shown this
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as both parties have released their costed budget. And so I didn't want to just skim over this. I
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wanted to do a deeper analysis of the two parties' costed budget. And so to do this today, I'm very
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pleased to be joined by one of the foremost economic experts in the country, Dr. Jack Mintz, who's an
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economist and public policy expert, and he is the President's Fellow of the School of Public Policy
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at the University of Calgary. Professor Mintz, thank you so much for joining us.
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Okay, so this morning, Pierre Polyev was out there and he released his costed platform.
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He announced it in Woodbridge, Ontario. And this is a clip of Polyev making that announcement.
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The choice is this, a fourth Liberal term with Mark Carney, whose reckless Liberal plan will add
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even more debt than Trudeau. Or a new Conservative government with a responsible plan to save $125
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billion and put us back on the path to growth and security. This is my plan for change. First,
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we will cut the Liberal deficit by 70% by cutting back on bureaucracy, consultants, foreign aid to
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dictators, terrorists and global bureaucracies, slashing money for special interests and unleashing a
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half trillion dollars of extra economic growth by unlocking the power of our resources and home
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building. In the past, I've told you that there would be a dollar-for-dollar law. Every dollar of
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new spending would need to be matched with a dollar of savings. We've gone even further. Every dollar of
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new spending in our platform, especially for things like defence, will be met with $1.50 in savings in other areas.
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Gradually and through attrition, without mass layoffs, we will wind down the cost of the bureaucracy
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by hiring back only two people for every three who voluntarily retire.
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So he announced 70% cut in the deficit. There will still be a deficit with a plan deficit of $31 billion
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in the first year. But like he said, they're 70% less than what the Liberals were planning for. For
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every new dollar introduced in spending, he says it will be matched by $1.50 in savings. This includes
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lower taxes, 15% savings for the average worker, about $900 or $1,800 for a family. His plan, again,
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is to build 2.3 million homes by axing taxes, he says, which will save up to $100,000 per home built.
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He also, as he previously mentioned, the plan includes locking up criminals and, like he says,
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putting Canada first. So, Jack, what do you make of Polyev's platform? Do you think it's a good plan
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for Canada? Well, I think it's a plan that certainly is consistent with the views of the Conservative Party,
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but I think of a lot of Canadians who would like to see some more fiscal discipline, but at the same
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time putting priority on the things that are needed. I think the plan, I think there's a very
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interesting contrast, actually, between the Liberal plan and the Conservative plan. The Liberal plan is
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really based on the federal government spending money to so-called catalyze investment, private
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sector investment in the economy, kind of like on a partnership basis, government-led decision-making,
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while the Conservative plan is based on removing obstacles to private investment and building
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up private investment through either lower regulations by getting the Impact Assessment Act
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or by cutting taxes. So, I think there are a clear difference between the two approaches of the two
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parties. Well, it's interesting, too, because, I mean, I think a lot of us, when we hear a Conservative
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government, we expect to have a balanced budget. I think that Polyev is being quite cautious,
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right? He could have probably come up with a platform that was able to balance the budget
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immediately by doing deeper cuts, but he doesn't want to do that. So, this platform that he released
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has a $31 billion deficit in year one, $31.5 billion in year two in 2026-27, $23 billion in year three,
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$14 billion in year four, and then a promise to balance the budget. So, not quite as hawkish
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fiscally as someone like myself would have liked, but I think it's a bit more cautious. Interestingly,
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as well, Polyev announced that his goal isn't to go in there and slash the public service. He says,
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again, cautiously, that he will only hire two federal employees for every three who retire. So, to me,
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this is a very gradual sort of conservative budget. Do you think that he could have gone
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further and boosted the economy even more, or do you think that this was a smart decision?
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Some say the bubbles in an aero truffle piece can take 34 seconds to melt in your mouth,
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sometimes the very amount you're stuck at the same red light.
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Rich, creamy, chocolatey aero truffle. Feel the aero bubbles melt. It's mind bubbling.
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Well, I think it's kind of a realistic position to take. I mean, as everyone acknowledges, the federal
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government has just ballooned in size in the past 10 years. I mean, the total number of employees has
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gone up 40%. It would be one thing if we said that, oh, we're getting really much better services out of
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the federal government, but we're not. And so, I think there is a need to scale back the size of
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of the government labor force, plus all the contract tracking that has been going on. It's been a huge
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increase in that as well. So, definitely there's room for cutting there. Could it have been more
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aggressive? Potentially. I think that could be the case, but I think he did take a more, let's say,
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cautious approach, I think, to that. Of course, you know, he is living in an Ottawa area,
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you know, constituency. So, perhaps he's more sensitive to the issues around the public service
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for that reason. But it's certainly not like what's happening in the United States with Doge,
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which is a very, very different type of approach. But also, what we see in the Carney plan,
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the one that the liberals are putting ahead, I don't see any real cut in the size of the civil
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service. And in fact, as you mentioned about the deficits not going down by the conservatives,
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but not balancing the budgets, when you look at the liberal deficits, they actually go up in size.
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Although, there's a little bit of confusion between what's being measured, because there's
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a separation between what's called the operating budget and the capital budget. But capital spending
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is going up by $200 billion in the liberal budget plan. And that $200 billion is close to 6% of GDP.
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So, it's a very remarkable increase in the size of the debt. Of course, all this is going to be
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different in the years from now, because I suspect the world is going to be going through a very tough
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time with the recession, as a result of the Trump tariffs that are certainly having a very significant
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impact on trade flows and what's happening across countries.
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Well, it's interesting. Okay, let's switch over then and start talking about Mark Carney's budget.
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Because one of the things that you just mentioned is this kind of sleight of hand that seems to be
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taking place with the difference between a capital deficit or a capital budget and operational
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budget. And so, you know, typically, you would assume that, you know, operations is the day-to-day
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spending of the government, and then the capital spending is investments in the future. And somehow,
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in Mark Carney's costed platform budget, he sort of increased the number of things that you could
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typically describe as being investments in the country. And so, that was sort of a way that he could
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say that he, you know, he's not racking up as much deficit as possible. Could you help us understand,
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like, what he did and why is that allowed? Like, how is it that a prime minister could just like
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change the way that we account of our federal spending? Well, first of all, the federal government
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and all the provinces have adopted capital budgeting for a long time. And in fact, you calculate an
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operating budget where you subtract off, you know, from the revenues received and all the costs of
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running the government, including depreciation costs on capital. And then you might have a
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capital budget that you, you know, you report the capital, and then as it depreciates, you,
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you know, provide a stock. But that's been done, you know, by the provinces and the federal government
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for some time. But there's always this issue about what you call capital. And if you put money into a
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bunch of funds that may not be spent until a later time, you're not necessarily creating capital,
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or at least not much capital. And so it's very confusing, actually, in terms of what is being
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called capital, in without further explanation coming from the Liberal Party. And so when I look
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at all this so called capital expenditure, it looks like to me, it's just a bunch of
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money to be put aside to be spent in the future. In fact, they talk about, you know, cash costs versus
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accrual accounting. And it does sound like they're, they're naming a lot of things as capital, but it's not
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clear it really is capital. Well, it's so interesting. And so even with that sleight of
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hand that's taken place, the Liberal budget still would have $130 billion in new spending with no
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timeline for a balanced budget. That was according to the National Post. Interesting, there's an account
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on X called Canada Spends. It's an advocacy organization started by former Liberal staffers
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who are concerned about the fiscal future of the country. So the Canada Spends account put this out,
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which just shows, it says a reminder of past deficits. So you can see 2024, back to 2019, 2020,
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we have a deficit, this is going backwards, $48 billion, $61 billion, $35 billion, $90 billion,
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$327 billion, that was post COVID, and then $39 billion. And then a look ahead at the projected
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deficits under Mark Carney. So first year, $62 billion, next year, $59 billion, $54 billion, $47
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billion. And so many were pointing out, you know, these are, this is Trudeau level spending,
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if not more, you know, is actually more spending than the current year. And so maybe it's because
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it's an election and politicians often make promises during campaigns, and they have to include those.
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But I think to many, the idea of bringing in Mark Carney, a central banker, someone who understands the
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economy, from a Liberal perspective is, you know, he's got similar views on social issues as Justin Trudeau,
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he believes in sort of the diversity, equity, inclusion mantra of the left. But he's fiscally
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responsible, he's a banker, he's, you know, he's got this persona as being a hand, someone who can guide our,
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guide our country through a crisis. And yet, what I'm seeing here, is just a continuation of Justin
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Trudeau's spend, spend thrift, sorry, spend happy government. So what is your, what is your view on
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this? Well, I think there's no question that actually, there's not only an increase in spending,
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including capital spending, you know, you got both operating and capital spending rising.
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But, but I think what's more worrisome is any lack or discussion about fiscal anchors. As we know,
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if you don't have a fiscal anchor, there tends to be not enough fiscal discipline taken on by the government.
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And perhaps there will be a fiscal anchor that, that the Liberals will introduce if they do win power.
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Uh, they've had a very weak one in the past, you know, uh, which, uh, is that we're going to try to
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let the debt GDP ratio not rise. But of course, it has risen all through the time that they've been,
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uh, been in power, but they're not the first ones to do that. You have to go back to the days of
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uh, of the, uh, Pierre Elliott Trudeau. When he was prime minister, uh, they, they ran up the debt
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quite a bit. And then also the Marooney government also ran up debt. And the fact that they used to
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use a fiscal anchor that, oh, we're going to reduce debt GDP ratio, uh, over time. But then
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every budget, it kept getting revised upwards, the debt GDP ratio, and they never really accomplished
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anything. So I don't think it's a very good fiscal anchor. And the best anchor actually is moving
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towards a balanced budget. And so I think that's where the conservative plan does have, I think,
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the stronger aspect to it. But again, let me warn that we're in a very, we're in uncharted waters
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right now, uh, because of the significant changes that are happening internationally with respect to
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trade flows. And, and, uh, frankly, a lot of these plans are probably going to get blown out of the
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water, uh, in that the deficits are going to end up higher, uh, and there'll be more borrowing,
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uh, because of the fact that the economy may end up weaker by next year. So I, I'm not actually
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counting that, uh, that these plans are really going to end up, uh, you know, working. I think
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more important is the direction of the plan. The conservatives certainly will try to keep some
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fiscal responsibility in holding back expenditures to, to a certain extent and, and cutting where,
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where they can, or at least not allowing it to go out of whack. Uh, if we do end up with a recession,
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well, I think the liberals, uh, uh, plan does not show a lot of, um, uh, I would argue fiscal
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discipline and, and the fact that right now I don't see any fiscal anchor making sense.
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We no longer have the 1% deficit, uh, limitation that was in, you know, that was in the last Trudeau
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budget. Uh, and, and we don't have a promise to try to keep the debt GDP ratio falling. In fact,
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it's very interesting in the liberal plan and the costing, they didn't even show what happens to the
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debt GDP ratio. It's not in their lines. And so it's, uh, uh, it was something that was actually
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kind of hidden, uh, in the, in their actual document. Well, doesn't that just show what
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they actually think about the thing that they've been saying for the last, uh, 10 years? There
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was a clip that was circulating that showed, uh, Rosemary Barton on the CBC. She was talking about
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how this, uh, costed, uh, budget platform was written weeks ago and that they basically just had to
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update it once Mark Carney became leader. So it really was written by the same, uh, policy people,
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uh, that were writing the budget for Justin Trudeau. And interesting that they stressed so much that
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debt to GDP ratio, uh, net debt, that was what Chrystia Freeland always said, um, because they
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included, they, they, they weighed, uh, pensions and other, uh, assets that aren't really government
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assets against the debt. Of course, they also didn't include any subsovereign borrowing and debt,
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which would also be part of the picture in Canada. So I, I never liked the net, uh, debt to GDP ratio,
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but, um, interesting that they themselves said it. Well, I want to talk to you a little bit about
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this storm, um, and this crisis that is coming, uh, from the tariffs that are being imposed
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by Donald Trump. I mean, that was the theme of the election early on, and it seemed like we were
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sort of moving away from it. And especially during the debates last week, the focus really was on
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Canadian policy as an election debate should be focusing on what, you know, what we can do,
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our domestic policies, things that they've gotten us into this economic problem in the first place,
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um, with the rising cost of living with mass immigration, those kinds of issues.
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Um, so like, do you, do you think that the issue with tariffs and Trump have come back and overtaken and,
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you know, overtaken the election? Or do you think that the ballot box question will be something more
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like the cost of living and what Canadians, uh, what the Canadian leader can do about it?
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Well, I think the tariffs, uh, have played a role in this election and I think it's, uh,
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it shows up, I think, uh, vis-a-vis the, uh, issue around leadership. Uh, you know, the, uh,
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you know, the argument has been made that, uh, Mark Carney's got, you know, tremendous background in terms of,
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you know, once being the governor of the Bank of Canada, the Bank of England, uh, you know, et cetera.
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Uh, and so, uh, as a result would be able to deal better with the Trump tariff issues and,
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and negotiations, uh, than, uh, the Pierre Polyev who's had more of a background as a politician
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over the years. Although, uh, we have to remember experience as a politician is a lot different
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than experience as a bureaucrat. And I think, I think that's something which, uh, people have not
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paid much attention to. Uh, but I think that's where the Trump terrorists have done. They are scaring
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Canadians and they do feel the concern about it. Uh, but it's interesting that no one really has
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a plan about how they're going to deal with it, except to really say, well, we, we need to build
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the Canadian economy. In fact, that's probably the best response, uh, to be made. And, and I think
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this is where, uh, the issues play in the hand of, of, of, uh, Polyev because, uh, he can go back and say,
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look, we've had 10 years of a lost decade. Uh, we've had, uh, really not very good public policy
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when it comes to, uh, building the economy. Uh, in fact, uh, Canada's performance has been the worst
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of all the G7 countries. In fact, the calculations I've shown is that, uh, GDP per capita has hardly
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grown in, in the past 10 years. It's been virtually stalled. Uh, and, and this is unlike any other G7
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country. And in fact, it's well below the OEC on average. Uh, and, and here we've had a time
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with a pandemic and Europe is weak and we've still done worse than other countries. And so,
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uh, you know, certainly policies have not worked very well in terms of building up the capacity
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of the Canadian economy and the incomes that Canadians can enjoy. And, and we are falling behind,
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uh, the rest of the world, including United States, uh, where per capita incomes are now much
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higher than we find here in Canada. In fact, it's a sad story. As I wrote recently, uh, just on Friday,
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uh, that got published in the print version of the national post today, that Ontario is now the sick
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man of North America. It's had two decades now of the lowest growth amongst all the provinces.
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It's per capita GDP now is, is hardly any different than the, than the poorest U U S states, uh, like
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Mississippi and Alabama. In fact, it's a bit less than South Carolina. And so it sort of tells you
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the story that Canada is not doing very well. And, and I think this is where the election,
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some of those election issues have come back, which has probably helped a bit the conservatives,
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but so far I think it hasn't made a real dent. The question is, is the liberal plan better in
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building up that economy or is the conservative plan better? And I think that's, I think is the,
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is the, let's say, uh, $20 billion question for this election.
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Yeah. Well, it seems to me that Mark Carney hasn't really learned the lessons that one might
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learn from the last five years or so in public policy. I mean, his strategy, it seems to me in
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the UK was sort of idea, the Keynesian idea of quantitative easing, spending money to boost
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economic growth that, that hasn't come to fruition in Canada. When I looked at his budget and tried to
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read through it, it seemed to me like the deference was sort of what I would call crony capitalism,
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like give lots and lots of money, pump it into the private sector, have government working hand
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in glove with big corporations, and that somehow this would be the answer to our economic woes.
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Like it hasn't worked, uh, post-COVID. I mean, I think that many Canadians do connect that dot,
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that the reason we have massive inflation in Canada and, you know, across the Western world
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is because governments blew out the bank during COVID with spending. And that is the result, you know,
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when governments put lots of money, there's lots more money in the economy, which means that
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prices get driven up. And yet it doesn't seem like he's learned that lesson. In fact,
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he's doubling and tripling down on it with, with his plan. What do you think?
00:21:21.540
Uh, well, I think that's what concerns me about the liberal plan particularly, is that it's really
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focused on, uh, more money being spent, uh, by governments, uh, in partnership, uh, with the
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private sector, uh, certainly by creating all, all these different funds, whether in the past was
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the Canada Growth Fund, which it's questionable how much it's really achieved. Uh, and now we're
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creating new funds in order to try to, uh, catalyze, as, as Mark Carney likes to use that word, catalyze,
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uh, uh, private sector investment. Uh, whether that is actually the best way of achieving that, I, I,
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I've never been convinced because as we know, governments and private sectors, uh, investors
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have very different, uh, objectives, uh, private sector investment investors want to make money.
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Uh, profitability is important and it's absolutely critical, uh, for the bottom line, uh, while
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governments are interested in other objectives besides profits. And in fact, as we've seen, you
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know, in the United States with the inflation reduction act, uh, you know, and giving out all sorts of,
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uh, uh, tax credits and other, uh, types of, um, of, uh, subsidies to, to the private sector,
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the government starts attaching all sorts of conditions to it. You know, that they have to
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have a certain type of gender balance, let's say in their labor force. So they have to have
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unionized wages or, or et cetera. And so then the private sector, people get a little shy of even
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touching, uh, these kinds of, this kind of money because it comes with a lot of things, uh, attached to
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it. And, and I suspect that's going to happen, uh, with the liberal plan as well. Uh, you know,
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the money will be given, but it's going to be given on based on certain conditions and whether
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that's going to actually, uh, push investment. I'm not certain because if you have a very uncertain
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world and, uh, things are not looking very good, investment won't go up. And in fact, people forget
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that Mark Carney, when he was Bank of Canada, uh, governor, he kept on talking about, uh,
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dead cash held by the, you know, dead money held by the private sector. They weren't making
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investment. Well, the private sector will make investments. If it looks like the economy is
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going to be doing well. And, and if their cost of capital isn't too high or regulations aren't in
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their way. Uh, and so if we don't solve those issues, uh, that's not actually going to generate,
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uh, more, more investment. And I think, uh, I think that's actually a fatal flaw in the
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approach that's being used in the liberal plan where I don't see it generating $500 billion
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investment, uh, based on $150 billion of spending by, uh, by, by the, uh, by the government on
00:24:00.580
transfers to businesses. Uh, it sounds like the Brookfield approach to growing all these, you know,
00:24:06.980
assets, uh, in order to grow the economy, but I don't think this is, uh, really the best approach
00:24:12.900
for governments to achieve, uh, the kind of things they want to do. I think we need some,
00:24:17.140
what I'd like to call big bang, uh, reforms that really try to push the, uh, Canadian economy forward,
00:24:23.940
uh, through major deregulation and tax reforms and, and other policies that, that really spur, uh,
00:24:30.740
economic activity. Well, Canada absolutely needs it. And I think this sort of like yin and yang
00:24:35.940
conservative liberal is like, you know, we try, we tried the liberal thing for a decade and look
00:24:40.340
at where it's got us. It's not working. Let's try something else. Let's, let's zag. Let's go
00:24:44.580
another direction. I want to quickly get your response to this black locks report. I'm not
00:24:49.860
sure if you've seen it, but, uh, really alarming. The headline over at black lock says fed report
00:24:54.980
predicts collapse. And so it's based on a privy council report called, uh, here's the report,
00:25:01.780
future lives, social mobility in question, basically saying that, you know, looking at
00:25:07.860
what Canada might look like in 2040, and it does not paint a good picture saying that we're already
00:25:13.780
at the place in Canada where young people can't necessarily afford the same standard of living
00:25:19.300
that their parents had. They would potentially have a decline in standard of living from their
00:25:23.860
own parents. Um, this, this paints a picture of something even more frightening by 2040. The Toronto
00:25:30.660
Sun also reported on it saying government report predicts 2040 dystopia collapse, collapsed economy,
00:25:36.580
hunting for food. So that was one of the little snippets in here that they're worried that people
00:25:40.260
will begin, um, hunting on public lands just to eat. Uh, things will be so dire, uh, in the not so
00:25:48.100
distant future. Um, do you think that this is something that we should be preparing for? Do you think
00:25:53.860
this is, uh, kind of hyperbolic or, you know, is this, is this the direction Canada will be heading
00:25:59.460
towards if we continue to vote liberal in this country? Well, I'm not going to, uh, you know,
00:26:05.060
be partisan in terms of who we're voting for. I think any party that, uh, doesn't address, I think,
00:26:10.660
these issues around productivity are going to have, you know, it's going to create a major problem for
00:26:14.820
Canada as the OECD and number of studies have already shown is that, uh, you know, we are going
00:26:21.700
to be a pretty, we're, we're going to be pretty low ranked as a country, uh, in the next 20,
00:26:26.580
30 years, if we continue doing what we've done in the, in the last 10 years. Uh, and I,
00:26:32.180
and I don't blame just the federal government in terms of the policies. I also put a lot of blame
00:26:37.540
on some of the provinces, uh, particularly our largest province, uh, Ontario, which is 40% of the
00:26:43.140
Canadian economy, uh, has not exactly has had a stellar economic record in, uh, in the past 20 years,
00:26:50.820
either, both under, uh, liberal and now conservative, uh, uh, governments. So I think,
00:26:56.820
I think we really have a significant problem on our hand, but I think the one thing that, uh,
00:27:02.020
that report probably doesn't talk about is the fact that we may end up losing a lot of young Canadians
00:27:07.460
who will go elsewhere, uh, to work. And in fact, in some work I've been doing with somebody, we've been
00:27:13.300
finding that, um, you know, that the advantages, uh, offered elsewhere, like in the United States,
00:27:19.140
is very attractive for very young people, uh, to decide on, on where to go. And some of the young
00:27:24.340
people I talked to, they are very seriously thinking about moving to the United States.
00:27:29.060
Um, you know, even with all the noise that's made now is being created over,
00:27:33.140
over, uh, US, uh, policies, uh, vis-Ã -vis terrorists and everything else, uh, and, you know, Canadians,
00:27:39.540
you know, getting their elbows up and all this sort of stuff, uh, and, and newfound patriotism. But,
00:27:46.100
you know, if young people are seeing that they can get twice a salary elsewhere, uh, compared to Canada,
00:27:52.180
uh, and, and have as just as good a life as it would encounter, uh, they'll move.
00:27:57.460
Yeah. And I think that's going to be the biggest danger down the road where we're going to have,
00:28:02.340
uh, we're going to be losing some of our best and brightest, uh, to other countries because we're not
00:28:06.980
offering, uh, the kind of society that, that people can enjoy. And so we'll have to see how,
00:28:12.500
you know, how the world develops in the, in the next number of years. I, I, I find even trying
00:28:18.020
to forecast the next few years is difficult. Nevermind try to forecast 20, 30 years, uh, down
00:28:23.860
the road when all sorts of things can, can happen. Well, I, I completely agree. I would argue that
00:28:29.060
the brain drain has been happening for decades. I mean, um, you know, I think that the best and
00:28:33.540
the brightest do go to the United States in just about every field. Uh, my husband and I lived in
00:28:37.540
the Silicon Valley for a few years and I couldn't believe it, Jack, there was a club called the C100.
00:28:41.860
They claimed that there's a hundred thousand Canadians in the Bay area. So you think of,
00:28:46.100
you know, Silicon Valley, the tech hub of the world, the place where the most sort of thoughtful,
00:28:50.500
intellectual, uh, creative, uh, engineers and others go to work in the, in these companies.
00:28:57.540
It's sort of a sad reflection. And that's, that's looking backwards. That's how already happened
00:29:02.020
over the past, I don't know, 10, 20 years, you know, looking forward, if, if things continue
00:29:07.380
in that direction, it won't just be the best and the brightest. It won't, it will no longer be like
00:29:10.820
the top five or 10% of the graduates. It'll be like the top 40%. And our poll, we did a poll
00:29:16.660
that asked Canadians whether they'd be interested in becoming Americans. And it was the young cohort,
00:29:21.380
the 18 to 34 that had the highest percentage of people who would say yes, especially males.
00:29:27.300
Uh, you know, when you think of those young men trying to start out their lives,
00:29:30.020
trying to start out their careers, build a family, it was something like 45% of them said
00:29:33.780
that they would take American citizenship. It was offered to them, uh, which is, which is a scary
00:29:38.500
statistic. Um, you know, we're, we're heading into the very last week of the campaign from all
00:29:44.260
measures, things look incredibly close. So I just want to read through a few sort of recent polls
00:29:48.740
here. Ipsos asked the question over the weekend, is it time for a change? 54% said it's time for another
00:29:55.140
party to take over 46% said that the liberals have done a good job and that Carney deserves to be
00:30:01.140
reelected, uh, approval, uh, for the liberal government, um, 50, 50. So exactly dead, even
00:30:07.540
according to this poll, uh, the Ipsos poll, uh, overall found that the liberals were at 41%,
00:30:12.900
the conservatives at 38%. So we're talking about almost within the margin of error. And that is with
00:30:18.820
the NDP down at 12%. It's hard to imagine that the conservatives might get 38, 39% and still lose
00:30:24.420
the election. That would typically be a high enough percentage to win. I don't think that
00:30:28.660
Justin Trudeau ever broke 40%. I don't think that Steven Harper did either. Um, so we could see a very
00:30:33.860
truly divided country. Main street had a similar poll that came out yesterday, 41% for the conservatives,
00:30:40.340
41% for the liberals. So we're looking at an incredibly close election. Now I know that you don't
00:30:46.340
like to get into the partisan, um, side of things. And I tend to agree that in Ontario,
00:30:50.660
the problem hasn't gotten any better under conservatives. I would say that the conservatives
00:30:54.020
just sort of done a continuation of what the liberals had done, uh, prior. But I'm wondering
00:30:59.300
if you think that these costed platforms and these budgets being released in the last week,
00:31:05.300
will this have an impact on the election? Do you think that it could help sway the vote one way or the
00:31:10.580
other? Well, it could. I mean, I think there's going to be a bit of an alarm over the
00:31:16.020
uh, over the liberal party platform, which has such an increase in, in government spending and debt,
00:31:22.740
uh, that, uh, that they even forecast and that's without a recession. I actually looked at their,
00:31:29.300
uh, GDP numbers that, uh, you can calculate from, from their, from the numbers and, and, and, uh,
00:31:35.780
if GDP rises from, uh, the 25, uh, 2025, 26 fiscal year, uh, it's, uh, uh, about $3.2 trillion
00:31:45.300
and rises over the next three years to, um, uh, uh, 35.5 trillion dollars. I'm looking at my numbers.
00:31:51.300
So, so, so, so I'm looking down for that. Um, and so it's about a, a 12, uh, close to a 12%
00:31:57.940
increase. In other words, about a 4% increase in nominal GDP every year, that's not a recession.
00:32:04.820
And so just imagine if things get a lot worse, it's, it's, it's not going to be particularly,
00:32:09.620
uh, uh, a positive, uh, outcome. And I think, you know, when we talk about the resource sector,
00:32:15.700
particularly, I think this is where, you know, that, uh, there's a significant divide between
00:32:20.500
the conservatives and liberals, uh, because the conservatives really do want, uh, do understand
00:32:25.460
that resources are a significant comparative advantage for Canada. We should never give that
00:32:30.500
up as our, as, as our most important, um, uh, lever that we have vis-a-vis trade internationally.
00:32:36.580
And when you look at the top exports coming out to Canada, they're all primarily based
00:32:41.700
on, on resources. The only one, uh, that is significant, uh, is, uh, is autos, uh, and,
00:32:48.980
and auto parts, uh, but the rest is all mainly resource-based, uh, products. Uh, and that's not
00:32:55.620
surprising. You tend to have your biggest comparative advantage where you, uh, you know, have certain,
00:33:00.580
uh, uh, uh, uh, advantages, uh, particularly. And we have, uh, lost a great
00:33:06.420
deal in terms of resource development because we, you know, we're not building LNG plants.
00:33:11.700
Uh, we're not, we're not getting oil out to other parts of the world. We have made ourselves
00:33:15.940
completely dependent on the U S market when it comes to both, uh, vehicles and energy and resources.
00:33:22.820
Um, because over 90% of our oil and gas is sold to the United States over 90% of our
00:33:28.580
autos are sold to the United States. And so here, here, we're completely dependent on the U S economy.
00:33:34.820
And, and, uh, we have not developed that much in terms of diversification, uh, that we could have
00:33:40.180
done. And that's where I think, uh, you know, important changes have to be made. If we're going
00:33:45.220
to get, uh, we're gonna, we're going to improve GDP, give higher incomes and let people feel that they
00:33:50.900
can stay in Canada and have a very good life. Uh, not just in terms of incomes, but also, uh,
00:33:56.740
and the opportunities, but also in terms of the kind of lifestyle that we can offer,
00:34:00.660
you know, despite our cold weather, which is of course, never a positive thing for any
00:34:04.980
country to have, but that's what life is. I guess it's better sometimes than being in really hot
00:34:10.180
weather. Uh, so I think, you know, uh, one, one can live with that as well, but I do worry about,
00:34:15.620
about Canada, uh, particularly, uh, in terms of its long-term growth, uh, and not just in the short
00:34:22.180
term. And I think, uh, I think right now this election is really important because I think there are
00:34:28.740
two very different paths, uh, that are being, uh, suggested by the two parties in terms of how to
00:34:35.380
generate more productivity, more growth. Uh, one is for governments to get out of the way,
00:34:40.020
and the other one is for governments to be the helping hand, uh, and, uh, and whether that succeeds
00:34:45.860
or not, of course, is a big question. Absolutely. Well, Dr. Mintz, thank you so much, uh, for joining
00:34:51.300
the show. That's Dr. Jack Mintz from the University of Calgary. We really appreciate your time today.
00:34:55.620
No pleasure. All right, folks, we'll be back again tomorrow with all the news.
00:34:58.900
I'm Candace Malcolm. This is the Candace Malcolm Show. Thank you and God bless.