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The Candice Malcolm Show
- May 10, 2022
Election Season: Analyzing the vote in Ontario, Alberta and the CPC
Episode Stats
Length
30 minutes
Words per Minute
203.37634
Word Count
6,132
Sentence Count
291
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
3
Summary
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.
Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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Ontario voters are heading to the poll next month. Who are the contenders and what are
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the top issues? I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is The Candace Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in. So it is now election time in Ontario. The
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rights are all drawn up. They were drawn up last week, and the election yearning is officially
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underway. We're hearing from the candidates. We have Doug Ford with the Conservatives looking to
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regain or maintain their Conservative majority government, and the NDP and the Liberals are
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sort of neck and neck in trying to catch them. We're also just days away from learning the results
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of the United Conservative Party Leadership Review in Alberta. We're going to find out whether Jason
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Kenney will remain on as leader and remain on as Premier of that province. And we're also in the
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midst of a very hotly contested leadership race for the Conservative Party of Canada. So who
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better than Hamish Marshall to join the show to talk about all of these various elections?
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Hamish is a partner at One Persuades, which is a government relations and strategy firm
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based in Ontario in 2019. Hamish served as the Conservative Party's national campaign manager,
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and he ran Andrew Scheer's winning leadership campaign. Prior to that, Hamish worked for Stephen
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Harper as his manager of strategic planning and a pollster during the successful 2008 federal
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election. And finally, back in 2021 during the federal election, Hamish worked for us here at
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True North as our in-house pollster. So Hamish, thank you so much for joining the show. It's great
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to have you back. It's great to be here, Candice. It's fun. Okay, so let's talk about Ontario. So,
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you know, we're now have this election underway. It seems like Doug Ford is in a good position to
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maintain his election. If you look at the polls, it looks like he's up by anywhere between three and
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eight percent in the polls, which is a pretty solid lead. So what do you make of the election
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so far? What is the sort of main issue that is driving the vote in Ontario? Well, right now,
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it's a bit of a snoozer election. Not a lot's happened thus far. And I think that's frankly,
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the way the PCs like it. I mean, I think Doug Ford's running on his record. He's arguing it's not a time
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for change. And having a very exciting election does not seem to work with that. So you want to
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emphasize continuity and change and things are things are fine. And as you say, he's got a lead
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your various polling companies, but he's got a significant lead. And the consensus is that he's
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on track for another majority government. Although as we've got the first debate, and things can change
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as well. We see over the time where and where we have been seeing is a little bit of growth in people
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warming a little bit Stephen Del Duca, the liberal leader, which is which is makes things a little
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more interesting. Right? Well, he's sort of relatively unknown in in the province. And some of the
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things I've heard from him have been, I think, a little alarming, a little offside. I know he made a
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pledge that he would add COVID requirements for students in school, making it part of the mandatory
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vaccine requirements for kids coming to public schools. And I think that's still a pretty divisive,
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polarizing issue whether or not to vaccinate little kids, what the benefits are for that outweighing
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whether they outweigh COVID, which doesn't really affect kids. Do you think COVID, you know, COVID
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vaccines, the reaction to COVID, the way that Premier Ford has handled the COVID crisis, is that going to
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be sort of the major issue in the election? Or is it something else? You know, I think the liberals and
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NDP are going to try to argue that that COVID was mishandled by Ford. I think one of the reasons why
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Ford's still on track for majority government is that the general consensus, certainly amongst
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conservative accessible voters, is that the handling of COVID was probably about it was probably fine.
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And I mean, they're okay with everything, every decision that was made, but generally speaking,
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they're okay. So I think it's going to be very difficult in this springtime election to make the
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case as COVID numbers continue to drop, to make the case that handling COVID is going to be the
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determining factor. And I think that it would be much easier for liberals and NDP if we were in
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an environment where COVID cases were rising, perhaps, you know, if the election would be held
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last fall or something like that, when we're coming into whichever wave it was then.
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Right. Well, I think that there is still, there are still people in Ontario that are very
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concerned with COVID, people that were very unhappy with the lifting of restrictions.
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Hamish, it seemed to me that in the beginning part of Doug Ford's premiership, he faced a lot
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of criticism from the media, there were a lot of protests, there was a lot of anger at sort of
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another conservative government, and they were sort of making it out to be this really boogeyman that
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was going to like cut all our services and get rid of all these unions. That didn't happen. And it
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seems that that kind of criticism has really gone away, that the sort of centrist sort of base of
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the party and base of the province is actually pretty happy with Ford and the way that he managed
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things. The sort of most, the biggest criticism that I see comes from the political right, people who
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are very unhappy with the lockdowns, people who didn't like the fact that Doug Ford wouldn't engage in some
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of the culture issues, like he was very quick to denounce the truckers, he didn't provide any
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support or any compassion, any empathy, any understanding of them. We saw this really very
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ideologically left-wing CRT, critical race theory proposal coming from the Department of Education,
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really pushing the sort of worst of the worst of the woke ideology. Do you think that Ford faces the
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risk of sort of losing the base of the Conservative Party and sort of not being able to motivate his
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Conservative base to show up for him? Yeah, I mean, I think that's always a concern when you're in
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government, you have to make compromises. I think his approach to that is going to be to raise the
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threat of the Liberals and the NDP. And he's going to say to these voters, you know, you might not be
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enthusiastic about every choice that I made, but these guys are going to be a whole lot worse. And you know,
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the point you made about Del Duca talking about mandatory vaccines for all school-aged kids,
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well, anybody who thinks that the vaccine mandates have gone too far, Doug Ford simply has to say,
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I'm not for that. That is too far for me. That's, you know, it's that Del Duca wants to do that.
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And what are people going to do? They're going to, you know, vote for the, they're going to vote for,
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they'll rather see Ford in power than Del Duca. I think it is, and the other interesting thing that's
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happened is that there's a whole bunch of these sort of other small splinter parties
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on the right. You know, there's a bunch of MPPs that have left his caucus for a variety of reasons,
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some of them related to this, and some of them started new parties. There's the True Blue Party
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that Carrie Helly also started. There's a sort of a provincial version of the PPC, but because
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they've all splintered and there's, there's multiple of these parties, there isn't a single focus
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for that feeling. There's no leader who can get into the debate. You know, if all those,
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those MPPs that sort of joined together and said, we're all together in one caucus and we're running
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with one party that's going to have 120 candidates on a, on a anti-vaccine mandate platform, they can
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make the case, well, we've got a couple of MPPs or three or four MPPs, and therefore we should have
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our leader in the debate. And they could really have been there to perhaps siphon off some of that
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support. And I think with the splintered environment, we've got two or three of these little
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parties plus some independents. There's no singular focus for that, that, that, that, for that
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sentiment. And Ford's the big winner because of that.
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That's a, that's a really good point. And I'm just wondering, I don't know if this is too into the
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weeds, but why is it that the, that the sort of anti-establishment conservatives, people who didn't
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like the lockdowns, people who didn't like the handling of COVID, why, why do you think they're so
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disorganized? Why, why aren't they united with a singular focus in, in the way that we see
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single issue parties on the left, like the green party? Why do you think that these parties don't
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do as well on the right? Well, I think, I think typically if you're a libertarian party who,
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who wants to engage in these sort of debates, there's the, the appeal of have a following and
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making compromises with other parties that maybe you agree with them on 98% of things.
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These are people who have split away and they're, they have a sort of split us mentality. They're
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going to do their own thing. And if they were in favor of consolidation, they, many of them would have
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stayed with inside the Ontario PC party. Um, you know, same thing we saw federally with, you know,
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Derek Sloan, not joining the DPC, but going and doing his own thing. Um, and if you, people have a,
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a sort of a splittist individualist ideology, that's going to continue through and how they,
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they, um, they organize a party. And it's perhaps one of the reasons why the libertarian party of
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Canada has never had a breakthrough and why there's no anarchist party. Anarchists are very bad at
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organizing things. And while these people aren't anarchists, they, um, generally are, uh, you know,
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they, they have, they have their own specific views on things and don't want to, um, compromise
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in any way, shape or form. Compromise is why they left the big parties. Right. No, that makes total
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sense. Okay. Well, I, I just wondering, quick question. What, what, what do you think Doug Ford
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has to do to maintain his majority? What, what, what is his strategy in this campaign? What does he have
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to do for the last three, three or four weeks here to, in order to win? He's got to keep, um,
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people who are broadly happy with his government on side. He's got to, and most importantly,
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he has to try to keep the liberal and NDP vote split. You know, right now the liberals, it depends
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on the polls for liberals to be pulling away a little bit from the NDP, but you know, the dream
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scenario for Ford is that, you know, he gets sort of somewhere in the high thirties, 38, 39% of the vote
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and the liberals and NDP each get like 26, 27%, something like that. That kind of split
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produce a very nice, large, large, uh, Ford majority. Um, the, where it gets a little more
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difficult is there's a consolidation on the left. Whereas if, if, if either, uh, Horvath or, uh,
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Del Duca can become the anti Doug Ford candidate and, um, consolidate that vote. Um, that's when it
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starts getting a lot of, uh, uh, of seats begin to start falling at that point. And it comes a little
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more tight, um, for, uh, for Doug Ford. It's interesting to note that Del Duca seems to be
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wise to this. He's already been campaigning in a whole bunch of liberal of NDP held seats,
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uh, and is trying to, uh, pick up those seats on, on, on his road back. And he seems to be pulling
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away a little bit. And I've noticed NDP strategists whining on Twitter that how dare he can campaign
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in NDP seats. They should be focused on taking out Doug Ford and, and, you know, Del Duca is doing
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what's best for him as opposed to what's best for the NDP. Um, not a surprise to really anybody,
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but NDP strategists.
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It sort of kind of reminds me of the 2015 federal election where you had, Harper was sort of had
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a pretty comfortable lead in, and the liberals in the NDP were sort of splitting the opposition
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vote and neither Trudeau or Thomas Mulcair, leader of the NDP at the time were, were really
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presenting themselves as, as a sort of premier in way or prime minister in waiting. And then
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all of a sudden, at some point, Thomas, uh, Thomas Mulcair sort of misstepped. I think
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it was to do with, uh, hijabs and niqabs in Quebec and, and, and just sort of his support
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caved all of a sudden, like midway through the election, uh, Quebecers sort of turned on
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him and Justin Trudeau was able to ride that wave. Do you foresee anything like that, uh,
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happening? I know, I know Andrea Horvath is, this is what her fourth time running for, uh,
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the NDP. She's pretty, uh, stable hand, but Del Duca is pretty new at this. Uh, what, what,
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what do you think about that? Well, I think, I think, I think the big difference is this
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isn't a change election. There isn't an overwhelming desire for change. And, you know,
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in 2015, I think the election came out as sort of an audition between Trudeau and Mulcair
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about who most looked like change. And Mulcair ran a bit to the center to try to soften some
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of those NDP hard edges and looked, um, not different enough. And, you know, Trudeau, young
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and vibrant with, uh, the platform that was really throwing some hand grenades and doing
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things that were quite bold, looked like change and captured that vote. You know, and I think
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we're starting to see that with Del Duca now. Del Duca has, um, you know, not a lot is punching
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through. I haven't seen a lot of policy punched through in the last week, last 10 days of the
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campaign. Um, it's not, it's not getting into the public. The only thing that I've seen really
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punched through has been a Del Duca's promise to make, uh, all transit fares, $1 everywhere in
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Ontario for, I think it's two years, um, which is a bold policy. I mean, it's going to cost an arm
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and a leg and it's, it's, uh, I mean, this includes even go train fares. So it's, it's a huge,
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massive increase in subsidy, but it is, it has punched through a little bit. So he's trying to do
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that. But again, they're fighting against a problem where they're still having to make the
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case for change. You know, after governments in power eight or 10 years, you don't really have to
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convince people it's time for a change. People just believe that you're fighting over who's going to be
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the change agent. Right now, both the liberals and the NDP are trying to say we have to change
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and, um, we're the best method for that, which is, which is just a tougher argument to make.
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And Ford really profits for most people saying, yeah, things are, things are, things are pretty
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good. These are fun. Good enough. Right. All right, let's move on to Alberta. So we're about a week
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away here from, I think, I think we're about a week away from, from learning the results of the
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leadership review. I know they've changed it a few times, but I believe it's coming down next week. So
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interesting. I was in Calgary last week and I didn't really hear a lot of people grumbling
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about Kenya. I heard a lot of people who were pretty happy with Kenya and pretty supportive. I
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think it perhaps correlates with a stronger economy, higher price of oil, but I wanted to
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get your thoughts on the leadership review and what you expect from that, uh, from that vote.
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Sure. I mean, I, I think, I think there's been, if you compare this to say six months ago, I think
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two fundamental things have happened for Kenya. Number one is that overall UCPs, um, polling against
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the NDP has situations dramatically improved six months ago. It looked like, uh, uh, Kenya led UCP
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would be defeated by the NDP. And that was driving a lot of desire for change. As you can imagine,
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um, now it looks like a fight at, uh, and some polls actually have them ahead. So we're looking
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like it's a very tight fight, but there's clearly a path to victory for a Kenya led UCP. The other
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thing that's happened is that, um, you know, with various people announcing that they will run for
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leader, uh, if Kenny is defeated in this, it's no longer Kenny versus anybody's sort of dream,
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perfect leader. You know, it's, you don't like Kenny and who's the person after it. You can be
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anybody you want. You can imagine the ghost of Ralph Klein or whoever it is, um, to come back and
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they will be the dream candidate. Um, now with, uh, Brian Dean saying he's going to run and, and, um,
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uh, Daniel Smith saying she's going to run, you know, like Brian and Danielle both have many things
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that are positive about them, but they're not perfect people. They have negatives. And now
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it's Kenny versus somebody else who is not a perfect dream candidate. Those things are working.
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The other thing that's happened, I think for Kenny with a chunk, uh, is that some of the anti Kenny
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forces really overplayed their hand. And there's a group of people now who are saying if those types
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of people are attacking Kenny, maybe I'm more for him now. Um, so I think the situation is,
00:15:06.580
it has radically evolved and his decision to put off, um, this vote until the spring is looking
00:15:12.080
like a very, very good one moving to the mail-in ballot, uh, I think was the right one to do. Uh,
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the, the in-person convention would have had so many people, it would have been absolute pandemonium,
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um, and a mail-in ballot, I think seems like the best, uh, the best option. So I think what he's
00:15:29.160
done is better very reasonably well. And, and as to your point, the economy has improved a lot,
00:15:33.720
putting him in a better position. So I, I, I have heard criticism sort of from both sides.
00:15:38.940
Some people say that, uh, Kenny, part of the problem is that there is these few dissenting
00:15:44.420
MLAs who, who are very unhappy with Kenny and Kenny's kind of given them too long of a rope to
00:15:49.900
voice their complaints and, and to, you know, voice their dissatisfaction, kind of giving them too
00:15:55.080
much freedom. Um, you know, he should have had more party discipline and booted those, uh,
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others say that, you know, he's muzzling his, his back bench and that he's not providing them the
00:16:03.560
right opportunities, uh, to have their input. Do you think there's a bigger problem? Uh, you know,
00:16:09.080
even if Kenny does survive this leadership race, which it looks like he will, uh, handily, but do
00:16:13.420
you think that, uh, he, he, he has a problem just in terms of keeping this united conservative party
00:16:19.040
united, um, ensuring that sort of the back bench or rural MLAs or, or, or rural Albertans who, who don't
00:16:25.660
feel that Kenny's done a good enough job with the pandemic and, and, you know, the, the, the,
00:16:30.400
he's made a lot of mistakes that aren't being addressed. Uh, how do you think, uh, Kenny can
00:16:34.700
keep this big, big tent, big party together? Well, number one, I think, uh, MLAs out of caucus is a
00:16:41.400
very serious thing and should be done only in extreme circumstances. And I think Kenny was right
00:16:46.600
not to kick them all out, kicking them all out could have formed a wrong caucus, could have given the
00:16:51.340
reborn, uh, Wild Rose, I think it's now the Wild Rose independence party. Um, you know, maybe they
00:16:56.780
could have joined that. It could have created something new, um, that would have been a focus
00:17:00.400
for anti-canning opposition by putting everything through this leadership vote. He can now say to
00:17:06.080
the caucus members, put up or shut up. You know, if after, you know, assuming he wins the leadership
00:17:12.300
vote, he can say to any caucus members, you had your choice. You went and signed up people,
00:17:17.240
the membership voted, the membership decided I'm still the leader. I'm still the premier.
00:17:21.080
I'm giving you one last chance. If you're on board now, fantastic. You can be a candidate next
00:17:26.440
year. Let's move forward. But if you're not right now, it's time, the times, time's come for the
00:17:31.860
parting of the ways. And I think he will be able to position anybody who, um, what still wants him
00:17:38.160
gone after a successful leadership review is not respecting the will of the membership and therefore
00:17:43.580
removing them as an MLA, as a candidate for the next election is entirely justified. So I think,
00:17:49.260
yeah, he's given them some rope. He's, he certainly enhanced their criticisms. Um, but you know,
00:17:54.380
if he pulls off a significant win, uh, in this leadership, it gives them a much, much leadership
00:17:58.500
review, much, much stronger, uh, hand and he'll be in a very good position to tell them to get on
00:18:03.480
board or to leave. Interesting. Yeah. I think that's a very good strategy and, uh, probably very likely
00:18:09.920
how it will play out, Hamish. I want to, while I have you on the line, I want to ask you about
00:18:13.660
the conservative race because as you know, I moderated the debate last Thursday. It was really
00:18:18.400
fun, great opportunity to sort of get to know each of the candidates a little better. Unfortunately,
00:18:23.260
Patrick Brown, uh, was a no show, but we did get to know, uh, some of the other candidates. Uh, so I'm
00:18:29.220
just wondering, I, um, you know, what, what, what's your take on the leadership race? Uh, how do you
00:18:33.420
think it's going so far? Well, full disclosure, I'm, I'm supporting, um, uh, pure poly. I've been
00:18:37.580
actively, uh, helping him on his campaign. So, and these remarks represent my, my views, not the
00:18:43.420
campaigns. Um, so take them all. If you're not, if you're not a pure fan, take this all as perhaps
00:18:48.680
a biased perspective, but that's, uh, that's where I am. Um, yeah, I agree. I think the debate was a
00:18:53.560
lot of fun. I think we got to see who everybody was, um, what was important to them. And, and, uh,
00:18:58.920
you know, what I look for in debates is surprises, you know, people performing about
00:19:03.020
what the way I expect or the way they've performed in the past isn't news. It's what's different,
00:19:08.000
what new things do we learn? Um, and, you know, I think, uh, I think we, you know, the thing that
00:19:14.460
struck me that was really new was that was, um, that how angry John Shrey was. I was surprised by
00:19:19.680
that. I didn't expect him to be angry, but he seemed, um, really maddened to have to share the
00:19:24.660
stage with some of the candidates. And, you know, that was, I think, very disappointing from my
00:19:29.000
perspective. I, I, I didn't see it as anger. I saw it as passion. I heard
00:19:32.960
him make some very passionate pleas that he, you know, he loves Canada and he supports
00:19:36.100
it. I know that there were a couple of things that he said that did not go over well in
00:19:39.620
the room. At one point he said that he thought that the trucker convoy was illegal and that
00:19:43.000
got him a whole room full of booze. It was interesting to me because Roman Babber, who
00:19:48.460
he's a provincial, uh, MPP in Ontario. He was one of the ones that we were just talking about
00:19:52.900
that got, uh, kicked out of Doug Ford's caucus and, uh, went, went as an independent. Uh, he
00:19:59.160
was really resonating with a room full of conservative sort of activists and insiders.
00:20:05.300
And I, I, I, you know, obviously the, a lot of people support Pierre because he's got the
00:20:09.960
momentum and he's charismatic and he's been on the ground sort of fighting against the
00:20:14.580
Trudeau government all every step of the way since Trudeau was elected. Um, but, but I, I
00:20:19.420
was, I was a little bit surprised by how much, uh, Babber's message resonated with, um,
00:20:24.820
conservatives. Um, do you think that, that, that, that, that this, this issue, the trucker
00:20:29.740
convoy, the mandates, uh, the sort of pro-feedom voice, do you think that's going to be one of
00:20:34.720
the defining issues of the campaign or do you think that there's something else that's more
00:20:37.780
important? Yeah, no, I think, I think it's a big litmus test. I think, I think conservatives
00:20:41.600
are looked, I think at core conservatives are looking for someone to make them feel good
00:20:45.620
about being conservative. And I don't know anybody who agrees with everything that was said
00:20:49.060
by everybody at the trucker convoy. I don't think that's physically possible. There's lots
00:20:52.160
of people saying all sorts of different things, but at core, there was a message. There was
00:20:56.220
a, in the freedom convoy, it was, it was a message of frustration. There was a message
00:21:00.560
that was a huge chunk of Canadians. They're not being hurt by this government. Um, and,
00:21:05.240
uh, respecting that as, you know, as, as, uh, as Pierre Polyhev has done and, and as Roman
00:21:11.220
Babber has done, um, is very, very important. And I think conservatives want to feel good about
00:21:16.160
being conservative again. They don't want to be lectured. They don't want to be told that
00:21:18.680
they're bad Canadians. They don't want to hear their, their views are somehow out of date
00:21:22.800
and awful. Uh, which is what we, you know, while he may not have said that, sometimes he
00:21:27.600
did in so many words, but certainly what was the overall theme of the Aaron O'Toole leadership.
00:21:32.000
And, you know, that's why I think one of the main reasons why I think, uh, Pierre Polyhev
00:21:35.980
is winning is he's making conservatives, he's speaking to their hearts, he's making them
00:21:39.300
good about themselves and showing a positive vision about how, um, uh, how we can be pro-freedom,
00:21:45.560
uh, and be popular. Um, look, I think, I think Mr. Babber did very well. I, I, I didn't have
00:21:50.300
very strong impressions of Roman Babber before, uh, the leadership, uh, debate. Uh, and I think
00:21:55.680
he, he proved himself to be likable, uh, and interesting. And I think, you know, for someone
00:21:59.700
like him, who's, you know, definitely playing catch up compared to the other big contenders,
00:22:03.720
I think he did very, very well. It's sort of, one of the other thing that struck me is that
00:22:08.740
there sort of appears to be, uh, a fault line of the old split of the party. Like when, when I look
00:22:14.180
at the six candidates, I see Jean Charest, Scott Aitchison, and Patrick Brown, which very much
00:22:19.560
fall in line with this sort of the old school PC progressive or liberal light brand of conservatism
00:22:25.160
that's popular in places like Toronto, Montreal, and Ottawa. Um, and then, and then you have
00:22:29.620
more of the sort of grassroots populism, uh, I don't want to say reactionary, but, but sort
00:22:36.080
of really in touch with the concerns of everyday Canadians and conservatives, which would be
00:22:41.180
Pierre, uh, Polyev, uh, Dr. Lesson Lewis and Roman Baber. And it sort of worries me a little
00:22:47.980
bit that, that whichever way this party goes, the other faction of the party won't be satisfied.
00:22:52.200
Like I can't imagine that Jean Charest and Patrick Brown, uh, will line up behind Pierre
00:22:57.060
Polyev if he wins. Um, and likewise, I can't imagine people in Western Canada and people who
00:23:01.400
are very dissatisfied with the status quo, uh, and with lockdowns, uh, saying, okay, I'll,
00:23:08.200
I'll, I'll support a Patrick Brown or Jean Charest given, given their, given their records. Um,
00:23:13.640
is this something that concerns you, or do you think I'm, I'm sort of being oversensitive to that
00:23:18.120
split? Oh, no. I mean, I think, I think there's always, there's always a danger of splits. And I
00:23:21.460
think what we've seen, you know, the, the, the, I always like to say the conservative movement is sort
00:23:26.460
of deeply Protestant in character. It's not to say there aren't just Protestants in the conservative
00:23:29.800
movement, but there's sort of a splittist tendency that, you know, when things aren't going the way
00:23:34.000
we want, a certain factions will break off. And, um, I think that, um, so I think, I always think
00:23:41.920
there's a danger of it. I generally think that, however, though, that we're going into an election
00:23:46.140
where Trudeau will be empowered for a decade, liberals in power for a decade, and the tendency
00:23:49.980
for unity in the face of that kind of a environment is much, much, much greater. Um, and I think
00:23:56.200
there'll be a strong push for unity, whoever wins afterwards. And, and the conservative party has a
00:24:00.280
fairly good record of pulling that together. Um, you know, uh, and especially if we, if we have a
00:24:05.980
leader who is sensitive to some of the, the, um, mandates concerns, uh, I think even what we'll see
00:24:11.940
is a greater unity with, with a chunk of, um, of PPC voters coming back to the conservatives as well.
00:24:18.540
I, I, I think that's right. It's, it was interesting because, uh, I think it was Warren Kinsella,
00:24:23.260
uh, uh, started calling Pierre Paglia of People's Party Pierre, uh, which, which I don't think is
00:24:28.400
that as big of an insult as, as he thinks it is. Um, but, but I, I did find it amusing that I think
00:24:34.200
both, uh, Roman Babber and Lesley Lewis took, uh, shots at, at Pierre and the federal conservatives for
00:24:40.260
not doing enough to defend the trucker convoy and the, uh, and, and, and being anti sort of
00:24:45.540
locked down a mandate enough. So that was an interesting, I didn't, I didn't, uh, I didn't
00:24:51.100
agree with much that the media said about the debate afterwards, but there was one, um, thing
00:24:55.720
that I did, I did agree with. It was written in the hub, which, which is a policy sort of, uh, more
00:25:00.780
of a wonkish publication, but, um, there's sort of complaints that the debate didn't feature enough
00:25:06.380
big ideas and it wasn't policy oriented enough. And then they didn't really put down anything in
00:25:11.940
terms of what they believed in and what their vision for Canada was in, in specific ways. Um,
00:25:16.560
do you think that's just because it's too early in, in this race? I know we're not going to
00:25:19.840
determine the leader until September. So it's, it's so early. There's so much time. Um, but,
00:25:24.000
but do you think that the debate and the conversation so far has been lacking when it comes to public
00:25:29.460
policy? Um, no, I disagree. I think, I think we've seen some interesting public policy proposals
00:25:34.460
around housing prices, around cryptocurrency. Um, Mr. Shreit put on a big, um, uh, healthcare piece
00:25:41.380
recently. There's been, there's been a fair bit, but it's, it's, it's, they're all subservient,
00:25:46.300
they're all subservient to the overall narrative, which is, you know, um, the Shreit Brown approach,
00:25:52.580
which says conservatives shouldn't be conservative and they should feel bad about being
00:25:56.720
conservatives. And if only we were just liberals who were good at math, um, everything would be
00:26:01.060
fine. Uh, and then there's, um, what Mr. Polyev, uh, is showing, which is that, you know,
00:26:07.500
it's okay to be conservative. It's not just okay. It's great to be conservative, to feel
00:26:10.740
and to fight for freedom and to, um, make people feel that they're part of something that is growing.
00:26:17.260
And, and so I've seen very, two very different narratives and all the policy gets assumed by
00:26:22.360
that. You know, we're not, it's very different race than it was say in 2017. We had 13 candidates
00:26:27.060
on the stage where people needed, um, individual policies to stand out from one another.
00:26:32.240
And it came about that here. It's really a campaign of big mirrors.
00:26:37.660
Do you think that at this point that any of the campaigns are really using a strategy of like,
00:26:43.380
okay, my goal is to get second round votes and I'm going to try to appeal to this person's base.
00:26:49.420
Do you think that's part of the strategy game has, has really started to play in yet? Or do you think
00:26:53.400
it's too early? And then also on that, what do you think about Patrick Brown's strategy to not debate,
00:26:59.680
not talk to media, not really engage, uh, kind of stand, stand back and, and, and lob grenades while
00:27:05.500
also sort of working, uh, with, uh, diaspora communities and, and immigrant communities to
00:27:11.700
try to shore up support amongst people who probably have never voted conservative before.
00:27:16.580
Yeah. Look, I mean, I think both the Shrey and Brown campaigns have a similar strategy, which is,
00:27:23.320
you know, do well enough for the first ballot to keep, um, uh, peer under a 50% and then get most
00:27:30.440
of the seconds of the other, right. They're both assuming that they will be ahead of, of each other
00:27:35.480
and that they can profit from that. And that's their path to victory. Um, so I think that that
00:27:39.640
very much exists, uh, on that side of things. Um, you know, Mr. Brown has been, has been described as,
00:27:45.980
he's running a, uh, submarine campaign, um, which I think is good. I think he's, I think you're right.
00:27:51.340
He's sort of firing the odd torpedo, but he's generally keeping under the, under the, uh,
00:27:55.420
under the radar. Um, and he, he's running a campaign very much about signing up people
00:28:00.060
in very specific, um, communities. You know, he came out and said that he was in favor of,
00:28:04.460
um, taking the Tamil Tigers off the terrorist list. Um, you know, which is an explicit appeal
00:28:11.060
to people who are supporters of Tamil Tigers. Um, he's a, he's come out and said, you know,
00:28:17.580
his reporter came out and said that he's, uh, against moving the Canadian embassy, uh, in,
00:28:23.680
uh, in Israel to Jerusalem. Um, he's very much targeting very specific communities and has
00:28:29.580
explicitly said many times that he's not interested in appealing to the traditional,
00:28:32.600
to the traditional membership. Um, and, uh, he's going to do, he's going to assign up enough
00:28:38.400
people to go around them and win that way. Um, you know, it's a bold strategy, a risky strategy.
00:28:42.660
It creates all sorts of trouble. Um, you know, should he be successful with caucus and the party
00:28:47.780
establishment and the party as it exists? Um, so I, I, you know, we'll see, we'll see how we get
00:28:52.860
far he gets with that. Um, but I think, I think actually the most, uh, dangerous is that if he wins
00:28:59.640
is keeping the party together, having, uh, one, if you, if that strategy is successful, keeping the
00:29:05.080
party together is going to be very, very difficult by signing up an entirely new group of people
00:29:09.080
who've never had any, uh, connection with the conservative party. I mean, I, I, I can't
00:29:15.120
fathom that happening. Um, but yeah, certainly an interesting strategy, one that we haven't seen,
00:29:19.540
and it will be interesting to keep an eye on that. Well, Hamish, I really appreciate all your
00:29:23.400
insights on all these various campaigns and, uh, we appreciate you having on your show. We'll have
00:29:27.600
to have you back on later to, uh, give an update on these topics. My pleasure. Hey, thank you so
00:29:33.240
much. That's Hamish Marshall. I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is the Candace Malcolm Show.
00:29:39.080
Thank you.
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