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The Candice Malcolm Show
- April 27, 2022
How has the Charter of Rights and Freedoms changed Canada? (Ft. The Hon. Brian Peckford)
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Length
50 minutes
Words per Minute
170.7356
Word Count
8,567
Sentence Count
449
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
2
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Transcript
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The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is 40 years old this year. How has this document
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changed our country? How has it changed Canada? Well, joining me today is one of the original
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signers of the Charter, the Honourable Brian Peckford. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is
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the Candice Malcolm Show. Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning into the program. So as we've
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been talking about all over the news, everybody celebrating the Charter, looking back at the past
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40 years, looking back at the history of the signing of the Charter, we thought, what better
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way to talk about that momentous occasion in Canadian history than inviting the only living
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signer of that document to join the podcast to walk us through what happened, tell us the story,
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and help us understand why this document was so needed. So joining me today is the Honourable
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Brian Peckford. Mr. Peckford served as the Progressive Conservative Premier of Newfoundland,
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Labrador from 1979 to 1989. He's the last living signatory of the Charter. Also as Premier,
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his government established the Atlantic Accord, which brought offshore oil and gas revenues to
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the province that ultimately shifted the province's fortunes, economic fortunes, from being a perpetual
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have-not province, which takes money from the federal government, to it shifted that, transformed
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it into a strong performing province that is a have-province, which means that they contribute
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more than they take out. Mr. Peckford is the author of the book, Someday the Sun Will Shine
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and Have Not Will Become No More, beautifully titled memoir about his time as Premier and the
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triumph to have control over the province's natural resources. Brian currently serves as the chair of
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both the Board of Directors and the Advisory Board of Taking Back Your Freedoms, an organization formed
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last year to equip and mobilize citizens towards taking back their constitutional and God-given
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freedoms. Over the past year, Mr. Peckford has become a symbol of Canada's opposition to government
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overreach in response to COVID-19. Mr. Peckford is a very popular speaker. He has spoken to thousands
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of people at freedom rallies in his home province, his now home province, of British Columbia and was
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a supporter of the Freedom Convoy protests in Ottawa. Peckford is also suing the federal government
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and hopefully we will talk to him a little bit about this. This is over the federal government's
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vaccine mandate with regards to air travel and he's working with our friends over at the Justice
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Centre for Constitutional Freedoms on that. So all that is to just say, Brian, it's a tremendous
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honour to have you on the program and thank you so much for joining us. Thank you for having me too.
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I think it's important for us all to speak up whenever we can as it relates to the freedoms that
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the Canadians are supposed to enjoy. Well, that's the theme of the show. So many of the sort of
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stories that I've seen talking about the Charter and looking back at its 40-year history and what
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happened 40 years ago. Unfortunately, they don't take a critical enough look at the ways that our
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freedoms have been in some ways, many ways eroded and neglected over the past few years. So hopefully
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we can get into that conversation today. First off the bat though, I just want to ask you, so take us
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back 40 years ago to the signing of the Constitution. What was the process? I know it was a long, I think,
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17-month ordeal negotiating many, many things, not just the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. So
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take us back 40 years. Why did Canada need a Charter of Rights and Freedoms and why did this
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constitutional negotiation begin and get underway? Yes, well, thank you very much. Yeah.
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Canada was formed as a country in 1867 with the BNA Act, the British North America Act, which defined
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Canada and the nature of our government. In other words, that it would be a federal government, not a
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unitary government. That means that powers would be shared between the federal government and the
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provinces. There were only four provinces at the time that formed Canada, Upper and Lower Canada,
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New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. So Canada started with four provinces, not 10 provinces that it has
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today. And we grew into 10 provinces over time. Missing from that document which formed Canada was
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anything to do with individual rights and freedoms. They were not described in the BNA Act, which created
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Canada. We relied upon, because we came out of the British system, the British common law, the unwritten
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British common law. And so from the 1867 until really 1960, that's how Canadians defended their
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individual rights and freedoms. There was nothing written in the constitution. If you look to the south
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of us in the United States of America, their country was formed in 1776 and they had a written Charter of
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Rights and Freedom, but Bill of Rights in 1791, only 15 years after they became a country. In our case,
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we formed a country in 1867 and didn't get a written Charter until 1982, actually formalized in 1982.
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So there was through the early part of the 20th century after we became a country,
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various moves underfoot to indicate that why don't we have a written Charter of Rights and
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freedoms like the Americans? Why do we depend upon unwritten British common law and the precedents
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that have been set over the years in the courts? And that debate, you know, rose and fall over time.
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But up into the 1960s, it became more pronounced in saying that something should be written as related
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to our individual rights and freedoms. And that's when John Diefenbaker, who was the prime minister
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in 1960, introduced what we know as the Bill of Rights. But there was two failings with that Bill
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of Rights. One was that it was just a federal act and therefore only applied to federal jurisdiction
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and not to provincial jurisdiction. So therefore, it never covered all Canadians, it only covered some
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Canadians. And after that 1960 Bill of Rights, there was a movement underfoot stronger than ever
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to try to put something in writing in a constitution, not just a federal act or a provincial act. So it
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would cover everybody in the country and put it in writing and have something firm, identifiable,
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and easily to reference. And so through the six from the 60s on, there were the various talks,
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but it always got stymied and delayed and canceled by a debate over an amending formula. In other words,
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if we amended the constitution and brought in a charter rights and freedoms and became totally independent
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and not having to go back to England for any more amendments, how would we amend our own constitution
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into the future? And there was great debate over that and nothing could be decided. But by 1980,
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there was a strong, strong movement from the 1960s to do that. And so in 1980, the first ministers of
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Canada, all the premiers and the prime minister agreed to get together to see whether we could do two
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things really, patriate the constitution and also add a charter of rights and freedoms once we
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patriated it, as well as a number of other items. And so we began to negotiate in 1980. And that
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culminated in 1981 with an agreement called the Patriation Agreement, which became the Constitution Act of
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1982. That was a long, tortuous negotiation of 17 months because it was interrupted by the prime
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minister of Canada at the time, who was Justin Trudeau's father, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, who found
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that he discovered or he thought that provinces were being too difficult. And so he left the table
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and tried to patriate the constitution and bring in a charter of rights and freedoms and other changes
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on his own. And so he passed the law in the House of Commons to do just that and passed by the Senate
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and became a law of Canada that the government of Canada would go ahead unilaterally, bring the
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constitution home from England for good and attach a charter of rights and freedoms to it, as well as
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other changes. Well, the provinces objected to this because we're a federal state and not a
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unitarian state. And so eight provinces opposed what he was doing. Two provinces stayed with the
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federal government. And so we took him to court over this action. And we won that action in the
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Supreme Court of Canada in September 1981. And the Supreme Court said that the prime minister of Canada
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and the government of Canada could not unilaterally patriate the constitution and attach a charter of
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rights to it on their own. They couldn't do it unilaterally. They could only do it through the
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provinces and with the provinces. And so the prime minister lost and he was forced then to come back
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to the table that he had left. If in fact, we were going to get a charter of rights and freedoms,
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if we're going to get patriation, if we're going to get other things. And we succeeded after three days
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of final negotiations on November 3rd, 4th and 5th, as a result of a proposal that I, on behalf of
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Newfoundland put forward to the rest of the provinces, it was this proposal that was accepted
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on November the 5th by all the first ministers except Quebec. And the Supreme Court of Canada
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decision did not say that you had to have unanimity in order to get a change. It said you had to have
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a lot of the provinces on side. And of course, we had nine out of 10. And so therefore, that met the
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constitutional test of the Supreme Court of Canada. And therefore, we got the Patriation Agreement
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of 1981, which contained, among other things, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which became the
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Constitution Act of 1982, which means that this year is the 40th anniversary of the charter and the other
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changes becoming law. What is not understood by most Canadians is because now under the pandemic
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situation which has occurred and the violations of the charter is that people forget that the
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Charter of Rights and Freedoms came into being as a result of a package, not just the Charter of Rights
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was negotiated. It was the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, patriation, bringing the Constitution home,
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indigenous rights, native First Nations rights in Section 35, and the mending formula, regional economic
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expansion and equalization and minority language rights. So when people say to me, why didn't you
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put this in the Charter or put that in the Charter or take that out? They don't seem to understand we
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just weren't negotiating the Charter. The Charter was part of a bargaining chip with other things that I
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just outlined in it. But we did get freedoms for individuals and we did get rights for individuals
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in sections 2, 6, 7 and 15 of the Charter, which now are being highlighted because the governments of
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this nation through the pandemic measures have seen fit to violate those sacred rights that were in
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that Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Okay, well thank you so much for that background and that history.
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It's really helpful to sort of put it all together. I have an interesting anecdote because I went to study
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in Australia and one of the first things that we were told during this sort of orientation was,
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you know, unlike in the US, unlike in Canada, we don't have a Bill of Rights. So you don't have the
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same, you know, amendments to the Constitution that you have in the United States. You don't have the
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same Charter of Rights and Freedoms as you do in Canada and that might mean that you could, you know,
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get yourself into trouble. That was sort of the context of the discussion we were having. But I
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remember talking to a friend of mine who's in law school and her perspective was that you don't need
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to have your rights codified. That in fact, when you codify your rights and have them listed,
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not only does it list what your rights are, but it limits what's not there. And so I'm wondering if
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you can sort of comment on whether you think Canada is better off having a codified list of what our
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rights are, like a piece of paper that you can uphold and you can take to court and you can use to
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justify. Or whether the ancient sort of, you know, common law tradition that Australia still uses,
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that the British use is a better approach. What do you think?
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I think Australia has, since your time, now have some Bill of Rights in their Constitution.
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I just noted that the other day, a decision out of Australia referred to it. And by the way,
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the wording is very much similar to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. But to come to your main
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point of British common law and why a codified charter is better than a uncodified list of rights,
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that's the problem you have with unwritten rights and freedoms is that they are unwritten and therefore
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the interpretation can vary over time with various precedents set by various judges. If you have
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something which is in writing and it is a sentence, freedom of expression, freedom of speech, if you
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want, or freedom of religion or freedom of conscience, that's it. And it's quite clear. If in fact you rely
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upon uncodified rights and freedoms, then you're subject to the whims of a judiciary over centuries,
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where one judge or one lawyer could bring up, well, in this case, it said yes. In this other case,
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I'm not too sure who said yes. And so therefore, this can evolve over time and change over time. When
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many people believe that we need to have fixed charter rights or Bill of Rights or fixed freedom rights in a
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constitution so that it's not up to the whims of anybody, whether it be parliament or judges to
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change according to their own biases at the time in their own history at the time. That's one of the
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problems you have. It is a riskier proposition to maintain a given right, given that it can change over
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time with various individuals, various judges. So I think that's one of the most important factors
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which most of us at the time in 1980, 81 and 82 considered that it was necessary to have
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something that individual citizens could look to as saying, we do have something that we can refer
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to immediately and understand. It's not just for the lawyers and for the judges. It's for individual
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citizens to understand that they have certain constitutional rights guaranteed in law,
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in the constitution, written down, and is not subject to the whims of history or individuals over time.
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Interesting. That's a great point. I had Mr. John Carpe on the program a couple of days ago talking about
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the charter. He runs the Justice Center, which I know you've done some work with. And one of the sort of
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limits he said when he was talking about the charter, why it doesn't always uphold our rights and freedoms the
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way that we want, is he talked about section one of the charter, which says that the charter rights
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can be limited by law so long as those limits can be shown to be reasonable in a free and democratic
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society. So that verbiage, that line at the beginning, sort of pretexts the constitution saying,
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if a government can prove it is reasonable in a free and democratic society, that's justification,
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and that can convince a court and a judge. Go ahead, if you want to respond to that.
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Well, I think you left out the most important part of section one. And that is, I'm an old English
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teacher. And if you read the section one, and they read it out, the verb in that sentence is
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demonstrably justified within reasonable limits by law in a free and democratic society. And a lot of
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lawyers, since this came into being, have tried to twist that meaning and always just talk about
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reasonable limits. In that sentence, there is demonstrably justified. Now, I make two arguments
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as it relates to section one. Unfortunately, I'm the old first minister still alive who was there when
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this was written. The intent of section one was to apply if the state was in peril, war, insurrection,
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or some other extreme event, or some other extreme event which threatened the existence of the state.
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That does not exist today, does not exist during the pandemic circumstance of the last two years.
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And therefore, section one, in my view, does not even apply in this circumstance. And intent is very
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important in jurisprudence. The courts very often look behind the piece of legislation or the piece of
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law from the Constitution. And look behind it to say, what was the intent of the founders? What was
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the intent of the creators of that section? Well, I can tell the judge, and I can tell the lawyers,
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and I can tell Canada that as one of the people who was there, that was the intent of section one. It was
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to be used only. That's why we wanted it in the Constitution. The Constitution is more permanent
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than a piece of federal legislation or a piece of provincial legislation. It was put there to be
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permanent and only to be changed in the most extreme circumstances. We're not into that extreme
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circumstance. However, I go on to argue in order to give, what shall I say, courtesy more than anything
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else. And to be fair, I say to people, okay, for argument's sake, let's say that section one does
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apply in this pandemic circumstance. And therefore, the governments could go ahead and use section one.
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There are four tests in section one, even if it does apply. And the most important test, contrary to
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what a lot of the lawyers and others have been saying over the last two years, is the test of
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demonstrably justify. That's the verb in that sentence. That's the predominant operative phrase
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in that larger sentence, demonstrably justify within reasonable limits by law in a free and democratic
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society. Well, no government, 14 governments of Canada, 10 provinces, federal government, or the
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three territories have demonstrably justified what they are doing under their mandates. They have not
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met the test of demonstrably justify. Everybody in Canada who knows anything about public policy
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knows that when you use the words demonstrably justify, and I remember when we put demonstrably
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in there to make it stronger, not just justify. Most public policymakers know that means cost-benefit
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analysis or some other approach. How do you demonstrably justify what you're doing? You are government,
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that is. Well, you try to find out whether what you're doing has more benefits than costs. And as we now
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know and have known for a long time, only about 90 or 100 days into this pandemic, that the cure was
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worse than the disease, that all these pandemic measures that were brought in where people died
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because they never got to see a doctor, delayed surgeries, suicide, you know, many families broken
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up and the like. Dr. Douglas Allen of Simon Fraser University did a study in which he reviewed 80 other
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studies from around the world as to whether there was the cost, whether the benefit was greater than
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the cost on these measures. And he found out of 80 studies that no, it wasn't justified what they
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were doing. And this was published in April 2021, that study out of our own university in Canada,
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by Douglas, Douglas Allen. You're very seldom here telling the report. I wonder why. It's because
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his definitive, nobody's ever questioned the validity of the report. Nobody's ever questioned
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his methodology. The report is there out public for anybody to read. And that's what it concluded. And
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he also said in that document that 90 to 100 days after the pandemic was declared in like March 2020,
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it was clear to policymakers and others that we have real problems here by implementing these mandates.
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It's very, very negative. And so the test of Section 1 has not been met, even if Section 1 does apply.
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And if you want to take it further, another test there was free and democratic society.
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Well, a free and democratic society means that therefore parliamentary democracy. That's what Canada
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means when you say free and democratic society. We have parliaments all over Canada. We have 14 of
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them. And therefore, the parliaments should have been called and kept open, not called just to give
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the government more power, but call and stayed open and a parliamentary committee of that parliament
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established to review what the government was doing to see whether in fact it was beneficial. And then
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they would have called in other people to the committee, other than just a government scientist,
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to get a broader view of this situation to see whether in fact it was a valid thing to do at
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that time. They didn't do that. So my argument is that number one, Section 1 does not apply because
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it doesn't meet the intent. And I was there and I know what the intent was. And that's why it was put
00:22:04.140
in the Constitution. And by the way, if you go down to Section 4 in the Charter, which talks about
00:22:10.700
extending the life of a parliament if we're, if we have to. Under what conditions could you extend
00:22:17.020
the parliament? War, insurrection, if the state was in peril. So that was what was on our minds.
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It was clear in Section 4 what was on our minds. It was a very extreme event for Section 1 to be
00:22:29.580
triggered. And that extreme event does not exist today. But I go on to say, as I said in summary,
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that even if Section 1 does apply, the governments of this nation did not meet the two very important
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tests of the four, one demonstrably justified or within the context of a free and democratic society.
00:22:49.020
Well, thank you for making that important clarification. I must have just been misreading
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the Section 1 there. But I think I think you really robustly answered that question. But it does beg
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the next question, which is, why the why? You know, if the Section 1 test wasn't met,
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how is it that the governments were able to steamroll so many of the other rights that were
00:23:12.460
written down in the Charter? How did this play? How did it play out? Why did it play out? How was it
00:23:17.100
able to be the case in Canada? You know, as well as I do, they just went ahead and did it. And nobody
00:23:23.100
and well, what really happened, I guess, is that early on, the Imperial College of London
00:23:30.540
in England issued a report, which the White House in the United States, with the Parliament in Canada
00:23:38.060
and all the world brought into this fear mongering that the Imperial College of London said, where
00:23:44.700
millions were going to die, some die in the streets. They even talked about deaths in the streets of
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China at the time in Wuhan because of this virus and so on. So a climate affair was created very early
00:23:59.020
on into this pandemic, which just about everybody bought into, except myself and a few others. But
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a lot of people bought into this. And this gave the government's license, they thought, to go ahead
00:24:15.340
and violate the freedoms and rights enshrined in the Constitution of Canada. And unfortunately,
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so that's what happened really, is that a mass psychosis overtook the society, and people were
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very subservient once fear set in to going along with the government narrative. So it goes to show,
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as we know from history, that very often leaders have reached their own limits, the normal limits that
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apply to a government or apply to a leader. And this is what happened in this sense. And I've been
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fighting ever since to get this back to get it. Now, we must say that the fight is not over. And this is
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the other thing that people say, well, the Charter has been thrown out the window, and that's the end
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of it. Well, if that was so, then the courts of appeal of the provinces have not heard yet,
00:25:13.260
nor has the Supreme Court of Canada. It's the lower courts that have heard the cases so far
00:25:18.060
and have ruled against us and ruled for the governments. But the other point I must make is
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that the first words of the Constitution of the Charter are not Section 1, are not in Section 1.
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The first words of the Charter, which therefore comes before Section 1,
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and under which Section 1 is to be considered, are, this country was founded on the principles
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of the supremacy of God and the rule of law. Now, if you put Section 1 into that context,
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what does the supremacy of God mean? Doesn't that mean inalienable rights, that the rights that we
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possess as individuals don't even come from this faith in the first instance, they come from the Creator.
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And it's in that context that you must consider this Charter. Then what has happened in the lower
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courts, they've even ignored even mentioning the supreme supremacy of God and the rule of law in one
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case in so far. And so, and I'm sure you have not heard in a lot of the debates and a lot of the
00:26:20.540
articles that you've read very much attention to supremacy of God and the rule of law. But it is the
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beginning of the Charter and comes even before Section 1. And once again, as a former English
00:26:32.460
teacher, at the end of that sentence, it's not a period, it's a colon. A colon has a meaning,
00:26:39.500
a semicolon has a meaning, a period has a meaning, a comma has a meaning, and they're all different.
00:26:44.540
Well, colon means what follows, right? What comes after, right? That's what a colon means. I am going to list
00:26:52.060
the number of animals there is in the world, colon. I am going to tell you who are the
00:26:58.780
National Hockey League players in Canada, colon, right? What follows, what comes after. Well,
00:27:04.620
that's what this was delivered by us when we wrote that sentence, is that all the other things that
00:27:12.220
come after that sentence have to be considered in the light of supremacy of God in the context of
00:27:19.340
rule of law. This has been missing so far. And so it's my intention, and many others with me,
00:27:26.620
to point this out. So that by the time the appeals get to the courts of appeal of the provinces,
00:27:33.340
quite likely three or four provinces for sure. And then ultimately to the Supreme Court of Canada,
00:27:39.900
that the justices will recognize that what their fellow comrades did in the lower courts was not
00:27:46.940
complete. They did not consider seriously enough section one, nor did they consider seriously enough
00:27:54.620
the preamble to the charter supremacy of God and the rule of law. So the hockey game isn't over.
00:28:01.020
We're in the latter part of the second period. We've got the full third period to go,
00:28:05.340
and that is the courts of appeal and the Supreme Court of Canada. So I'm not giving up the
00:28:09.900
on the courts yet. I know a lot of people have, but I still insist that if Canadians from coast to
00:28:17.100
coast to coast kept arguing with me that the higher courts now have a solemn responsibility
00:28:25.660
to correct what has happened in the lower courts. They've done it before. It's been done in Supreme
00:28:30.140
Courts all over the world. That's why you have a Supreme Court of Canada, because there may be a bit of
00:28:34.780
a mistake in the lower courts. Otherwise, why have it? If they're all omnipotent at the lower level,
00:28:39.660
well, then why have an appeal court? Why have a Supreme Court of Canada? The mere fact that we do
00:28:44.460
means that there's a possibility that the lower courts got it wrong. And in this case, they got it
00:28:50.540
very much wrong, both in interpreting section one and interpreting or ignoring the principles of the
00:28:57.420
supremacy of God and the rule of law. So I'm still in there fighting that the courts have an opportunity
00:29:04.300
now to correct what has been done wrong so far. Well, I really appreciate you adding in that
00:29:10.380
mention of the preamble because it's so important. And you're right. We don't hear very often the fact
00:29:14.300
that our country, our constitution and our charter is based on the principles of the supremacy of God
00:29:20.300
and the rule of law. I wish our prime minister would contemplate it. I mean, we have a prime minister,
00:29:24.540
uh, Brian, who routinely breaks the law. I mean, he's had multiple ethics violations. He acts
00:29:30.620
oftentimes like he's above the law. He doesn't seem like a person who really does respect the rule of
00:29:35.260
law. And all the other parties, sadly, that are in the House of Commons are in the same boat.
00:29:42.060
And by the way, he never only broke ethics rules. He broke the law. He broke the conflict of interest
00:29:52.940
law, which was a law that was passed by the House of Commons, by these very MPs. And he broke it five
00:30:00.460
times, according to the independent conflict of interest ethics commissioner.
00:30:05.740
Are you talking about the Aga Khan, the Aga Khan vacation? Is that what you're referring to?
00:30:11.820
I know there's just been a, okay. That's one. And you can go into the website of the ethics
00:30:18.860
commissioner and find all five of these. Another one was obstruction of justice. When the minister
00:30:25.660
attorney general, Judy Wilson-Raybo was trying to be forced to change her mind and get her department
00:30:33.420
to change their decision, that SNC-Lavalin company had to go to court. They were trying
00:30:39.660
to get a deal outside of court. Then the prime minister was trying to force his minister of
00:30:45.100
justice through his office and through a couple of his ministers and his staff to get the minister
00:30:50.860
who had already made up her mind that this should go to a full court hearing. There was the evidence
00:30:56.300
was quite overwhelming that they had committed wrong and that it should go all the way. The prime
00:31:01.980
minister tried to obstruct the normal course of justice by interfering with the attorney general
00:31:09.340
and the minister of justice. If anybody learns anything when they become a leader of a political
00:31:15.100
party, which has the majority of seats in the House of Commons or in the parliament, is this.
00:31:20.060
And my first day in office, I was advised by senior people in the government. One thing you must know
00:31:29.660
from the start, Mr. Premier, and I'm sure you've heard of this when you were a minister, that the
00:31:35.340
course of justice, course of justice that is being preceded in your ministry of justice is not to be
00:31:42.860
interfered with by your office or by you. It's one of the principles of British parliamentary democracy.
00:31:49.820
It is a very, very important part of this. You act untouchable. You don't interfere with what the
00:31:57.900
minister of justice department is bringing forward as various allegations or prosecutions against
00:32:05.900
a person, against the company or whatever. I learned it very early on, 24 hours in,
00:32:10.780
I was advised, you know, you'll be well served to leave that alone. That's one, that's sacrosanct.
00:32:17.020
And so the prime minister broke those laws. But my bigger point is this, and there's where we have a
00:32:22.380
problem in Canada today. We have no moral compass anymore. And a really good example is that none
00:32:28.700
of the MPs in any of the parties have tried to amend the conflict of interest legislation
00:32:35.260
so that if an MP breaks the law, they cannot serve in parliament. Right now, the prime minister is still
00:32:41.580
serving in parliament, even though he broke the law, because there is no penalties, like $100 fine,
00:32:48.140
$500 fine for breaking the law, you can still serve in the parliament of Canada. I wrote on my blog a
00:32:54.860
few days ago on this, and I have been talking about this for a while. So the problem we have in our
00:33:02.780
nation is the prime minister, but it's also all the other leaders of parties in the House of Commons
00:33:08.300
who have not insisted that this conflict of interest law, we don't need to change the constitution.
00:33:13.740
All we need is to go to the House of Commons like they do every day when it's open,
00:33:18.460
and make a proposal, or make a resolution, or propose a change to the conflict of interest act.
00:33:23.580
Any party, any MP can propose that. And none of the parties have done it. And so therefore,
00:33:29.260
they're all guilty by association, by not taking it upon themselves to insist that this,
00:33:36.860
our parliament and our parliamentarians must be honest. And right now they're not.
00:33:43.820
Well, it's so true. Sometimes you just shake your head reading the news and hearing about senators
00:33:47.660
and MPs being charged with crimes and breaking the laws. And it's like, what kind of country is this?
00:33:52.460
What kind of culture do we have where we don't have the basic respect for the rule of law? We allow
00:33:56.620
politicians to get away with this. I would likewise echo that. I would love to see laws put into place
00:34:02.300
to be stricter against the people who are elected to represent us. I wanted to pivot a little bit and
00:34:07.580
ask you about the Emergencies Act. Because when you were talking about the charter having the
00:34:12.060
demonstrably justifiable clause in Section 1, and the idea was that it was during like a war time
00:34:18.300
or an extreme event, it seemed very similar to the Emergencies Act. This thing used to be called
00:34:24.300
martial law. It used to be reserved for the War Measures Act at a time when our country was being
00:34:30.300
invaded or there was an insurrection. It seems to me that the prime minister just used it because he
00:34:34.060
didn't like the truckers and he didn't agree with them. I'm wondering if you can comment on what you
00:34:38.540
saw transpire during the trucker convoy and the government's heavy-handed use of force against
00:34:43.580
those protesters. Yes, I was there for a number of days during when the truckers convoy situation
00:34:52.620
was at its peak. And I walked the streets of Ottawa and I didn't see anything that the prime minister
00:34:58.860
and some of his associates saw. They were very civil. The streets were left passable and the trucks were
00:35:07.340
on the side. And they were negotiating every day with the city of Ottawa to ensure that this convoy
00:35:16.300
could continue and meanwhile people could get around. And very few Canadians know that, that the convoy was
00:35:24.380
in touch and negotiating almost every day with the city of Ottawa and the mayor and the police of
00:35:31.020
Ottawa. So what the prime minister and the government did with the support of the NDP and his own and the
00:35:39.180
Liberal MPs was bring in this extreme measure, which by the way, at the beginning of that piece of
00:35:46.060
legislation, it must be consistent and conform to the Charter Rights and Freedoms. Well, it did not because
00:35:51.980
they never demonstrated at all. And since then, the hearings that have been held have shown that there
00:35:58.300
were no outside forces. There's been no prosecution brought about anybody, about firearms or about
00:36:07.500
violence. The very things that the prime minister used to justify bringing in the Emergency Act has not
00:36:14.140
materialized when it's been looked at. So he did this without the evidence to show, to demonstrably
00:36:22.380
justify that he could override the rights and freedoms of the truckers. He did this without the evidence,
00:36:28.380
the firm evidence, to justify what he did. So that was unconstitutional as well, very unconstitutional,
00:36:35.020
because it violated the Charter. Now what's happened, to show you how much rot we have in our system,
00:36:40.780
and very few people talking about it. It was revealed this morning by Congress Signal, a news
00:36:47.660
organization, that the prime minister appointed yesterday a judge under the Act who's supposed to
00:36:54.940
review what happened in the Emergency, when introducing the Emergency Measures Act, whether it was necessary
00:37:00.460
and so on. But who did he appoint? A judge who was a donor to the Liberal Party.
00:37:06.540
So where is the independence? Where is the transparency? Where is the accountability? If
00:37:14.620
the prime minister would appoint a judge, surely there's judges around at the higher levels in the
00:37:21.660
provinces who are not contributors to any political party that he could appoint to show how independent
00:37:29.420
this inquiry is going to be. So this inquiry is tainted right from the start. So we have a government
00:37:35.900
and MPs who are violating the Charter with their mandates. Then we have a government in Ottawa which
00:37:43.100
is violating the Charter by bringing in the Emergency Measures Act. And now we have a prime minister who's
00:37:48.700
appointed a judge to review the bringing in of the Emergency Act, who's a Liberal donor to the Liberal
00:37:55.580
Party of which the Prime Minister is a leader. So that's conflict of interest all over the place.
00:38:00.940
So all the way, the Conservative Party of Canada, the NDP Party of Canada, the Green Party, all of the
00:38:06.700
parties that are now in the House of Commons should be crying blue murder over this. This is ridiculous
00:38:13.500
for a country that calls itself a democracy to have an inquiry about something that the government has done
00:38:20.300
headed up by a judge that is a party sympathizer. I know, I agree. And we saw that earlier when
00:38:27.580
one of the trucker convoy organizers, Tamara Lynch, was also denied bail from a judge who had also been
00:38:32.540
a Liberal donor. I just want to point out because I saw that story, the judge. So the prime minister
00:38:37.100
called a national inquiry into the Emergency Act. When I first saw that news, I thought that was a great
00:38:41.500
story. Okay, great. We're going to get to the bottom of this. We're going to figure out why it was
00:38:44.620
called what happened. And then I sort of read a little bit more. He didn't do it because he was
00:38:49.980
doing something. Oh, I should call inquiry to let people know whether, in fact, I did this right or
00:38:55.340
not. He had to do it because it's in the act. Right. Okay. Okay. There you go. But then I read the
00:39:00.620
subtext. First of all, the judge that was named was Paul Relew. Now, I spoke to a journalist that
00:39:04.860
refuted that point and said that it was a different Paul Relew. So I'm not sure that that has been verified
00:39:10.300
that he is a Liberal donor or not. But he was certainly a Liberal appointee who was
00:39:14.460
named the judge that's going to lead this independent public order emergency commission.
00:39:19.580
But I will just say that when you read the fine print of what the commission is supposed to be
00:39:24.380
examining, I mean, you can tell right off the bat, this thing is going to be incredibly biased.
00:39:28.220
They're looking and examining the evolution and goals of the protests, the organizers,
00:39:32.220
the participants, the role of foreign and domestic funding, including crowdsourcing,
00:39:37.180
the use of social media, and the impact of misinformation and disinformation, which are the popular
00:39:42.700
buzzwords around justifying censorship online, the economic and international impact of the blockades,
00:39:50.780
and then the use of force. Well, we know that the international blockades had already been removed
00:39:54.780
by the time the Emergencies Act was brought in. So the whole thing just seems like it's a cooked up
00:39:59.740
exercise in PR on behalf of the Trudeau government.
00:40:05.580
Yeah, listen, the counter-signal produced the documents. They just didn't allege that this
00:40:12.540
judge is a Liberal donor. They produced the documents that showed the amount of money that
00:40:17.340
this judge contributed every year from government documents, okay? Because they have to reveal
00:40:24.380
where their money comes from under law. And his name, that judge's name, appears all through
00:40:33.100
the late 1990s and into the year 2000, where he contributed so much each year to the Liberal
00:40:39.100
Party of Canada. These are not the counter-signals documents. These are the documents of the
00:40:44.700
government of Canada, right, of the law of Canada. And so I think it's pretty clear that this judge was
00:40:51.580
a Liberal donor. Number two, it's already been revealed through House of Commons committee meetings
00:40:57.820
that there was no outside interference. Fintech, one of the big organizations around the world
00:41:03.180
which examines the flow of money, has already testified that there was no outside money involved
00:41:08.460
here. That it was all ordinary citizens contributing to a legitimate act of civil disobedience,
00:41:15.340
which is allowed in this country. We're allowed to freely express. We're allowed to freely assemble.
00:41:21.180
And that's what these people were doing. And so to even put that in the terms of reference
00:41:26.060
shows a complete insult of what has already been testified by Fintech and other independent
00:41:32.940
observers. And so once again, like you say, this is a very tainted inquiry before it gets off. But make
00:41:39.580
no mistake about it. The Prime Minister didn't do anything to demonstrate that he wanted to get to the
00:41:44.460
bottom of this. He was forced to do it under law. That's why the inquiry is established,
00:41:49.980
because there's a provision in the act saying you must establish an inquiry. But the other part of
00:41:56.460
all of this is, who does it report to? Who does this inquiry report to? Where does the inquiry go?
00:42:02.380
Where does the results of the inquiry go? Back to the same MPs who supported the emergency act in the
00:42:07.820
beginning. So therefore, it goes nowhere. It goes nowhere. It's totally ineffectual,
00:42:12.940
because it's in a conflict of interest from day one.
00:42:16.940
Well, it's absolutely correct. I'll take a look at the countersignal report. I hadn't looked closely
00:42:22.380
at it. I will just say that I spoke to a journalist friend and a conservative MP before recording,
00:42:26.700
and they told me that it wasn't the same Paul Rouleau. But I will do some due diligence personally,
00:42:32.060
and get back to you and get back to the audience about that. But certainly, either way,
00:42:37.500
it doesn't seem like a very healthy exercise in getting to the bottom of something that really,
00:42:42.140
truly does deserve, Canadians deserve to know what really happened, and the abuses of government need
00:42:46.780
to be highlighted. Well, Brian, I really appreciate your time. I had one final question for you, and I
00:42:53.180
know we've gone over a little bit, but I do appreciate your time. And I want to just say,
00:42:57.260
you know, looking back at 40 years of the charter, do you think the charter has lived up to your
00:43:02.460
expectations back then from 1982? Are there any areas where you think the charter has fallen short,
00:43:07.660
anything that you wish you had done differently in drafting and putting together the charter?
00:43:11.580
Yeah. Man is a fallen being, if you believe in Christianity or some form of spirituality,
00:43:17.420
and none of us are perfect. I think the person who was alleged to be perfect was crucified.
00:43:23.420
So, you know, we don't have to take a chance here of doing something that's always perfect.
00:43:28.300
So obviously, it can always be improved upon any kind. But I would just remind people that this
00:43:33.660
charter, as I said earlier at the opening, was not negotiated in and of itself. It was a bargaining
00:43:39.260
ship with other things, Aboriginal rights, equalization, amending formula, and minority
00:43:47.500
language rights, and so on. They were all part of the mix, and we were negotiating back and forth.
00:43:52.860
So if you had to do just a charter over again, that's one thing. But anytime you open the constitution,
00:44:00.060
the parties to the constitution are going to want other changes, and just not the charter changes.
00:44:04.540
That's part of living in a democracy, right? And the participants are going to be
00:44:10.540
looking for various things, including Quebec will be looking for other things, because they're not
00:44:14.460
even part of the constitution right now. So one has to say, be careful what you wish for,
00:44:21.420
because you might lose the supremacy of God, and pick up something else on the other end,
00:44:26.220
whether that's a bargain or not. And so yeah, you can always do better. But I would just say that
00:44:31.980
having those sections 2, 6, 7, and 15 clearly identified, I mean, how can there be any dispute
00:44:39.900
over life, liberty, and the security of the person? Remember, constitutions are principles.
00:44:46.140
Legislation gets into real detail, but these are principles that then have to be interpreted
00:44:50.940
by the courts. To make them any more definitive, you'll lose something, or you'll gain something.
00:44:57.020
But remember, it's all compromise. You're not, you're not into this alone. There are other
00:45:03.500
players, and there are other factors at play. I would just do that. But of course, if you could
00:45:08.860
go back and do anything over again, you can usually make improvements. And we could no doubt in the
00:45:13.660
charter. But remember, you'll never get a situation where you're going to be negotiating the charter
00:45:18.300
by itself. It will always be, when you open the charter, you're opening the constitution. Remember,
00:45:23.660
the charter is in the Constitution Act 1982. It's not the Charter of Rights Constitution Act.
00:45:32.860
It's a charter, it's the Constitution Act of 1982, of which the charter is one of seven items.
00:45:42.220
I think it's 30, 60, 60 parts to the Constitution Act, 34 for the charter.
00:45:53.580
All the rest are of the other matters that I've mentioned. So yes, you can always do better. But in
00:45:59.020
the context of Constitution, not legislation, it is far, far more difficult to get exactly what you want
00:46:08.060
from all the players. We all compromise. This is a compromise document, as all of these things are.
00:46:14.700
Well, thank you for joining the show and providing so much more context and nuance to the circumstances
00:46:23.260
around the charter, the purpose, some of the more forgotten lines from the charter that we wish
00:46:27.980
were more emphasized. And thank you as well for your courage, your advocacy, your voice throughout the
00:46:34.460
last two years. I know you've been a tremendous beacon of hope for so many Canadians who feel discouraged
00:46:39.660
by the overreaches of our government and the state of things. So we really appreciate you being out
00:46:44.380
there, Brian, on the front lines fighting against government overreach and continuing to do the
00:46:49.500
important work of upholding and championing the rights and freedoms of all Canadians. So thank you for
00:46:54.540
that. Thank you very much for having me. I really appreciate it. Have a great day.
00:47:00.300
All right. Thank you so much. That is Brian Peckford, the former Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador,
00:47:05.260
original signature to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is the
00:47:09.180
Candace Malcolm Show. Hey, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning into that interview. I thought it
00:47:15.580
was great. Great conversation with the former Premier of Newfoundland and original signatory to
00:47:19.740
the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I appreciate his time. I wanted to revisit one thing that happened
00:47:23.900
in the interview, though, because as you saw, we had a little bit of a dispute over the judge that is
00:47:28.620
presiding over the national inquiry into the Emergencies Act, the use of the Emergencies Act. Trudeau
00:47:33.980
appointed them. So Mr. Peckford made the point that Kian Bextie had reported in the counter signal
00:47:39.900
that this individual was a liberal donor. And now, right before I recorded the interview,
00:47:44.380
I had read a message from someone who was refuting that fact. I talked to a journalist and I spoke to
00:47:49.020
a conservative MP. So I just didn't want to put out information that wasn't accurate. I said that I
00:47:54.060
would do a little bit of due diligence and get back to the audience about it. So I'm doing that
00:47:58.780
right now. So what I am referring to is a report that was put out by Brian Lilly. Brian Lilly is a
00:48:04.940
journalist over at the Toronto Sun. And he put this on Twitter. He said, I had a nice chat with Paul
00:48:09.740
Rouleau from Port Colborne, Ontario. He is not a judge and has not been named head of the inquiry.
00:48:14.940
So the claim by many that the judge is a recent donor is false. Okay, then he links to his Toronto
00:48:20.060
Sun piece that he has profiling Paul Rouleau, who is the individual who Trudeau named. And let me just
00:48:25.500
read from that report. He says, it fits with Trudeau's style that he waited until the last
00:48:29.980
possible day to call the inquiry and then appointed a former top liberal political staffer to head the
00:48:35.420
inquiry. So Paul Rouleau was appointed to the bench by Paul Martin's Liberal government in 2002. He isn't
00:48:41.020
simply someone who made a few small donations to the Liberal Party or someone who went to some cocktail
00:48:45.500
fundraisers. He actually worked for the Liberal Party in the past. So this is more from Brian Lilly's
00:48:51.180
report. In 1983, he was part of John Turner's leadership campaign to dig over when Pierre
00:48:56.620
Trudeau announced his retirement. Rouleau then had a hand in helping pick Turner's cabinet. Once he won
00:49:01.820
leadership, various media reports described him as an executive assistant or an appointment secretary.
00:49:07.340
So we're not just talking about an independent judge here. We're talking about someone who can
00:49:11.820
fairly and accurately be described as a Liberal insider, a partisan Liberal, a Liberal staffer,
00:49:17.100
someone who is a big L Liberal, just like Justin Trudeau. Think about it. Justin Trudeau just
00:49:21.900
appointed a party loyalist to head up an inquiry into his use of the Emergencies Act. Either way,
00:49:28.060
it's unprecedented whether you take Kean Bexley's word that this guy is a donor or whether you look
00:49:33.020
to Brian Lilly saying, no, he's not a donor. It's not the same guy. However, even worse, this guy was a
00:49:37.420
political staffer for the Liberals. Either way, not good for our country, not good for the state of the
00:49:42.460
rule of law when the person who could be holding Justin Trudeau to account is part of Trudeau's
00:49:48.060
circle, part of the old boys club with the Liberal Party, not a good sign for Canada. Anyway, I wanted
00:49:53.180
to put that out there so that it was clear. I appreciate Mr. Peckford's time. Thank you so much
00:49:57.900
for tuning into the interview and for following True North.
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