Legacy Media bias EXPOSED by Juno News analysis. You’ll never guess the worst offender!
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Summary
In this episode, Candice talks with Hamish Marshall about a new report from One Persuasion, a government relations firm based in Ontario, about the biased media coverage of the 2019 election campaign by legacy media outlets, including the Globe and Mail, CTV, CBC, and the Toronto Star.
Transcript
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Hi, I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show. I hope everyone had a wonderful
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long weekend. I don't usually take long weekends off unless they're like religious holidays,
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but given that Easter happened during the election, we didn't really take any time off
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around here at Geno News. I took the day with my family, and I have to say I'm feeling
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very refreshed and energized to start the week, and great to be back with you. Now,
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folks, you know this, and I know this. The legacy media is lying to you. They are lying to you.
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They are pretending that they are neutral, that they are the arbiters of facts and the truth,
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but they're not. And so we decided here at Geno News to do an analysis. We actually worked with
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ChatGPT, which is an AI search engine, and had ChatGPT analyze all of the news stories by the
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legacy media during the election and assign them a score. And I'm going to walk you through this
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report today on the show, and you will be surprised. I was surprised by who the worst offender, who the
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absolute worst, most biased media outlet is in Canada. We're going to get to that very shortly.
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First, I am pleased to be joined for this episode by my friend Hamish Marshall. Hamish is a director
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at One Persuasion, which is a polling company and a government relations firm based in Ontario.
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He was our in-house pollster during the 2021 federal election. Before that, in 2019, he was the national
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campaign manager for the Conservative Party, and he ran Andrew Scheer's winning leadership campaign.
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This time around, we had his colleague, David Murray, also of One Persuasion, as our in-house
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pollster. And I know we all very much enjoy having David's insights during the campaign. But
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Hamish, it's great to have you back on the show. How are you?
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It's great to be here. Fantastic. It was nice to take the long weekend away with the kids as well.
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Great. Well, I want to walk through this report that we just put out at Geno News because I think it
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tells us what we all knew, which is that the media lies to us. The media is biased. And so I'll just
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explain what we did. We worked with the search engine, the AI search engine, chat GPT, and had
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them look at every single article that was published by the legacy media throughout the course of the
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campaign. And we had them assign a score. So they looked at the stories that focused on Mark Carney.
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And if the story was very favorable to Mark Carney, he got a plus two. If it was somewhat favorable,
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plus one. If it was neutral, zero. And then if it was critical, they got minus one and very
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critical, minus two. And so and then they did the same thing for Pierre Polyev. So first,
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I'll talk about CTV. CTV came in third place, the third worst offender in our list here. And overall,
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looking at all the stories in the campaign, Carney had a score of plus three, whereas Polyev had a
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negative nine. So you could just tell just from that that Polyev was viewed much more negatively by
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CTV. Carney much more positively plus three. Second place, second worst offender was CBC. And this
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may surprise you. I would have assumed that they were the worst, but they're not. They're the second
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worst. So they had Carney, Mark Carney plus five and Pierre Polyev negative 11. I don't think that
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would surprise anyone that Polyev was painted in a negative light for more, more often than not. In
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fact, when we looked at the stories, we couldn't find any examples of positive, of very positive
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coverage of Pierre Polyev. But the worst offender, Hamish, was the Globe and Mail. The Globe and Mail,
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they're seen as the national newspaper record in Canada, like to put themselves as being, you know,
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honest, sincere journalists. But they had Mark Carney at plus nine and Pierre Polyev at negative 15,
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which was the biggest delta, the biggest difference, the most negative coverage. So Canadians that are
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consuming their news from these outlets, I would say these are probably the biggest, the most popular
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one, CBC, CTV on television. And then the Globe and Mail is still probably the most read newspaper
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in Canada. All of them would have given you a very negative impression of Pierre Polyev, positive of
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Mark Carney. What do you make of that? Well, I mean, I'm not entirely shocked. I would have thought the
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CBC would be worse as well. But the Globe and Mail, Mark Carney is the Globe and Mail's sort of liberal.
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You know, he hearkens, he presents himself, of course, as this pragmatic, business-friendly liberal,
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and not the eco-radical that it's pretty clear from his book that he is. So he's a sort of liberal
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that they would have loved to support. And I think we can see in the in the in these figures that have
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come out that that's clearly where the mind's at. The thing that maybe helped the CBC not get the
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worst place prize was that what I found in the election is if there was a story that was bad
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about Carney, something had happened, he had to fire a candidate or something objectively bad happened,
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the CBC just wouldn't cover it. So they wouldn't even write a story that was but they wouldn't try to
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make a bad story look a bit better or put a positive spin on it. They just simply wouldn't
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mention it at all. So I wonder how much that had an impact on making the CBC not appear quite as bad
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as the Globe and Mail. Well, I think that there's also been like a decade of preconditioning for the
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CBC or probably longer, right? But the one thing I noticed throughout the entire Trump era, the first
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time around his first presidency, was that the CBC lead story would always be Trump related. Like it
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didn't matter how big of a scandal Justin Trudeau had gotten himself into, how horrible, something
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horrible that he had done for our country. The lead story on the national news for CBC was always
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orange man bad, Trump terrible. So you're right, in some ways it's like they don't even need to cover
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the Canadian election in a certain way. It's just the choice of what stories they cover. And I'm sure
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that that happened during this campaign where they were, you know, lead story was something horrible
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about Donald Trump, which would make Canadians who were watching feel fearful without even
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mentioning the Canadian election. And this is something that we have. And so overall, we did
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something called the tilt scoreboard. And so this is a number from one to 10. So if you're a one,
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you were tilting heavily towards Mark Carney. If you were a 10, you would have been tilting heavily
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towards Pierre Polyev. A five would be neutral. The Globe and Mail score, tilt score was a one.
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CBC News was somewhere between a two or three. And CTV was three. So none of them even close to neutral.
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They were all markably, heavily pro-Carney in this campaign. And, you know, in some ways it's
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predictable, but it's such a disservice. When you look at how close the election was, I haven't had
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you on since the election results came in. We had the Conservatives coming in at around 41 percent,
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the Liberals coming in at around 43 percent. You know, that's a close election. Even if it didn't
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translate necessarily that way, it looks like Carney's going to find a way to edge as close to a majority
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government as possible. But with such a close campaign, I think it's clear that the media was
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the deciding factor in this campaign. What do you think?
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Oh, I think they were absolutely a huge asset in Carney's arsenal. No question. I think it's
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also interesting that these most biased media are, you know, in television and newspapers.
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And there's a skew there towards older viewers and older readers, older people. We've seen that
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there was a huge age difference in this campaign where younger people supported the Conservatives
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at a much higher level and Liberals were much more likely to be over 55, over 65. And I think it's
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not a coincidence that as, you know, I don't know anybody. I'm 46. I don't know anybody my age who
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has cable anymore. I don't know people who watch CBC news anymore. But, you know, who are my age?
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My parents do. And I think the demographic of people who still watch the legacy media is very
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much older. And I don't think it's a coincidence. That's a coincidence. It's a bit of a chicken in
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the egg. Perhaps they gave their viewers who were already leading that way something that they were
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expecting. They played to their audience. But on the other hand, it probably also influenced a large
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chunk of their audience to, you know, give Carney a second look or to give them reasons not to vote
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Conservative. So but the great news is that as this process keeps happening, is this mainstream media
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becomes less and less relevant as time goes on with each passing week. Well, I want to visit the
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polls with you because I know you're a pollster and we here at Juno News are quite critical. Actually,
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we're so skeptical, Hamish, of the legacy media that that's why we decided to do our own Juno polls
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throughout the campaign. We worked with David Murray and we had our own look. So like when I
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talked to friends, people were like, oh, were you surprised or disappointed by the election outcome?
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I'm like, no, that's pretty much what I thought would happen because we had the polls and the
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numbers that David was giving us is pretty much exactly what it turned into on election night off
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by a point or two. But I did notice that the legacy media and their mainstream polls and
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specifically the polling aggravators did not get things quite so accurate. And so I, you know,
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we've talked about this on the show before that many of the legacy media outlets were projecting
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that it was going to be a big liberal blowout, that the liberals were going to get historic
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numbers. Some of the polling at the very end had the conservatives polling in the sort of mid to
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upper 30s where they ended up getting 41%. I don't think anyone accurately projected the numbers
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as they came in. I'm curious though, what's your perspective? Are you as skeptical about the
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No, I look, I'm a professional pollster. So I, and I believe most, not maybe not all,
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but most people in this industry are trying to do their best to get the right numbers. There's
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parameters, there's things that make that difficult, but I think they're coming there
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with the intention of being accurate. What I will say is that the, on average, when you look at the
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final results and you look at what the pollsters had conservatives, they were down about, on average,
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about 2% lower than what the conservatives actually got. I think it worked out to sort of 39.7 or I'm
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not sure. So it's 39 point something. If you look at the final poll of-
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I have, I have the, the final vote based on the aggregate from 338. So they had the liberal
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party at 42. They projected the conservatives would come in at 39, NDP nine, block six, green two.
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Compare that to what actually happened was that the liberals finished at 43.8, conservatives 41.3,
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NDP at 6.3, block at 6.3, and green at 1.2. So yeah, they look like they got the conservatives
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wrong by 2.3% and the liberals by one point. Some say the bubbles in an arrow truffle piece
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can take 34 seconds to melt in your mouth. Sometimes the very amount you're stuck at the
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same red light. Rich, creamy, chocolatey arrow truffle. Feel the arrow bubbles melt. It's
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mind bubbling. 1.8%. Yeah. So like that's, that's, that's pretty accurate. These polls
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often have a margin of error of plus or minus 3%. So those numbers are not, they're not, I don't
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think that's an indictment of, of the industry. And they got there in the end. It's also a bit
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systematic. If you go back and look at the last two elections, conservative votes, the final
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projection, projections before the election, they always underestimate conservative vote by an
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average of about 2%. But it's not like it's 8%. There's a couple of pollsters that are way off,
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of course, but on average, the numbers are, especially if they were down by the liberals,
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by a couple of points, it's not, not that bad. What I think happened and, you know, what I saw in the
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campaign was that we obviously saw polling that in some cases earlier in the campaign, a couple of
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weeks into the campaign show the conservatives down 8, 10, 12 points, depending on the pollster.
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And we were hearing from conservative campaigners, this incredible response to the door. And there
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was this, this, this dichotomy. What ended up happening is that, is it, first of all, a couple
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of things happened. One is I think as the last three weeks of the campaign, the conservatives
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ran a very good campaign in the last three weeks of the campaign and made up a lot of votes and
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actually gained momentum for the campaign. And if the campaign had got another week or two,
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I think the results could have been very, very different. The other thing that happened is that
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conservatives at the doors were getting good results because we were, we were, conservatives were
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finding support of the doors at a level higher than they're ever used to being. To get 41.4%
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of the vote, as the conservatives did in the end, that's a higher level than any party in Canada
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since the 1988 federal election. So there's no, there's concert, any conservative that's been
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involved in campaigning at any point since say 1993 has been, has been used to seeing lower results
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of the doors overall. This felt very good on the ground. And we heard anecdotal stories. I know your
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reporters found anecdotal stories of lots of people out supporting conservatives because
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conservatives did far better than they ever had historically. They got 8 million votes. I mean,
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no party had ever gotten more than 7 million in the past. And frankly, what Carney profited from
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more than anything else wasn't the strength of the liberal party, but the complete and utter collapse
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of the NDP. This is, you know, I think Pierre Pauli have said it after the election. If conservatives
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had gotten 41.4% in any other election in the last 30 years, it would have been an absolute blowout.
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Um, and the circumstances were different and obviously it didn't work out this way, but the
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coalition that has been built that, uh, in the end, I think, uh, it was, is, is extremely exciting
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and extremely powerful. And if Pauli have can build on that into the next election, he's going to have
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an incredible base. Well, it's true. I remember talking to some friends who were out campaigning
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specifically in Toronto in the GTA. And I said, I don't care what the pollsters say. This feels like a
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winning campaign. It feels like we're winning. And I was looking at the numbers and I was saying,
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yeah, that's because it's possible that Pauli will get a higher percentage of the vote than
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Stephen Harper ever did and still lose and still lose to a majority liberal government. I'm just
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pleased that the conservatives were able to hold Carney to a minority, although it looks like it's
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getting pretty close and pretty tight. So overall, Hamish, like what is your analysis? Do you think that
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Poliev ran a good campaign? Is he going to stay on as leader? When do you think the next election
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will be, do you think Carney will be able to put together a majority here? Or do you think that
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we'll have a minority that typically lasts, you know, 18 to 24 months? Oh, so there's a lot of that.
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Look, I, I think, I think the campaign was well run. I think the campaign, especially the last three
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weeks really came together. Uh, Poliev's performance in the debates, I think were, were, were a very strong
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asset for him. He did very well. Um, and I think that we saw over that time, uh, the conservative,
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uh, base grow and got them out to vote in a good way. Obviously not enough, more needs to be done,
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but I, I think the campaign, uh, especially the part, particularly in April was very, was very,
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very good. Um, I think that, uh, Poliev should and will stay on. I think he's got the support of the
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vast majority of conservatives and, you know, even the people I know who didn't support him in the
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original leadership when he ran it, when he won three years ago are now saying things like,
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well, last thing we need is more leadership turmoil. We've been dumping leaders after each
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election. Let's have some continuity. Let's build from here. So I think he's going to stay on his
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leader. Um, and the, whether, I don't think Carney is going to get to a majority. There's two seats
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left, uh, to be, to be recounted. Um, the liberals are, uh, on paper ahead in one and the conservatives
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are on paper ahead in the other. Um, the, the one, the conservatives are the head are head in,
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and I think is going to, it's by enough that it would be very, very difficult to be overcome in
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a recount. Uh, the one the liberals are ahead and it's only 12 votes. Anyway, we'll see what happens,
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um, uh, there, but I don't think he's going to get to a majority. Look, the biggest thing for him
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is for Carney's ability to stay on comes down to the revival of the NDP. The bloc, we'll see what
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they do. They said they don't want an election for a year. They need to raise money. If they're
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polling number, if the bloc's polling numbers get, get good in Quebec, I think we'll see them
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going on the war path, but that's not enough. Uh, it's going to come down to the NDP or what's
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left of the greens, I suppose, depending on what the actual numbers are in the end. Um,
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and the NDP leadership, I don't think is going to be that quick. I think we're going to see the NDP
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take a year, 18 months. And I don't think there were, there's any chance of there being an election
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until the NDP have a new leader and, you know, uh, have maybe shown some signs of life,
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uh, and stop polling in single digits. Well, we showed this image on the show,
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I think last week that in Canada, I think that the rebate, you get, you get a rebate from the
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government and taxpayers subsidize political parties. Um, if you get 10% of the vote in a
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riding. And I think the NDP missed that in the overwhelming majority, like 85% or something like
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that. So we've talked about this a lot, uh, as you know, news and on the Kenneth Malcolm show that
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the NDP has financial problems and they take on a lot of debt to run these campaigns. And part of
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the reason, I know part of the reason why Jagmeet Singh never triggered an election was because he
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wanted his pension or because he wanted to be in that power seat. And he said that he was doing
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everything he could to block the conservatives from getting into government, which is not really
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his job. But anyway, I think a big part of it that is unspoken is that the finances of that party
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are in shambles and right now they don't have a leader. So I don't see any incentive whatsoever for
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them to try to force another election when they just aren't organized and don't have that. I do
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want to talk about Pierre Polyev though, because it seems like we're going to have a parliament
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without Polyev at first. Anyway, CTV was reporting that the clock starts ticking on the by-election
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of Polyev as he hopes to return to parliament. So according to federal law, Damien Couric, who
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stepped aside so that Polyev could take a seat, they're saying that he must sit as member of
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parliament for 30 days before he could tender his resignation. After that, the Speaker of the
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House of Commons would have to report the vacancy to the chief electoral officer, at which point
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the government would have 11 to 180 days to call a by-election. By-elections can last
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a minimum 36 days. So the soonest that Polyev could be elected would be early August. There's
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of course a holiday in early August. So we might not be talking until the second week of August.
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Now, Mark Carney had previously said that he won't delay and that he'll get Polyev the opportunity
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with a by-election as fast as possible. We have a clip of him saying that. Let's play that.
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I've already indicated to Mr. Polyev that if it's the decision of him and the Conservative Party to
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trigger, if I can put it that way, a by-election, I will ensure that it happens as soon as possible.
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Yeah. So the CBC was like applauding him and cheering him on last week saying, what a great
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guy. He's not even being partisan. He's just letting Polyev have a seat right away. But then,
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of course, these convoluted rules step in and it looks like we are going to have a summer without
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Polyev in the House. What do you make of all this? And strategically, what do you think Polyev
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Well, look, I think these are the rules. The reason they have to wait 30 days is that 30 days is the time
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that someone can legally challenge the outcome of an election. So in theory, if the election, if
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someone could file a challenge saying Damien Couric cheated and therefore shouldn't be the MP, then he
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wouldn't be allowed to resign. So they have to wait for that 30 day period to be gone in order for him
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to be allowed to resign. Look, I frankly think that, you know, that it's going to be a very short
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session of Parliament starting, you know, next week or whenever it is very soon. It'll be over in
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three or four weeks. You know, Mr. Polyev, I'm sure, will be around the House of Commons.
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We'll still be able to scrum in front of the House of Commons, as he always did. And we'll have a few
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last clips of him in question period. But he'll be back in the House for the return of the House in
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September, which is when, you know, things will start getting really, really interesting. I think,
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you know, Carney, most of his MPs are probably still finding their way to the washroom right now and
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around the House of the Commons. I don't expect this first session to be particularly
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exciting. So I don't think it makes a massive difference. Of course, we'll have, as I said,
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a few last clips of Polyev tearing the Liberals to shreds in the House. But I think we can all
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manage for a few weeks. So I don't think it's that big of a deal. And it gets an opportunity
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for Polyev to spend the summer out doing the barbecue circuit as well. So I don't think it's a
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great problem. Now, so one of the big news stories to come out of last week was that the
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Carney Liberals will not table a budget this spring. They claim that they don't have time.
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And so instead, we won't get one until the fall. Of course, we didn't get one. I mean, the fall
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economic budget, it was kind of in shambles. That was right when Chrysia Freeland was resigning. And
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it seems to me we don't have any sort of financial accountability right now. And given that Mark
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Carney said that he's here to help manage the crisis, that this is a crisis that we're dealing
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with with the tariffs, it just seems wildly irresponsible for someone as professional and
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grown up and mature as we're told that Mark Carney is, he's the man for crisis, that he can't even get
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a budget put out. So his finance minister, Francois-Philippe Champagne, basically just said
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that the world has changed in the last six weeks and that Canadians understand that, therefore we
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don't need a budget. Let's play that clip. I want to ask you explicitly, will there be an actual
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budget in 2025? There will be a fall economic statement when we're coming back. How are we as
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Canadians to hold your government accountable for what you're promising if you're not going to be
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transparent about it for six months or so? And I take your point about the timeline,
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there's still another month. And I would say this is a new government. So let's start,
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if we're going to start, this is a new government, new legislature, new prime minister. So the
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direction is very clear. He's been very... But you're still the finance minister. Yeah, I'm still
00:20:48.780
the finance minister. And I would say the world has changed also in six weeks. So Canadians understand
00:20:53.160
that. What? What do you make of that, Hamish? I mean, I think it's outrageous, right? I think one of the
00:21:01.300
most important things we always have to remember about liberals is what they say and what they do
00:21:05.560
is different. And we should always measure them on what they do, not what they say. Because they
00:21:09.580
often say things that at first glance seem very reasonable or smart and actually end up doing
00:21:13.880
terrible things. Carney has come up with this whole brand of being this responsible fiscal manager.
00:21:19.340
And instead, we get this idea that, you know, we might not have a budget all this year. He's now
00:21:23.060
backtracked a little and indicated there might be one, but he'll just rename the fall economic
00:21:27.900
statement as a budget. The fact of the matter that he thought that it would be acceptable for
00:21:32.880
him to get elected, claiming to be all new, all different, as a new type of liberal, and then not
00:21:37.520
have a budget on his supposed strength in economics shows that he's actually not a new type of liberal.
00:21:42.300
He's very, very much in the vein of Justin Trudeau and everything we've seen in the past. And that
00:21:47.520
sort of arrogance and dismissal of the way the government's supposed to work, of the accountability
00:21:53.620
the Canadian's desire, I think is going to become a real ring around his neck. He's really going to
00:22:04.060
be, I think we're going to discover that he, that Bloom is going to come off this guy very,
00:22:08.060
very, very fast. The smartest thing he ever did was call that election as fast as he did.
00:22:13.240
You know, I've seen, remember Stephen Harper getting elected in January of 2006, and they still,
00:22:19.460
there was still a budget in March. They managed to do that. I don't know why Mr. Carney couldn't
00:22:24.240
have a budget in June. I'm not saying he has to have one this week, but he could have one in June
00:22:27.920
sometime. That's a perfectly amount of, a reasonable amount of time. He's got a platform full of things
00:22:33.520
he thinks are great. They should do that. They can cut and paste that in large parts into a budget.
00:22:38.240
It doesn't have to, you know, this is something that is doable. He just didn't think he needed to do
00:22:42.380
it. He isn't actually planning and delivering the change he promised. And I think that's a real problem
00:22:46.900
for him. And, you know, Canadians have every right to be annoyed and disappointed.
00:22:53.060
Well, you're right. I think that to a lot of Canadians, clearly, they felt that Carney was
00:22:57.520
the change that the country needed. They felt satisfied with the change within the liberal
00:23:01.260
leadership and said, you know, we'll give Mark Carney a chance. And I think last week should have been a
00:23:07.280
real eye-opener for many of those Canadians. Because, sure, Carney's totally different than
00:23:12.360
Justin Trudeau. He was advising behind the scene for some period of Trudeau's tenure. But still,
00:23:18.460
you know, he has his own experience, his own person. He steps in and he does represent some
00:23:22.460
kind of change. But then for him to release that cabinet and introduce all of the same characters,
00:23:27.900
like, how is it that Canada is going to turn around its fortunes when he still has
00:23:32.980
Melanie Jolie, Stéphane Galbault, Chrysia Freeland, and, yes, François-Philippe Champagne
00:23:39.160
running the show, right? Like, we're supposed to be impressed by his resume and his Rolodex and all
00:23:45.460
of his connections. Like, where are all these high-profile, you know, globalist types that
00:23:50.860
could step in, right? Why isn't he pulling people from Scotiabank and RBC or, you know, London and New
00:23:57.080
York and Goldman Sachs and all of these, like, impressive people who have saved companies and
00:24:01.940
built empires? Like, why aren't any of them stepping in? Why do we have this same pathetic group of people
00:24:07.840
that were standing side by side with Justin Trudeau and destroyed the country? That's a bit of a
00:24:12.340
rhetorical question. I want to point out that Mark Carney was in Rome. He was speaking to reporters
00:24:17.200
and he said that there's not much value in a budget, that Canadians just don't really need to know
00:24:22.640
not much value. Let's play that clip. There is not much value in my judgment, and it's considered
00:24:28.740
judgment and it's judgment based on experience, that there is not much value in trying to rush through
00:24:35.520
a budget in a very narrow window, three weeks, with a new cabinet, effectively a new finance minister.
00:24:44.140
Effectively? No. Champagne was the finance minister before the election as well, and it's a new cabinet.
00:24:49.520
No, I mean, there's one or two new faces. I mean, there are some new faces. Many of them will be
00:24:54.380
familiar. Someone like Evan Solomon is a new face, but he's a long-time liberal insider. Same with Gregor
00:25:00.040
Robertson, the longtime mayor of Vancouver, who was an abject failure in that role, and now he's a
00:25:05.080
housing minister. So, you know, you have sort of a new cabinet, but not really. Most of them are
00:25:09.920
Trudeau-era liberal cabinet ministers. The new faces are not that new. What do you make of all that?
00:25:17.580
Well, look, I think he's making a huge, huge mistake with putting a lot of these traditional
00:25:22.020
ministers, these old Trudeau ministers, in these senior positions of power. Because I will tell you
00:25:25.700
something. I worked in the prime minister's office many, many years ago, and the government of Canada
00:25:29.800
is a large, unwieldy beast, and it's only become larger since I was there. It's got so many moving
00:25:36.340
parts, and the prime minister can make change. If the prime minister quits his direct personal
00:25:42.080
attention on an issue, he can get the department to do something dramatically different. But it takes
00:25:47.200
force of will, and there's just too many things for any one human to do, which is why we have a
00:25:52.140
cabinet. And, but in many cases, especially if you've got weak cabinet ministers or cabinet ministers
00:25:56.760
who don't really want to do what the prime minister, you know, wants them to do, or sort of
00:26:00.720
feels, they don't feel the urgency, is that things will just drift along. The bureaucratic inertia in
00:26:06.860
Ottawa is incredible. And if you've got a weak minister or a minister who doesn't really want to
00:26:12.540
change things, things will not change. Things will continue in exactly the same path. So even if we
00:26:18.300
take Carney at his word and believe he wants to change things, which I don't, and I think that
00:26:22.060
would be a mistake. But even if we believe he wants to change things, the fact that he's got
00:26:26.120
a bunch of Trudeau retreads who don't really want to change things, and weak other ministers,
00:26:30.980
many of whom have been elected for 15 minutes, really indicates to me that we're going to see
00:26:36.520
very, very much more of the same, and very, very little change. The way he's dismissive of the
00:26:41.680
budget, I think, is a big mistake. Like, I spent a lot of time polling Canadians and working in politics.
00:26:46.700
There's not a, you know, we all pay attention to politics far more than the average person.
00:26:50.680
But there are a few big things that people pay attention to. People know that the budget matters.
00:26:55.240
They, you know, interest in politics spikes around budgets, whether provincial budget or federal
00:26:58.800
budget. That's a thing that it's a big set piece that governments see as an asset. The fact that he
00:27:04.200
doesn't even see it as a potential asset to drive his own message says a lot about him and how sort of
00:27:10.700
dismissive he is of the way that Canadians interact with politics to understand what's going on.
00:27:17.560
And his very much attitude is, things are fine. Just trust me. I've got it under control.
00:27:22.360
And, you know, I think that's a big, big mistake on his part.
00:27:26.280
Well, I think you're right. And I think that his priorities have been shown, right? Like,
00:27:29.660
he got elected, he got selected leader by the Liberal Convention. And I think the next day,
00:27:35.520
he jumped on an airplane and went to France and then the UK. Here he is in Rome. He's preparing for
00:27:41.180
the G7 meeting, which I think is going to be like the highlight for him of being prime minister,
00:27:46.480
is that he gets to host this G7 meeting in Canada. And he talks about it a lot. It seems to me that
00:27:50.960
his priorities are not inside Canada, not the budget. So him not doing a budget, I think,
00:27:56.620
You know, most prime ministers, especially ones who are long serving, go through a period where
00:28:00.660
they get elected, they're very focused on domestic issues. And six, seven, eight years in,
00:28:04.980
domestic issues are a little less interesting. They've been dealing with them intently for a few years,
00:28:09.100
and they get more involved in international politics. And that happens to all prime ministers,
00:28:13.280
the good ones and the bad ones. There's a draw of internationalism, usually at some point year six
00:28:18.120
or seven. With Carney, it seems to start in day six or seven. You know, instantly, you know,
00:28:24.040
the fact that he's been prime minister for, you know, eight, nine weeks, and he's been to Europe
00:28:28.080
twice is mind blowing. And you're right, he's going to be his greatest disappointment of the G7 is
00:28:35.160
that it's being held here and he doesn't get to go to Europe again.
00:28:37.460
Well, I think he loves hosting it. I think he's going to really lean into that.
00:28:42.440
And again, yeah, he's definitely looking forward to that much more than being held accountable
00:28:48.140
in the House of Commons. Well, Hamish Marshall, great to have you back on the show. Always
00:28:51.860
appreciate your insights and your commentary. Appreciate your time today.
00:28:58.020
All right, folks. Thanks so much. Solid time we have today. We'll be back again tomorrow
00:29:00.740
with all the news. I'm Candice Malcolm. This is the Candice Malcolm Show. Thank you and God bless.