Preston Manning: Trucker Convoy was a legitimate expression of concern
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Summary
In today s political lexicon, populism is now synonymous with Donald Trump, with Brexit, with right-wing politics, and with an undesirable rebellion against stable political institutions. But is populism always a bad thing? My guest today rejects this basic premise and has been working his entire political career to try to understand and harness the potential good side of populist movements here in Canada.
Transcript
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In today's political lexicon, populism is now synonymous with Donald Trump, with Brexit,
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with right-wing politics, and with an undesirable rebellion against stable political institutions.
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But is populism always a bad thing? My guest today rejects this basic premise and has been
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working his entire political career to try to understand and harness the potential good side
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of populist movements here in Canada. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in today. It's a pleasure and honor today to be
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joined by Mr. Preston Manning. Preston Manning is one of the most prominent conservative politicians
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and political leaders in Canadian history and has a thorough understanding of the rise of populism
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in Canada and around the world. He's often called the father of modern-day Canadian conservatism.
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Preston was a founder and the only leader of the Reform Party of Canada, which became the Canadian
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Alliance Party, which eventually merged with the progressive conservative parties to form
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the Conservative Party of Canada, which was led by Stephen Harper and was held government for nearly
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a decade. Although no longer a politician, Preston remains a prominent voice in Canadian politics
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and is in promoting Western Canadian interests. In 2005, Preston created the Canada Strong and Free
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Network. Well, it was called the Manning Centre before, and now it's called the Canada Strong and Free
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Network. The group has helped shape national conversations around conservatism, influence
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government policies, and helped create a university program at Carleton University, the first program
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aimed at political management. So Preston, thank you so much for joining us. It's an honor to speak
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to you today. Well, thank you very much. It's great. Okay, well, I want to first start off by talking
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a little bit about just what just happened, what just happened in our country with the trucker convoy,
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the sort of political uprising against the Trudeau government, and how it was handled by both Justin
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Trudeau, his government, as well as the media here in Canada. I think the audience knows my position
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on this issue thoroughly, but I'm wondering what is your take? How do you think it folded out? How do
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you think it could have been handled differently by the politicians and the media in this country?
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Well, I think I know some truckers, independent truckers. Our family has a small ranching
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operation. We use truckers to take cattle to community pastures and to processing plants. But
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I felt this truckers' convoy was a legitimate expression of concern by people who were affected
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by the vaccine mandates. In their case, it put some 15,000 of them out of work. And I feel it was a
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legitimate bottom-up political protest. It had these populist dimensions. And the sad thing was the way the
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federal government responded to it. They wouldn't even meet with these people. And the prime minister
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immediately characterized them as extremists and that this was financed or originated in the United
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States, which is completely false. So I think it was a legitimate expression of political concern by a
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legitimate group of people and that the Ottawa government responded inappropriately.
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Well, I mean, just beyond that, if it was a legitimate and peaceful movement of a group of
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people who just wanted their demands to be heard, and the response wasn't just to dismiss them, smear them,
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refuse to meet with them, but actually use an emergency act that had never been invoked before, was created in 1988,
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with the desired impact of use only during severe national emergencies and potentially war.
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What kind of precedent does it set as a government who was so unwilling to talk to a group of people
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that he would take such drastic action against them?
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Yeah. Well, I think it was an enormous overreaction. And the question it raises is the question you're
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raising if the Trudeau government would overreact to legitimate protests like that by invoking the
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Emergency Act, on what other occasions would they do the same thing? And I feel that the justification for
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invoking the Emergency Act was never really proven by the government. They very hastily retreated from it.
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But again, it's just an extreme overreaction and a misunderstanding or deliberate misunderstanding of
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what these people were trying to do and what they're trying to accomplish.
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One of the things that was striking to me about the people who were behind the trucker convoy,
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the people who characterized the protests in Ottawa, was sort of the difference between them
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and the normal people, the normal type of people you see in Canadian political life, the normal kind of
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people that you see protesting. It's usually sort of aggrieved left-wing people who protest, who go out
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and gather on Parliament Hill and who occupy. The whole Occupy movement came from Occupy Wall Street,
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which was an anti-capitalist left-wing movement. What do you think about the idea that many of these
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truckers were sort of apolitical or not necessarily politically engaged and the action of them coming and
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becoming political, coming to Ottawa, was met with such scorn and name-calling? How do you think that'll
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impact those individuals or the individuals who supported them?
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I think it shows to Canadians the contempt that the Ottawa elites have for just ordinary folks and the
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fear that they seem to have of them. And then the inconsistencies when left-wing protesters shut down
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rail lines that carry 20% of Canada's exports to Asia over them. The government almost sided with the
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protesters and didn't regard this as an emergency. But somebody shuts down the bridge at Windsor and this
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is a national catastrophe calling for the invoking of the Emergency Act, the inconsistency in that response
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in addition to its overhandedness and inappropriateness. I think all of this, the net
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effect of it, is to reduce the confidence of Canadians increasingly in the Trudeau administration.
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This is just one of a number of things, but it adds to the list. It adds to the list.
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What do you think of the sort of class divide that was on display? I know that many people in government and
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media have dismissed this idea that what we saw was a sort of working class uprising that was dismissed
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and disregarded by a group of elites in Ottawa. But you can't help but notice the idea that there's
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a New York Times op-ed that put it really well and it sort of talked about not necessarily a class divide,
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but the difference between people who live their life virtually, whose jobs can be done remotely,
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can be done on a computer. COVID didn't really have a huge, huge impact on them versus people
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who lived in the practical world. So they had virtuals versus practicals. People who lived in
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the practical world are the ones that own small businesses, that own restaurants, that drive trucks,
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that work at the frontline workers. The people who've been harmed disproportionately by COVID were many of
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the sort of loudest voices praising and pushing the trucker convoy because they've gone out to the
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real world and lived in COVID and they're ready to move on. Whereas the people who are kind of
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sheltered behind their screens haven't had to have the same interaction and many of them are
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legitimately and reasonably perhaps afraid to go back out into the world. And so you kind of have
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these two different camps of people that are very much have different interests and perhaps it's hard
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for them to understand what it's like to be on the other side. But certainly the sort of virtual side
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of the elites disregarding the the working class for the practicals was really quite stark. Did you
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did you notice a sort of class element to these projects? I don't think the establishment even
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understands how its messaging was impacting or being received or even being considered relevant by those
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people. I mentioned the ranching operation. You have guys that are looking after cattle sitting in a
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mobile home on a wintering quarter that I know of is watching this nice lady on TV in a warm studio in
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Edmonton or Ottawa telling them to stay home and be safe. These guys start to laugh. If we stay in here,
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those cattle won't get fed. You know, our job by city standards is never considered safe.
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But so that just a complete lack of resonance of that message with people that were in those
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situations. And this is true for thousands and thousands of workers, particularly in the resource
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sectors that are out there doing something, whether it's agriculture or energy or mining or
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forestry or the fishery. You take Aboriginal people. I mean, I think the mining sector in
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BC is the largest single employer of Aboriginal people, but they're they're out there doing things.
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They can't stay home and be safe the way this message is coming to them from the health authorities.
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So that that lack of of resonance between the source of the message and the receiver is
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part of the root of this misunderstanding, I think, over the whole COVID crisis.
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That's such a good point. I want to I want to touch on populism because I know this is an area
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that you've talked about and worked on a long time. I listened to your podcast with Jordan Peterson.
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We talked about sort of positive populism. I hope you can sort of help us understand,
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because usually it's used as a negative word to describe people who are trying to sort of undermine
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the political stability. But but but you see a different side of populism. So I'm hoping you can
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talk a little bit about what populism means. It's so unfortunate that populism is misunderstood by
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Canadians. And I've argued, and I think I can prove it, that the Western Canada has had more
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experience with populist movements, populist parties and populist governments than virtually any other
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part of North America. And while populism has its wild and woolly side, our Canadian experience with it,
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let's say in the 20th century has been has been relatively positive. And just to give a few
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examples, the first woman that got elected to the Parliament of Canada, how did she get there?
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Through what movement? She didn't get there through the Liberals or the Conservatives in that day. The
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Liberals did everything in their power to knock her out of that parliament. And eventually they did.
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She came up through the old progressive movement, which is basically a farmers movement, which was a populist
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bottom-up party. The so-called Famous Five, the women that got women elected or recognized as persons in
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Canadian law. All five of them were populists. Two or three of them were elected as populists to the
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Alberta legislature. So populism can accomplish some pretty positive things, whether you agree with
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Canadian Medicare or not. That came out of Saskatchewan through the CCF, which was a bottom-up populist
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party, particularly at that time. It was the champion of that particular social reform. The constitutional
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change that got natural resources finally, the ownership of natural resources recognized in terms of the
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provinces, particularly the Western provinces. That was achieved by farmers' governments. The UFA in
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Alberta, a small group of progressives in the federal parliament. So you can list off these positive
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accomplishments by populist movements and populist government. Now, it doesn't mean they don't have a
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wild and woolly side. And whether they end up making that positive contribution or whether they turn
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negative, very much depends on the leadership and it depends on the reaction of the establishment.
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Most of these populist parties and governments are a reaction to what was there before. Trump is the
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legacy of Obama. Doug Ford is the legacy of the Catherine Ford in Ontario. So I argue there's a positive
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side if they're properly led and properly understood. Well, so it's interesting now because you sort of see
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different camps in the Conservative Party right now, you know, Erin O'Toole stepped down and without a
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certain leader, there's sort of different elements of the party popping up. What would your advice be
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to the Conservative Party and anyone looking to run it on how best to connect with the grassroots,
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how to utilize the sort of success and the growth of the truck of convoy in helping to sort of steer
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the party in more of a positive populist way that really connects with voters, connects with the
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grassroots, understands their concerns and can relay those messages to Ottawa without the sort of effect
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of being in Ottawa for too long, which is that you start to sound more like the establishment and less
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like the people who sent you there. Well, I think you use the right word when you say connect. I think the
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first step is to connect with them. And the first step to connecting with people is just to listen to
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them. Just listen to them. And I use the analogy, and I think you've heard me on this before, of
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in the oil patch, there's such a thing as a wildcat well that's drilled into a formation where you don't
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know what's down below. And then there's such a thing as a road well that drills into a formation where
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there's an enormous amount of oil or gas under pressure. And it can be very dangerous. You can blow the
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the drilling platform off the wellhead. It can catch fire. It can be enormously dangerous. But
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one of the ways of bringing a rogue well under control is you drill in a relief well from the side
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and the angle has to be right. If it's too shallow, it won't take off enough pressure. If it's too deep,
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it can turn into a rogue well. But if it's just right, it can take off enough pressure that valves can be
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installed and all that valuable energy can be harnessed to useful purposes. But the important
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thing there is that that relief well has to connect with that whatever is underneath that rogue well.
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You have to identify with whatever is causing all this energy and all this activity. And that's the
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first step. And in a sense, that's what reform was in the 1980s. There was a strong
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anti-federal government, anti-federal party atmosphere in Western Canada. It produced separatist
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movements, separatist party elected a member to the Alberta legislature. And what reform did was
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drilling that relief well from the side. And so we had to identify with what was making those people
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mad. We said, yeah, you've got a right to be mad. And we're mad too. But instead of blowing the whole
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thing up, how about doing this, this and this? You know, Senate reform, balance the budget,
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regional impact assessments, et cetera, et cetera. And I think that's the challenge for
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as there's populism developing today. I think it's going to be very interesting whether this
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freedom convoy morphs into a broader common sense movement of some kind. But the challenge for the
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political leadership, conservative and others, will be to identify with the root causes of it and
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and then propose better alternatives, perhaps, in how to achieve the objectives.
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One of the things that I see as sort of a clash within conservatism, within the conservative movement,
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is that conservatives by nature, the reason that they're conservatives is because they want to
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conserve something. So they tend to be patriotic and supportive of our institutions and our networks
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that have created this sort of very stable, prosperous society. But at the same time in Canada,
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the institutions that we have are also built and crafted around sort of big L liberalism in many
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ways, Preston. And a lot of the institutions are simply not holding up to scrutiny under the pressures
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of COVID. The reality, for instance, of the media landscape, one of the things that was just so,
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I observed it over the entire period of COVID, but during the protests, just so blatantly obvious
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how corrupted and how focused on a narrative and not willing to look outside and not willing to paint
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an objective picture to Canadians. There's so many examples, but to an almost partisan sense,
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the media is corrupted. How do you think that this relationship between protecting institutions
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and a need to identify and remove corrupted institutions or institutions that are no longer
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serving their good, how do you think that conservatives can kind of approach and fix this issue?
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I think you've got to make the argument, and it's not made much in the public arena,
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that it's possible to both conserve an institution and to change it for the better at the same time,
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that conservation and change are not mutually exclusive. In fact, you could argue that they
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almost have to go together. Edmund Burke argued this, that he was all for conserving certain things,
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but he advocated certain things had to change in order to conserve them. And I think that argument
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needs to be refined. One of my own illustrations, I used to do community development work up in north
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central Alberta, and there was a sign on an old road away back in the bush, and it was on a big post
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and had a huge crossbar on it. It had one word on it, Saw Ridge, and an arrow pointing west. And it was
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supposed to tell you how to get to the town of Saw Ridge. The only problem with it was if you followed
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that sign, you'd never get to Saw Ridge. Well, why was that? The sign never changed. The sign always
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said the same thing. It always pointed in the same direction. It was as conservative as you can get.
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But during the years back, there was a flood that the town of Saw Ridge had to move its location. It
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changed its name to the town of Slave Lake. The roads to get there had been changed half a dozen times.
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So the very fact that the sign didn't change was a source of error rather than truth. And I think
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there's a lesson in that, that you've got to have signposts and you've got to have them firm
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in the ground and everything else. But sometimes what's on them has to change in order to get to
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the original objective. And I think that's true whether you're talking about how to conserve the
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democracy or a viable private sector in the economy. And if conservatives could refine that,
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we want to conserve, here's what we want to conserve, but here's the changes we want to make
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in order. I think people could understand that. I think they could understand that.
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And just going back to the point you made earlier about how when the Reform Party came around as sort
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of a relief valve for those who were sort of fed up with the status quo, the result was very real and
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substantive change. I mean, talking about some of the things that you mentioned, what the conservatives
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stood for was, was really sort of an overhaul of, of some of the institutional decay that was
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happening. Do you think we're at a time now, you know, this was 30, 40 years after the birth of the
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reform movement, we're ready for another set of drastic reforms to our political system to save it?
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I think you have to do this every so often. When the Reform Party was put together, the lawyer,
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the lawyer that put this constitution together was a fellow by the name of Bob Muir, a real fine
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lawyer in Calgary. And when we were talking about it, I said, Bob, I want a clause in,
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a sunset clause in the constitution of this party. Well, he says, well, what do you mean?
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I want it to come to an end in 10 years. If the party members decide to just renew it the way it is,
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they can. But I want a sunset clause in it. And by golly, we had one in there. And it was to be 10 years
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that the party would cease to exist unless the members re-instituted it and recreate it,
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either in its original form or something else. And by golly, by 1997, it was clear that reform had
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gone about as far as we could go with it. And we needed this bigger, broader thing. We wanted to
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form an alliance with the particular provincial conservatives in Alberta, Manitoba, and Mike Harris
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in Ontario. And that's what gave the opportunity to create the Canadian Alliance, which then morphed
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into the Conservative Party of Canada. So you don't want to do this every day. You don't want to rethink
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your fundamental principles or organizations every day. I mean, political parties have to have some
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continuity and stability. But I think periodically, and particularly in the age in which we live,
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when change is so fast, everything else is changing, that there should be a recognition
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every so often, we've got to make some fundamental changes in order to be relevant or to be able to
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address the problems that are confronting the country. The federal Liberals to do this is going
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to end up being their Achilles, Achilles heel. And in a way, I think one of the consequences of this post,
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of this COVID thing is there's going to have to be changes in leadership. There's rumblings
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the federal Liberals already that Trudeau has to go, people looking for Mark Carney or somebody else.
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There's rumbles within the NDP. You've got the NDP members that come from writings where they've
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got private sector union members who've lost their jobs and their incomes. And these guys are starting
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to resent the support of the public sector unions. There's other people in the NDP that support them,
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who were not only protected throughout this whole thing, some of them got wage increases. So you've got
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internal forces that are going to force the NDP to decide where it's going to go. So you've got
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internal forces for leadership changes within the Liberals, within the NDP. It's already starting.
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In this sense, the Conservative Party of Canada is ahead of the others. And that's one of the consequences
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of this turmoil that's been created by the COVID crisis.
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Okay. Well, let's shift and talk a little bit about COVID because when you look at the trucker convoy,
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even though sure they got cleared out with excessive force by police, but some of the things that they
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were advocating for, they started to see real impact almost immediately, Preston. Quebec reversed its
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vaccine mandate tax, vaccine tax, anti-vax tax. If you weren't vaccinated, you were going to get an extra
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tax. They reversed that almost immediately. Several of the provinces have since lifted most of their
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restrictions. We have seen that the major points that the truckers were advocating for,
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those goals were accomplished. So let's talk a little bit about the post-COVID agenda. What
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should it look like in Canada and how can we get there? Well, I think one way to come at the agenda is
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to look at what has the COVID crisis, what weaknesses has it revealed in our systems that are going to have
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to be addressed. And one of them is just the whole way the thing was managed. So I think one of the
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things on the post-COVID agenda is going to be an investigation into law. It probably won't be done
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by this government, but if it's the government, the federal government's replaced, I think that'd be one
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of the first things any new government would do. It'll appoint a commission of some sort to get at
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what went wrong in the management of the crisis. And then what was another weakness that was revealed?
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What was the weakness of the Canadian healthcare system? That the Canadian Medicare is 60 years old
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and was simply incapable of meeting the surge in demand that the COVID crisis feels. So what are we
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going to do about that? What changes, healthcare changes are we going to make? And we have to look at
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other countries, the countries that had mixed systems, public and private systems were able to
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cope with the surge in demand better than our system. So that's going to be another, I think,
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another missing on the agenda for the post-COVID period will be that sort of healthcare reform thing.
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And then a third thing will be what has to be done to better protect the rights and freedoms that people
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thought were guaranteed by the Constitution. It was clear that the government could override those,
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that there were literally millions of violations of the so-called sacred rights in the Constitution.
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And so what's going to be done to address that? I think one of the areas you're going to get into there,
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and you're familiar with this, there's a test called the Oaks test. It comes out of a legal case in
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1986, where the Supreme Court of Canada said, if you're going to limit the rights and freedoms that
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are guaranteed in the Constitution, you have, the government has to demonstrate, it's the government
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that has to demonstrate it, has to demonstrate that the benefits of the limitation outweigh the negative
00:24:58.680
impacts. Now that was never done in this case. If you want to show that your limitation outweighs the
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negative impacts, for one thing, you've got to measure the impacts, or at least try to estimate.
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There was never any impact assessment made on the health protection measures as to what their impact
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would be on the health system itself, let alone on the civil liberties of Canadians. And there was never
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any economic impact assessment done on those health protection measures. And so I think that's
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something that's going to have to be written into law. You want to limit those rights in the Constitution,
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you've got to show that the impacts are, that the benefits outweigh the impact, and you've got to
00:25:40.520
make an assessment of the impacts, or else the courts will declare your, whatever your health
00:25:45.000
protection measure is, your protection measure is as unconstitutional. So there's, I see this list,
00:25:50.600
an investigation into what went wrong and what went right with respect to the management, what has to be
00:25:57.800
done with the health care system, because this crisis proved it to be inadequate. What are the additions to the
00:26:03.240
the, what has to be done to strengthen the limit, the protection of rights and freedoms, because
00:26:09.480
obviously the, whatever we had before wasn't sufficient. And I can see a list of about eight
00:26:16.600
things being not part of the, the post COVID agenda that somebody is going to have to get after. And
00:26:23.240
one of them is even that thing you mentioned before is leadership changes, what changes have to be made
00:26:28.360
in the leadership of the federal political parties in order to make some progress on that agenda.
00:26:34.200
One of the things, I mean, we've been talking about populism and the sort of
00:26:37.320
rise of the anti COVID mandates and practices, you know, that we saw with the charter convoy.
00:26:43.960
One of the things I was, I was talking on a panel earlier with John Williamson, who's an MP out in New
00:26:48.920
Brunswick. And, you know, I hear a lot of people criticizing the conservatives for not standing up
00:26:54.360
against these abuses against our charter for not standing up and talking about the healthcare
00:26:58.680
issues. And, and, and he mentioned that, you know, at the time during the kind of height of COVID. And
00:27:04.520
for the last two years, public opinion has not really been on the side of freedom. People were afraid.
00:27:11.720
People were very worried. They wanted, they wanted lockdowns. They wanted mandates. They wanted,
00:27:17.960
you know, people who the example that John used were that people who refuse to get vaccinated,
00:27:23.800
they shouldn't just lose their job and their pension and their EI. They should also get
00:27:28.280
removed from our healthcare system and not be, and, and be like denied access if they needed
00:27:33.320
healthcare. And I saw a lot of that sentiment in the media as well. There was a infamous Toronto Star
00:27:39.000
front page that said, let them die. I hope, I hope unvaccinated people die. And, and, and that was
00:27:44.120
sort of the, the narrative that we're hearing from media and the sentiment. And I, I personally noticed a
00:27:49.560
lot of sort of adversarial combativeness among Canadians that frankly struck me as on Canadian
00:27:56.120
people fighting on social media, fighting with their families, disinviting people to Christmas
00:28:00.760
dinner. I do, what could be done about the, the sort of, I don't even know how to describe it,
00:28:08.840
like a totalitarian impulse of people when it came to an emergency to just use every law possible.
00:28:15.640
And, um, how can we mend these, you know, it's a divided country right now. How can we start to
00:28:21.080
mend some of these, uh, divides that have, that have been really, really evident throughout the
00:28:25.960
Well, I think there's a couple of things that can be done. One is that there, there has to be a
00:28:30.440
discussion on the appropriate, appropriateness of these measures. And this business of the
00:28:34.520
cancel culture, we can't talk about that because it's already been decided, whatever. I think that has
0.99
00:28:39.320
to be very strainlessly resisted. And the way one resists is by insisting that it be talked about,
00:28:44.440
whether it's in your own family or in your own circle or in your own company or in your own
00:28:48.440
community. The second is to take some of these polls with a grain of salt, because a lot depends
00:28:54.040
on how you ask the question. If when the, at the height of the, uh, of the controversy over the
00:29:01.480
truckers, the only question you asked is should the emergency act be invoked in order to, uh, make
00:29:08.840
these people adhere to the vaccine mandates. And all you've heard is the propaganda from the
00:29:13.000
government. When it introduced this, it's not surprising that 50% of Canadians would say,
00:29:17.400
yeah, I guess that's what you should do. If you ask the question, which of these two options would
00:29:21.800
you prefer stopping the truckers by simply canceling the vaccine mandates, which caused the protest in
00:29:27.400
the first place or invoking the emergencies act, which came out of the war measures act, which of
00:29:33.560
those, I think a lot of average people said, no, just cancel the mandates that caused this. Other
00:29:39.800
countries are already doing it. The provinces are already doing it. So it very much depends
00:29:44.040
on how you ask the question. And then, then the third thing is that, uh, polls will give you a measure
00:29:50.760
where the public head is at today, but you don't have to assume that's where it's going to be for three
00:29:55.080
months or four months from now, if you work on trying to change it. And I recall back in our day,
00:30:00.680
when the, uh, the Charlottetown constitutional court came out and it was announced by the prime
00:30:05.880
ministers and all 10 of the premiers said it was the greatest things in sliced bread. And the first
00:30:09.960
polls that said, well, public said, I guess it's a good thing. Everybody else did the thing.
00:30:14.760
Had 60, 65% support. But after a debate, because that had to go to a national referendum,
00:30:22.760
that side lost, people changed their minds. And, uh, the, the people that want to oppose that
00:30:29.880
accord, which included ourselves, that became what the majority position was, but it took some time.
00:30:35.880
So I think there's things that can be done, but somebody has to do, institute the discussion,
00:30:41.400
the counter discussion, uh, frame the questions in some different ways that reveal some different
00:30:46.280
options and then persist. If you really think you're on the right track and eventually you can bring
00:30:50.920
people around to it, uh, persist on that until you do. Well, I think that's very good advice.
00:30:56.600
Hopefully the, uh, the future leadership of the conservative party will, uh, take note and, uh,
00:31:02.120
try to lead, uh, rather than just following the polls. Unfortunately, I've seen too many politicians
00:31:06.280
who, who govern that way, Preston. Well, I, I really appreciate your time. It's, it's so, uh,
00:31:10.200
so delightful to speak to you and hear your, uh, wisdom on Canadian politics. So thank you so much
00:31:14.680
for joining us. Well, thank you, Candice. It was really a pleasure. All right. Thank you so much
00:31:19.000
for tuning in. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.