Trudeau doubles down on his failed climate schemes
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Summary
Is there a realistic plan out there that can both protect our natural environment while also putting our economy first, and putting our national interest first? In this episode, Ross McKittrick and Candice Malmuth discuss Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's new climate plan, which doubles down on a failed climate plan and sets more unrealistic emissions targets.
Transcript
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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his radical environmental minister Stephen Galbaugh have
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released their new climate plan alongside the NDP. Their plan is doubling down on a failed
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climate scheme, setting more unrealistic target emissions. Is there an alternative though? Is
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there a realistic plan out there that can both protect our natural environment while also putting
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our economy first and putting our national interest first? I'm Candice Malcolm and this is the Candice
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Malcolm Show. Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning into the program. So as you likely saw
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yesterday, Tuesday morning, the Trudeau NDP government released their new carbon plan. It is
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doubling down on a very bad strategy that they have had from the beginning. So among other things,
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they promised to spend $9 billion in taxpayer money, new taxpayer dollars spending to reduce
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Canada's emission. The plan seeks to reduce Canada's emissions by 42%, focusing on cutting the oil and gas
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sector as part of a pie in the sky plan to meet our 2030 reduction goal. Trudeau's plan promises to
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make carbon capture tax credits available to the industry by 2022. No details on that. We're told
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that they will be released soon. The government will also put in place a sales mandate to ensure
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that 20% of new light duty vehicles sold in Canada will be zero emissions by 2026, spending a bunch of
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money, $400 million in fact, on installing charging stations for electric vehicles across the country,
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more rebates, more schemes. So we see lots and lots of spending, lots and lots of money, kind of thin
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on plans, and very little about how much this will cost the average Canadian taxpayer, how much it will
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cost you and I, everyday Canadians, living our lives through increased taxes, increased prices. So
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joining me today to help make sense of this climate action plan, Trudeau's government schemes to reduce
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climate change, I'm very pleased today to be joined by Dr. Ross McKittrick. Ross is a Canadian economist
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specializing in environmental economics, and he's also a policy analyst, a senior fellow over at the
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Fraser Institute. He is a professor of economics over at Wealth University. He's a prolific writer. He
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has been writing on this topic for a very, very long time, the author of several books. You can find
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all of his work. It's available at rossmckittrick.com. So Ross, thank you so much for joining the show
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today. My pleasure, Candice. So I want to get your thoughts on Dustin Trudeau's plan that he announced
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yesterday. What do you make of it? Is it grounded in reality? Is it possible that he is going to
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accomplish the targets that he lays out? Well, the first thing that struck me, I went through it,
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it's almost 150 pages long. Nowhere in that whole report is there any mention of how much this is
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going to cost people. And that kind of omission isn't accidental. I think they genuinely don't care.
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I mean, it's been the pattern with this government's climate policies all the way along.
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They set targets, they announce rules, and there's no analysis of the costs. I was involved in a project
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last year through the Fraser Institute to put some costs out there for people to begin to give them
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some sense of how much the carbon tax is going to hit. But the government itself does not do any cost
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analysis. And that, to me, suggests both that they're very careless in their policy development
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process. But also, it's ideologically driven. There's no sense of balancing costs and benefits
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here. This is a green ideology. And as far as they're concerned, they don't care how much it's
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going to cost. The second thing that strikes me here is it's so out of step now with the geopolitical
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situation that we're in. They are talking about radically scaling back the Canadian energy sector
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right at the time when Europe is practically begging us to increase our export capacity for oil and natural
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gas so that they can get off of Russian sources. And it's really bizarre just in terms of European and
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global security that now that the world is really cleaved into the West, where countries like Canada
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and the US that have huge reserves of oil and gas, and we're also democracies and cooperative countries,
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and we could supply other countries and other regions. And then you've got the dictatorships. You've
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got Russia and some of the Middle Eastern countries and Venezuela. And this government's plan is basically
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consigning the world to do business with dictators. And they're saying, don't count on us, we are going
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to be scaling back our production capacity with what are unrealistic targets. But if they actually plan
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to implement them, the only way they can do it is essentially shutting down large parts of the Canadian
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energy sector, right at the time when the world is telling us they would really like us to ramp up
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production. Well, it seems like Justin Trudeau's strategy has been one that doesn't
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please anybody. Because basically, when you look at the analysis over at the CBC, and what the left is
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saying about this is that it doesn't go far enough, it doesn't cut oil enough. We look back at Canada,
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we had the worst emissions record in the G7 in 2021, despite the fact that the climate change is
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supposedly Justin Trudeau's main priority. So the left isn't happy with him. On the right, there's just
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incredible frustration, especially in parts of the country that produce energy, like Alberta with
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the way that pipelines and projects have just been strangled with regulation. And so it doesn't seem
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like he's really pleasing anybody. Why do you think he takes this approach where he doesn't really come
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out and ban energy and oil and gas? He doesn't do what the left really wants. But at the same time,
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we don't see the kind of production and growth that the economy is really begging for.
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Well, don't go giving him any ideas. I think that he would like to move a lot more aggressively. It's
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probably just the advisors that he has, and also the people in the civil service who understand the
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way the economy works, who succeed in putting the brakes on some of the worst elements of his thinking.
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I actually sympathize with the criticism on the left that despite all the blather in this report,
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there's very little in the way of concrete action. In the end, it comes down to a few more subsidy
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programs, a proposal that by 2035, they're essentially going to ban internal combustion engines.
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Well, he'll be out of the picture, hopefully long before then. But otherwise, it's just talking around
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the issues. And there's all the usual phrases in these kinds of reports about it's time to take bold
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action and we need transformative change. But when you turn the page looking for what the bold action
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is and the transformative change, it's just they're on to the next topic now. And so someone on the left
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who was looking for really concrete measures would come away disappointed by the end of it because
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there's nothing there. From an economics point of view, the other thing that jumps out here is
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they spent a long time selling the carbon tax. Okay. And on the economic logic of a carbon tax is
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it's the only thing you do. It's all you need is a carbon tax. You put a price on the emissions and
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then let the market figure out what's the cheapest way of cutting emissions in response. So they have the
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carbon tax and it's pretty steep and it's going to get very steep over the next few years. But it's as if they've
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decided, yeah, it doesn't work after all, because now we've got 150 pages of new regulations to throw
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at people. If they believed all their own rhetoric about the carbon tax, they wouldn't need any
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regulations. Those would be superfluous and they wouldn't be needed. So the fact that they're
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introducing all these new rules, it just undermines their own logic as far as putting in place a carbon
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tax as their main policy platform. Well, and the sort of talking heads that we see in the legacy
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media talking about how the carbon tax is actually a free market approach. Well, it isn't, to your
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point, a free market when you're also adding in thousands of new regulations to try to strangle the
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industry. It is a free market approach if you use a carbon tax instead of regulation. If you use the
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carbon tax and regulation, it's worse than either one alone. So they're really giving us the worst of
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both here. That's interesting. And one of the things we just learned, the parliamentary budget
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officer last week put out a report stating that most households see a net loss from the carbon tax
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despite the rebate scheme. So the liberals repeatedly said in their partisan talking points during the
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election that most families will be better off because of this rebate and that they won't have a net
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loss from the carbon tax. That isn't true. They continue to use these rebate schemes and promise
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to do so without much accountability. I wonder, Ross, if you could talk about what a better alternative
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would be for people who care about the environment, people who are worried about climate change.
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If the carbon tax doesn't reduce emissions and it doesn't save Canadian households money,
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it's a failed program. What would you suggest as an alternative?
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Well, we have to back up a step and ask where these emission reduction targets came from in the first
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place because there's this false notion that, well, if you care about dealing with climate change,
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what we need to do is hit a 30 or 40% emission reduction target. But that's not a logical step
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for Canada to reduce our emissions by that amount. The research over the years, especially since the
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Kyoto Protocol came into place, was that when countries like Canada, when we reduce our emissions,
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all that happens is the emitting activity just moves somewhere else. We just end up importing
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the carbon content, but it's produced in China or India or countries like that. So all the pain that we
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endure from these emission reduction programs doesn't actually reduce global emissions of CO2.
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What we would be better off doing is helping countries like China and India make the transition
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from coal to natural gas and improving their energy efficiency. And they can get onto the same kind of
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trajectory which we are on, which is our emissions are still going up, but a slower than population growth
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where our emissions per capita are going down. And that's really the appropriate target, especially
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given that this government wants to increase population considerably through a very expanded
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immigration program. The number one driver for us of greenhouse gas emissions growth is population
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growth. And so this is another contradiction. I think people on the left are picking up on this as
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well, that the same government that really wants to push the main driver of greenhouse gas emissions up
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is also putting forward proposals that we should get emissions down. I don't think there's a lot of
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scope for a country like Canada to eliminate its greenhouse gas emissions like the whole talk around net zero.
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Technically, that is completely impossible unless you're prepared to shut the whole country down.
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And so as long as we keep circling around that that kind of a buzzword rather than talking about
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where the global emissions are really coming from and how we can help those countries
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make a transition, it it ends up just being a sterile discussion that goes nowhere.
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Well, you wrote recently in the Financial Post, I want to talk about this article,
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you wrote that conservatives who want to lead on climate issue must start debating extremists who
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currently dominate the discussion. And in that piece you wrote about the problem with trying to achieve
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net zero is that it would destroy our economy, basically, and that we need to sort of start talking
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about the issue in a different way. So I'm wondering if you could sort of lay out what
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your advice would be if you were advising the next conservative leader of this country.
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If you're going to start the whole discussion, just taking at face value all the premises of
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the liberal talking points, you end up down the same dead end. Promising compliance with the Paris
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Treaty or ambitious emission reductions with no way to achieve it that don't involve imposing massive costs on
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the country. Someone at some point needs also to stand up and say most of what you hear on climate,
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including from the Prime Minister is untrue. And for example, right at the beginning of yesterday's
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report, they talk about the problem of rising forest fires. Well, you can look up the number of forest
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fires each year in Canada, they're on the Ministry of Natural Resources website, they've been going down in
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Canada since 1990. Environment Canada and climate change has made it clear, they don't see any evidence of
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increased extreme precipitation in the Canadian record, which goes back many decades. Things like
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that, that's what we need to push back against. And I think it'll take a bit of courage. And it also means a
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political leader has to actually get tutored on the subject and learn what's really going on and what's really in the
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expert reports. Because groups like the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, they put out reports,
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and they explain all this. And yet, what people see in the Toronto Star or the Globe and Mail is a cartoon
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version of the report that isn't an accurate summary of it. So I would like to see a conservative politician,
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or any politician push back on it by saying, let's stick with the mainstream information and the actual
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data. And when you look at that, this is not an existential crisis. This is not an emergency. We're
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not going to destroy our economy to address this. It's one of the many issues we have to deal with. And
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so we'll deal with it by setting targets and goals that make sense for a country like Canada. But we're not
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going to treat this as a three alarm fire that requires us to take emergency measures that
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will end up destroying the economy. Well, we see so many politicians, especially in the liberal
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government or in the US on the Democrat side, take advantage of any weather event or any extreme weather
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event and directly link it to climate. You mentioned forest fires. We saw that repeatedly by the Trudeau
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government. I can't help but wonder. I mean, I see these high school students going out on protests,
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and I know that it's because of the things that they're taught in schools, the messages being
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relayed to them. Most newspaper companies and media companies in Canada have dedicated climate change
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reporters whose job day in and day out is to create news around the issue of climate change, whether there
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is any news to be reported on or not. And so as a result of all these things, activism within schools,
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universities as well as media and politicians, of course, using the extremist rhetoric,
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we have this feeling that climate is a pressing issue. You wrote about this in the Financial Post
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piece as well, that most people, by pulling data in the US, Canada and the UK, they talk about how
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climate is their top priority or a top priority. But then whenever the policies are put in to make
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their energy more expensive, to make gas more expensive, they sort of revolt. And we saw that in Ontario with
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the McGuinty-Winn government. So I'm wondering if you can comment on the sort of propaganda around
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climate change and how that impacts our politics.
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Greg Phillips- It, you make a good point that young people, especially growing up in Canada,
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are bombarded from all sides, including the entertainment sector, that climate change is a crisis.
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And what they don't hear from the government, apart from pushing back against the inaccuracies of the
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alarmist message, they're never told what it's going to cost. In fact, what they're consistently told is,
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there's this existential crisis, it's going to destroy us all. And guess what, the solutions will
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make us better off. It's actually a big economic opportunity, new industries, wonderful new jobs.
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So when plans like what the government put out yesterday, to the extent it talks about the
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economics, it makes these promises that, don't worry, this will actually make us all better off.
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And what we saw, as you mentioned, the Parliamentary Budget Office came out with a report that said,
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no, what the government said on this last year was untrue. This will make most people worse off.
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And the whole Green Revolution will make people a great deal worse off. It can't do anything else if
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it really makes energy more expensive and forces people to use less energy. You have to make people
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worse off. It does point, though, I guess, to the shallowness of the alarmist ideology in the general
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public, in the sense that when people really perceive a crisis, they will incur any cost to deal with it.
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But despite the fact that polls do show, apparently, a high level of support for climate action,
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people are not willing to incur a high cost to address it. And I think because, in the end,
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they've accepted the idea that, yes, there's a climate crisis, and it won't cost anything to deal
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with it. Or if it costs anything, it's just a few people in the energy industry that will lose a bit
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of money, but they can afford it. So let's just go ahead and do it. What they don't see is this is
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going to cost me my job, and this is going to put my family's budget in the hole or going to make it
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too expensive to heat the house. Once that starts to be the story, then what looked like strong support
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for climate action evaporates. Now, you brought up the Ontario example, and I think that's a perfect
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example. The McGuinty Wind government thought they had a huge amount of popular support for their
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climate plans. I mean, and the polls showed it, that it was very popular. They won elections on these
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plans to rejig the electricity system. And then they did it, and the price of electricity more than doubled,
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and the public threw them out. And so when this government
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commissions polls and gets advice that, hey, this is going to be really popular with the public,
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remember, part of that is you've told the public, this won't cost anything, and in fact,
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we'll make them better off. And when that turns out not to be true, those polls are worthless.
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It's so interesting. And it's like we have to relive it over and over again, because those of us in
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Ontario went through this with McGuinty in 2012 and 2014 with Wynn. And here we are with the same
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people advising Justin Trudeau that were advising McGuinty back then, and they're trying to implement
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some of these same plans. One other piece that I wanted to ask you about, apart from your Financial
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Post article that you wrote, and I didn't know this, but you talked about how the Intergovernmental
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Panel on Climate Change and its recent Six Assessment Report does not use terms like emergency
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or catastrophe to describe the climate issue. And an individual named William Nordhaus won the 2018
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Nobel Prize in Economics for work that showed, among other things, that the best response to climate
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change focuses mainly on adaption rather than mitigation. His cost-benefit analysis shows that
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trying to stop climate change would be far worse for the world than doing nothing. This is so
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groundbreaking, and yet this is not what we hear. We don't hear this from conservative politicians. We
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hardly hear it at all in the media. You know, only people like yourself writing in more conservative
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leaning newspapers do we hear this kind of thing. How can we get the message out that there is a better
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solution to trying to preserve the environment and set up climate change? And that is not by coming up
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with all of these government schemes to try to meddle with the economy, but rather focusing on how we
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can adapt to a changing climate. Well, you're asking, in a sense, what I've spent 20 years trying to do,
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which is just explain what the economics shows here. And Nordhaus' analysis is very well known within
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economics. It's known in the climate science community too. I mean, a lot of people in the
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climate science community get really frustrated with Nordhaus because they would like to see
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economists making a case for dramatic emission reductions. But, and Nordhaus definitely is not the
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only one. It's that whole field that's worked on what's called integrated assessment modeling.
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They keep coming back with the same message that in the case of CO2 emissions, and we're specifically
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talking about CO2 emissions, it is so expensive with current technology to try to reduce them. You
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really end up having to tell people to stop using energy. And so, yes, there's some low value CO2 emissions
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that we could eliminate. But otherwise, over the next 100 years, unless technology changes dramatically,
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we are looking at just adapting to the changes, which historically has turned out to be not very
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costly for economies to do. And here again, there's just a huge amount of empirical evidence that
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climatic variations don't impose big costs on advanced economies. They're more costly for poor countries,
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but then the answer to that is to help the poor countries become wealthy and not trap them in
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poverty by telling them to stop using energy. So it's going back to the question of, you know,
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what's the alternative here? I would say the alternative, and this is a consistent message over
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many decades in the economics field, is think about the climate issue the way we think about every other
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issue, which is compare the costs and benefits of what you're proposing to do and don't overdo it and
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don't promise things that you couldn't afford to do. On other forms of air pollution, we have made
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dramatic emission reductions. So particulates and sulfur dioxide, carbon monoxide, for instance,
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tailpipe emissions from motor vehicles. We hardly even measure carbon monoxide in
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Canadian cities anymore. There's only a handful of places because the levels went so low once cars had
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catalytic converters put on them. And so that was a case where there was a technology that came out
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that it's very inexpensive and it eliminates the emissions. And so that dealt with the problem. It
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made sense to be very ambitious. Same with particulates. Scrubbers and better motor vehicle engines
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dramatically reduce particulate pollution in the cities. So we could set ambitious targets and meet them
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and not interfere with the economy in the process. So that made sense. Carbon dioxide is different. This is
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really key for people to understand. If you're going to dramatically reduce carbon dioxide emissions around the world,
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you're basically telling people to stop using our main sources of energy without providing them an alternative.
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And that's why for many decades, this climate issue has gone nowhere because there's no way around that
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technical constraint. Well, there's so much good news from this story that we don't focus on. And instead,
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it's like we have this sole focus on climate change without talking about the broader
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environment and some of the better strategies to deal with. So I really appreciate your time,
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Ross, today and all the work that you do. I encourage people to go over to his website,
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RossMcKittrick.com and find all of your writing and all of your reports on this topic. Thank you so
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much for joining the show today. Thanks, Candice. My pleasure.
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Hey, thanks for tuning in. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.