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The Candice Malcolm Show
- March 30, 2022
Trudeau doubles down on his failed climate schemes
Episode Stats
Length
25 minutes
Words per Minute
161.98268
Word Count
4,098
Sentence Count
207
Hate Speech Sentences
2
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his radical environmental minister Stephen Galbaugh have
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released their new climate plan alongside the NDP. Their plan is doubling down on a failed
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climate scheme, setting more unrealistic target emissions. Is there an alternative though? Is
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there a realistic plan out there that can both protect our natural environment while also putting
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our economy first and putting our national interest first? I'm Candice Malcolm and this is the Candice
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Malcolm Show. Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning into the program. So as you likely saw
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yesterday, Tuesday morning, the Trudeau NDP government released their new carbon plan. It is
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doubling down on a very bad strategy that they have had from the beginning. So among other things,
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they promised to spend $9 billion in taxpayer money, new taxpayer dollars spending to reduce
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Canada's emission. The plan seeks to reduce Canada's emissions by 42%, focusing on cutting the oil and gas
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sector as part of a pie in the sky plan to meet our 2030 reduction goal. Trudeau's plan promises to
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make carbon capture tax credits available to the industry by 2022. No details on that. We're told
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that they will be released soon. The government will also put in place a sales mandate to ensure
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that 20% of new light duty vehicles sold in Canada will be zero emissions by 2026, spending a bunch of
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money, $400 million in fact, on installing charging stations for electric vehicles across the country,
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more rebates, more schemes. So we see lots and lots of spending, lots and lots of money, kind of thin
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on plans, and very little about how much this will cost the average Canadian taxpayer, how much it will
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cost you and I, everyday Canadians, living our lives through increased taxes, increased prices. So
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joining me today to help make sense of this climate action plan, Trudeau's government schemes to reduce
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climate change, I'm very pleased today to be joined by Dr. Ross McKittrick. Ross is a Canadian economist
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specializing in environmental economics, and he's also a policy analyst, a senior fellow over at the
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Fraser Institute. He is a professor of economics over at Wealth University. He's a prolific writer. He
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has been writing on this topic for a very, very long time, the author of several books. You can find
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all of his work. It's available at rossmckittrick.com. So Ross, thank you so much for joining the show
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today. My pleasure, Candice. So I want to get your thoughts on Dustin Trudeau's plan that he announced
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yesterday. What do you make of it? Is it grounded in reality? Is it possible that he is going to
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accomplish the targets that he lays out? Well, the first thing that struck me, I went through it,
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it's almost 150 pages long. Nowhere in that whole report is there any mention of how much this is
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going to cost people. And that kind of omission isn't accidental. I think they genuinely don't care.
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I mean, it's been the pattern with this government's climate policies all the way along.
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They set targets, they announce rules, and there's no analysis of the costs. I was involved in a project
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last year through the Fraser Institute to put some costs out there for people to begin to give them
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some sense of how much the carbon tax is going to hit. But the government itself does not do any cost
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analysis. And that, to me, suggests both that they're very careless in their policy development
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process. But also, it's ideologically driven. There's no sense of balancing costs and benefits
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here. This is a green ideology. And as far as they're concerned, they don't care how much it's
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going to cost. The second thing that strikes me here is it's so out of step now with the geopolitical
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situation that we're in. They are talking about radically scaling back the Canadian energy sector
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right at the time when Europe is practically begging us to increase our export capacity for oil and natural
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gas so that they can get off of Russian sources. And it's really bizarre just in terms of European and
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global security that now that the world is really cleaved into the West, where countries like Canada
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and the US that have huge reserves of oil and gas, and we're also democracies and cooperative countries,
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and we could supply other countries and other regions. And then you've got the dictatorships. You've
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got Russia and some of the Middle Eastern countries and Venezuela. And this government's plan is basically
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consigning the world to do business with dictators. And they're saying, don't count on us, we are going
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to be scaling back our production capacity with what are unrealistic targets. But if they actually plan
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to implement them, the only way they can do it is essentially shutting down large parts of the Canadian
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energy sector, right at the time when the world is telling us they would really like us to ramp up
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production. Well, it seems like Justin Trudeau's strategy has been one that doesn't
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please anybody. Because basically, when you look at the analysis over at the CBC, and what the left is
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saying about this is that it doesn't go far enough, it doesn't cut oil enough. We look back at Canada,
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we had the worst emissions record in the G7 in 2021, despite the fact that the climate change is
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supposedly Justin Trudeau's main priority. So the left isn't happy with him. On the right, there's just
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incredible frustration, especially in parts of the country that produce energy, like Alberta with
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the way that pipelines and projects have just been strangled with regulation. And so it doesn't seem
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like he's really pleasing anybody. Why do you think he takes this approach where he doesn't really come
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out and ban energy and oil and gas? He doesn't do what the left really wants. But at the same time,
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we don't see the kind of production and growth that the economy is really begging for.
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Well, don't go giving him any ideas. I think that he would like to move a lot more aggressively. It's
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probably just the advisors that he has, and also the people in the civil service who understand the
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way the economy works, who succeed in putting the brakes on some of the worst elements of his thinking.
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I actually sympathize with the criticism on the left that despite all the blather in this report,
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there's very little in the way of concrete action. In the end, it comes down to a few more subsidy
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programs, a proposal that by 2035, they're essentially going to ban internal combustion engines.
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Well, he'll be out of the picture, hopefully long before then. But otherwise, it's just talking around
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the issues. And there's all the usual phrases in these kinds of reports about it's time to take bold
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action and we need transformative change. But when you turn the page looking for what the bold action
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is and the transformative change, it's just they're on to the next topic now. And so someone on the left
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who was looking for really concrete measures would come away disappointed by the end of it because
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there's nothing there. From an economics point of view, the other thing that jumps out here is
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they spent a long time selling the carbon tax. Okay. And on the economic logic of a carbon tax is
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it's the only thing you do. It's all you need is a carbon tax. You put a price on the emissions and
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then let the market figure out what's the cheapest way of cutting emissions in response. So they have the
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carbon tax and it's pretty steep and it's going to get very steep over the next few years. But it's as if they've
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decided, yeah, it doesn't work after all, because now we've got 150 pages of new regulations to throw
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at people. If they believed all their own rhetoric about the carbon tax, they wouldn't need any
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regulations. Those would be superfluous and they wouldn't be needed. So the fact that they're
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introducing all these new rules, it just undermines their own logic as far as putting in place a carbon
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tax as their main policy platform. Well, and the sort of talking heads that we see in the legacy
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media talking about how the carbon tax is actually a free market approach. Well, it isn't, to your
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point, a free market when you're also adding in thousands of new regulations to try to strangle the
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industry. It is a free market approach if you use a carbon tax instead of regulation. If you use the
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carbon tax and regulation, it's worse than either one alone. So they're really giving us the worst of
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both here. That's interesting. And one of the things we just learned, the parliamentary budget
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officer last week put out a report stating that most households see a net loss from the carbon tax
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despite the rebate scheme. So the liberals repeatedly said in their partisan talking points during the
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election that most families will be better off because of this rebate and that they won't have a net
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loss from the carbon tax. That isn't true. They continue to use these rebate schemes and promise
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to do so without much accountability. I wonder, Ross, if you could talk about what a better alternative
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would be for people who care about the environment, people who are worried about climate change.
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If the carbon tax doesn't reduce emissions and it doesn't save Canadian households money,
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it's a failed program. What would you suggest as an alternative?
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Well, we have to back up a step and ask where these emission reduction targets came from in the first
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place because there's this false notion that, well, if you care about dealing with climate change,
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what we need to do is hit a 30 or 40% emission reduction target. But that's not a logical step
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for Canada to reduce our emissions by that amount. The research over the years, especially since the
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Kyoto Protocol came into place, was that when countries like Canada, when we reduce our emissions,
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all that happens is the emitting activity just moves somewhere else. We just end up importing
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the carbon content, but it's produced in China or India or countries like that. So all the pain that we
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endure from these emission reduction programs doesn't actually reduce global emissions of CO2.
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What we would be better off doing is helping countries like China and India make the transition
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from coal to natural gas and improving their energy efficiency. And they can get onto the same kind of
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trajectory which we are on, which is our emissions are still going up, but a slower than population growth
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where our emissions per capita are going down. And that's really the appropriate target, especially
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given that this government wants to increase population considerably through a very expanded
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immigration program. The number one driver for us of greenhouse gas emissions growth is population
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growth. And so this is another contradiction. I think people on the left are picking up on this as
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well, that the same government that really wants to push the main driver of greenhouse gas emissions up
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is also putting forward proposals that we should get emissions down. I don't think there's a lot of
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scope for a country like Canada to eliminate its greenhouse gas emissions like the whole talk around net zero.
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Technically, that is completely impossible unless you're prepared to shut the whole country down.
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And so as long as we keep circling around that that kind of a buzzword rather than talking about
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where the global emissions are really coming from and how we can help those countries
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make a transition, it it ends up just being a sterile discussion that goes nowhere.
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Well, you wrote recently in the Financial Post, I want to talk about this article,
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you wrote that conservatives who want to lead on climate issue must start debating extremists who
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currently dominate the discussion. And in that piece you wrote about the problem with trying to achieve
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net zero is that it would destroy our economy, basically, and that we need to sort of start talking
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about the issue in a different way. So I'm wondering if you could sort of lay out what
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your advice would be if you were advising the next conservative leader of this country.
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If you're going to start the whole discussion, just taking at face value all the premises of
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the liberal talking points, you end up down the same dead end. Promising compliance with the Paris
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Treaty or ambitious emission reductions with no way to achieve it that don't involve imposing massive costs on
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the country. Someone at some point needs also to stand up and say most of what you hear on climate,
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including from the Prime Minister is untrue. And for example, right at the beginning of yesterday's
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report, they talk about the problem of rising forest fires. Well, you can look up the number of forest
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fires each year in Canada, they're on the Ministry of Natural Resources website, they've been going down in
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Canada since 1990. Environment Canada and climate change has made it clear, they don't see any evidence of
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increased extreme precipitation in the Canadian record, which goes back many decades. Things like
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that, that's what we need to push back against. And I think it'll take a bit of courage. And it also means a
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political leader has to actually get tutored on the subject and learn what's really going on and what's really in the
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expert reports. Because groups like the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, they put out reports,
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and they explain all this. And yet, what people see in the Toronto Star or the Globe and Mail is a cartoon
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version of the report that isn't an accurate summary of it. So I would like to see a conservative politician,
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or any politician push back on it by saying, let's stick with the mainstream information and the actual
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data. And when you look at that, this is not an existential crisis. This is not an emergency. We're
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not going to destroy our economy to address this. It's one of the many issues we have to deal with. And
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so we'll deal with it by setting targets and goals that make sense for a country like Canada. But we're not
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going to treat this as a three alarm fire that requires us to take emergency measures that
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will end up destroying the economy. Well, we see so many politicians, especially in the liberal
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government or in the US on the Democrat side, take advantage of any weather event or any extreme weather
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event and directly link it to climate. You mentioned forest fires. We saw that repeatedly by the Trudeau
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government. I can't help but wonder. I mean, I see these high school students going out on protests,
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and I know that it's because of the things that they're taught in schools, the messages being
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relayed to them. Most newspaper companies and media companies in Canada have dedicated climate change
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reporters whose job day in and day out is to create news around the issue of climate change, whether there
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is any news to be reported on or not. And so as a result of all these things, activism within schools,
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universities as well as media and politicians, of course, using the extremist rhetoric,
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we have this feeling that climate is a pressing issue. You wrote about this in the Financial Post
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piece as well, that most people, by pulling data in the US, Canada and the UK, they talk about how
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climate is their top priority or a top priority. But then whenever the policies are put in to make
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their energy more expensive, to make gas more expensive, they sort of revolt. And we saw that in Ontario with
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the McGuinty-Winn government. So I'm wondering if you can comment on the sort of propaganda around
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climate change and how that impacts our politics.
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Greg Phillips- It, you make a good point that young people, especially growing up in Canada,
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are bombarded from all sides, including the entertainment sector, that climate change is a crisis.
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And what they don't hear from the government, apart from pushing back against the inaccuracies of the
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alarmist message, they're never told what it's going to cost. In fact, what they're consistently told is,
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there's this existential crisis, it's going to destroy us all. And guess what, the solutions will
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make us better off. It's actually a big economic opportunity, new industries, wonderful new jobs.
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So when plans like what the government put out yesterday, to the extent it talks about the
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economics, it makes these promises that, don't worry, this will actually make us all better off.
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And what we saw, as you mentioned, the Parliamentary Budget Office came out with a report that said,
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no, what the government said on this last year was untrue. This will make most people worse off.
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And the whole Green Revolution will make people a great deal worse off. It can't do anything else if
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it really makes energy more expensive and forces people to use less energy. You have to make people
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worse off. It does point, though, I guess, to the shallowness of the alarmist ideology in the general
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public, in the sense that when people really perceive a crisis, they will incur any cost to deal with it.
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But despite the fact that polls do show, apparently, a high level of support for climate action,
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people are not willing to incur a high cost to address it. And I think because, in the end,
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they've accepted the idea that, yes, there's a climate crisis, and it won't cost anything to deal
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with it. Or if it costs anything, it's just a few people in the energy industry that will lose a bit
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of money, but they can afford it. So let's just go ahead and do it. What they don't see is this is
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going to cost me my job, and this is going to put my family's budget in the hole or going to make it
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too expensive to heat the house. Once that starts to be the story, then what looked like strong support
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for climate action evaporates. Now, you brought up the Ontario example, and I think that's a perfect
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example. The McGuinty Wind government thought they had a huge amount of popular support for their
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climate plans. I mean, and the polls showed it, that it was very popular. They won elections on these
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plans to rejig the electricity system. And then they did it, and the price of electricity more than doubled,
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and the public threw them out. And so when this government
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commissions polls and gets advice that, hey, this is going to be really popular with the public,
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remember, part of that is you've told the public, this won't cost anything, and in fact,
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we'll make them better off. And when that turns out not to be true, those polls are worthless.
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It's so interesting. And it's like we have to relive it over and over again, because those of us in
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Ontario went through this with McGuinty in 2012 and 2014 with Wynn. And here we are with the same
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people advising Justin Trudeau that were advising McGuinty back then, and they're trying to implement
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some of these same plans. One other piece that I wanted to ask you about, apart from your Financial
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Post article that you wrote, and I didn't know this, but you talked about how the Intergovernmental
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Panel on Climate Change and its recent Six Assessment Report does not use terms like emergency
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or catastrophe to describe the climate issue. And an individual named William Nordhaus won the 2018
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Nobel Prize in Economics for work that showed, among other things, that the best response to climate
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change focuses mainly on adaption rather than mitigation. His cost-benefit analysis shows that
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trying to stop climate change would be far worse for the world than doing nothing. This is so
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groundbreaking, and yet this is not what we hear. We don't hear this from conservative politicians. We
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hardly hear it at all in the media. You know, only people like yourself writing in more conservative
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leaning newspapers do we hear this kind of thing. How can we get the message out that there is a better
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solution to trying to preserve the environment and set up climate change? And that is not by coming up
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with all of these government schemes to try to meddle with the economy, but rather focusing on how we
00:21:04.980
can adapt to a changing climate. Well, you're asking, in a sense, what I've spent 20 years trying to do,
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which is just explain what the economics shows here. And Nordhaus' analysis is very well known within
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economics. It's known in the climate science community too. I mean, a lot of people in the
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climate science community get really frustrated with Nordhaus because they would like to see
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economists making a case for dramatic emission reductions. But, and Nordhaus definitely is not the
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only one. It's that whole field that's worked on what's called integrated assessment modeling.
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They keep coming back with the same message that in the case of CO2 emissions, and we're specifically
00:21:56.420
talking about CO2 emissions, it is so expensive with current technology to try to reduce them. You
00:22:02.580
really end up having to tell people to stop using energy. And so, yes, there's some low value CO2 emissions
00:22:10.580
that we could eliminate. But otherwise, over the next 100 years, unless technology changes dramatically,
00:22:17.060
we are looking at just adapting to the changes, which historically has turned out to be not very
00:22:24.660
costly for economies to do. And here again, there's just a huge amount of empirical evidence that
00:22:31.380
climatic variations don't impose big costs on advanced economies. They're more costly for poor countries,
00:22:41.140
but then the answer to that is to help the poor countries become wealthy and not trap them in
00:22:47.940
poverty by telling them to stop using energy. So it's going back to the question of, you know,
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what's the alternative here? I would say the alternative, and this is a consistent message over
00:23:02.980
many decades in the economics field, is think about the climate issue the way we think about every other
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issue, which is compare the costs and benefits of what you're proposing to do and don't overdo it and
00:23:16.340
don't promise things that you couldn't afford to do. On other forms of air pollution, we have made
00:23:22.900
dramatic emission reductions. So particulates and sulfur dioxide, carbon monoxide, for instance,
00:23:30.980
tailpipe emissions from motor vehicles. We hardly even measure carbon monoxide in
00:23:35.780
Canadian cities anymore. There's only a handful of places because the levels went so low once cars had
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catalytic converters put on them. And so that was a case where there was a technology that came out
00:23:46.420
that it's very inexpensive and it eliminates the emissions. And so that dealt with the problem. It
00:23:54.100
made sense to be very ambitious. Same with particulates. Scrubbers and better motor vehicle engines
00:24:01.940
dramatically reduce particulate pollution in the cities. So we could set ambitious targets and meet them
00:24:07.620
and not interfere with the economy in the process. So that made sense. Carbon dioxide is different. This is
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really key for people to understand. If you're going to dramatically reduce carbon dioxide emissions around the world,
00:24:21.860
you're basically telling people to stop using our main sources of energy without providing them an alternative.
00:24:28.100
And that's why for many decades, this climate issue has gone nowhere because there's no way around that
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technical constraint. Well, there's so much good news from this story that we don't focus on. And instead,
00:24:47.700
it's like we have this sole focus on climate change without talking about the broader
00:24:52.660
environment and some of the better strategies to deal with. So I really appreciate your time,
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Ross, today and all the work that you do. I encourage people to go over to his website,
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RossMcKittrick.com and find all of your writing and all of your reports on this topic. Thank you so
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much for joining the show today. Thanks, Candice. My pleasure.
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Hey, thanks for tuning in. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
00:25:15.940
I'm Candice Malcolm.
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