Trudeau is marching Canada down a dark path
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Summary
Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergency Measures Act on Monday afternoon, giving himself broad and sweeping powers that are previously unprecedented during peacetime. Why? And what does this mean for our civil liberties? To help make sense of all of this, we speak with Ryan O'Connor, a Toronto-based lawyer working as a partner at Zayuna Law Firm.
Transcript
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Why on earth did Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoke the Emergency Act and what exactly does
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it give him the power to do? I'm Candace Malcolm and this is the Candace Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning into the podcast today. So as you know,
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Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergency Measures Act on Monday afternoon. This is the most dramatic
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move possible for a prime minister in Canada, giving himself broad and sweeping powers that
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are previously unprecedented during peacetime. So these powers were not used during the Oka
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crisis in 1990. They were not used following 9-11 or following the terrorist attack on Parliament Hill
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when an active terrorist shooter entered Parliament just steps away from where members of Parliament
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were meeting. But Trudeau invoked them this week. Why? Because a small group of maybe a few hundred
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truckers refused to leave and continued to camp out in Ottawa. Was the Freedom Convoy really that
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big of a threat? Was this necessary? And what exactly does this give Trudeau the power to do?
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Well, to help me make sense of all of this, I am joined by Ryan O'Connor. Ryan O'Connor is a
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Toronto-based lawyer working as a partner at Zayuna Law Firm. O'Connor has written articles in the
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Toronto Sun, Post Media and Post Millennial. Outside of his work as a lawyer, O'Connor serves as a director
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on the board of Ontario Proud. And I think most importantly, Ryan, you are married to the wonderful
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Jessica who represented True North when we sued the Trudeau government's debate commissions back
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during the 2019 federal election. We won triumphantly because of her work, her brilliant
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work as a lawyer. And it was a huge victory for all Canadians for free speech and freedom of press.
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So thank you so much for joining us today, Ryan.
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Well, it's good to be with you, Candice. And that latter point is probably my proudest accomplishment.
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Me too, me too. Well, Ryan, I want to, on a more serious note, I want to ask you about the
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Emergencies Act, because there was sort of a lot of confusion as to what it did. I know that some
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people online last night were saying that this was, you know, martial law, and it was suspending
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civil liberties and other Trudeau supporters were pushing back saying, no, it doesn't go that broad.
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And this has parliamentary oversight. So can you help us make sense of what exactly this act does
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So the Emergency Act was enacted in 1988. It replaced the War Measures Act, which the Prime Minister's
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father, Pierre, had enacted in 1970 in response to the October crisis, the terrorist attacks were going
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on in Quebec, kidnappings, assassinations. And one of the reasons why this was enacted was to ensure that
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this emergency legislation that we had was compliant with the Charter, which had come into effect six
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years prior. There are very strict criteria that have to be met in order for the Federal Cabinet, in this case,
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to declare what's called a national emergency. There has to be, broadly speaking, a threat to public safety
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that's beyond the capacity of a province to deal with. And in fact, the national emergency is defined as being
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beyond the capacity of any of our current laws to address. So it can be seen to be sort of a
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last step for a government that has exhausted all options in a time of actual crisis. But there's a
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very real question from a legal perspective is whether or not that definition of national emergency
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has been met, and whether or not we're in such a crisis at this stage in response to protests and
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some blockades that would warrant the enactment of very significant legislation that can trample on
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Well, so what does the Trudeau government say? Like they must have issued some kind of
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legal document saying what the crisis is, why they believe it's a crisis, and why the current laws
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are not enough insufficient to help them deal with this?
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Well, they've issued an order in council, which is an order of the Federal Cabinet. One of the
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justifications was the economic impact that some of these blockades have had. Let's bear in mind that
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the blockade in the Windsor-Detroit area, the Ambassador Bridge in Ontario, has been clear.
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That blockade is no longer impacting the local economy or the Canadian economy broadly. There
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are still some blockades at border crossings, we understand. But it appears that law enforcement
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officials have the ability and the discretion to deal with that. But some of the other justifications,
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again, just don't make sense. They're concerned about political donations that might be financing
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the trucker convoy and the blockades. And again, citing the economic impact that blockades have
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had because Canada is recovering from the pandemic. You know, we've had two years where government
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policy has imposed very significant restrictions on the economy that have had economic impacts for
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small businesses, you know, and individuals. So, you know, the government's using justifications
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for these extreme measures that, you know, frankly, have existed for the last two years, and it hasn't
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it hasn't utilized. So it's a bit perplexing reading the order and counsel. And there's also a reference
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to an impact, I'm paraphrasing, on supply chains, on economic activity. Well, you know, the government's
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mandates have had that impact on economic activity long before these blockades were imposed. So those are
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some of the justifications that the Trudeau Cabinet has used to justify invoking this national emergency.
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Okay, one other question on this topic of why they would do this. So there was a tweet on Tuesday
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afternoon from Ashley Burke over at the CBC. She writes this public safety minister says what's
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driving the demonstrations across Canada is a quote, very small and organized group driven by an ideology
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to overthrow the government for whatever means they may wish to use unquote, she goes on to say
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that Minister Mendicino said that the arrest in Coutts, Alberta is an example of this, what the government
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is concerned talking about how a cache of weapons were seized. And she continues to say public,
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public safety minister, Mark Mendicino has said there have been multiple people trying to characterize
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the blockades as about vaccines and mandates, and about fatigue with the pandemic. But he says that is
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not what is driving this movement. So so, Brian, this is the first I'm hearing about this whole idea that
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that this whole freedom convoy was just a front to actually overthrow the Trudeau government,
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and that there's a small, you know, serious group of driven by ideology to overthrow the government.
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Was that mentioned in the order in council? And is this something that you've heard before?
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Well, that's not specifically mentioned in the order in council. It's not something that I've
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heard generally, there's been rumblings online about the motivations of some of the
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the protesters, you know, this is a very broad movement in Canada, I'm sure many of them would
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want to see this government replaced with a different political party, given how they've,
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you know, the policies have enacted during the pandemic. But I don't know if this is based on
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intelligence that the government has access to and is letting the public know about. So I'm not so
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sure where it's going with that. But the government has to be very careful that this national emergency
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was not declared solely because it might disagree with the objectives of some of the protesters.
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If you simply disagree with the government and want to have a protest, that's what happens in
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a liberal democracy. And it cannot and should not ever be used as justification to impose very
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sweeping laws that can restrict assembly, very sweeping laws that can freeze, in this case,
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bank accounts without judicial authorization, and to clear otherwise legal political protests.
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So the government is treading on very dangerous water. If they believe that this is something
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ideological, you know, an attempt to take over the government, so to speak, without justification.
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So it's somewhat concerning to hear that, when the government didn't even indicate that in
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Okay, so so we sort of get some kind of a murky picture of why the government would do this. Let's
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let's talk a little bit about what they now have the powers to do, because you touched on a little
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bit seizing bank accounts, and Christia Frillian came out talking about how insurance policies can be
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canceled, people can lose their corporate bank accounts. And Justin Trudeau talked about how
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truck drivers, sorry, tow truck drivers can be compelled now to tow these trucks, because that
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was part of the problem that they were having before. So can you can you help us understand what
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what exactly is being enabled and whether any of this, these options and these new powers have been exercised?
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Well, we'll have to, we'll have to wait and see if they're exercised. The cabinet now has given
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itself the authority to issue orders that they had expressed the intended to yesterday, commandeering
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tow trucks to clear heavy vehicles from protests, freezing assets of accounts that are believed to be
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financing the convoy and, and also or alternatively, the blockades. Now, the cabinet can under the legislation
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was properly invoked, and the emergency was properly declared, then the government does have wide
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latitude to issue those those regulations. Some of those regulations haven't, to my mind, been published
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yet. So we'll see. And the government does have seven days to issue a motion before parliament, which
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can be discussed and debated about its justification and its intention. So a lot of this is still unfolding
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and remains to be seen. But this is very broad legislation that does allow cabinet wide latitude
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to issue those, those orders. And some of those have very significant civil liberties implications,
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commandeering private property and freezing bank accounts, the most significant of that.
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Well, so interestingly, we've heard several legal groups and constitutional groups come out and
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oppose this, the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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which are both sort of more centre right rule of law groups, but also the Canadian Civil Liberties
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Association, which is more of a left-wing group. They've all condemned the decision to invoke these
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powers. Do you think that will have any bearing? Do you think that, you know, lawyers trying to stop
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this? Like, what can lawyers do to try to stop this? What can Canadians do to try to stop this? And do you
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think that these critics will have any impact on this?
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Well, it largely depends on the focus of a challenge. We still have to see whether or not
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co-tracks are being commandeered, bank accounts are actually being frozen, or if this just is an
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attempt to disquelch opposition to this government. It is heartening, from my perspective, to see those
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who might be identified as more progressive groups, as well as groups on the other side of the spectrum,
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more conservative in nature, opposing this. That tells you that a lot of lawyers oppose this.
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You know, this again, this is unprecedented. This act has never been invoked before. And those who
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have been lobbying for the invocation of the Emergency Act, whether they be politicians and
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those who may be supportive of this government, we know the NDP has endorsed this, despite not
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endorsing a lot of the, you know, the recent pandemic restrictions necessarily. You know, it's unfortunate
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to see them endorsing it, but at the same time, it's heartening to see that there are people who
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generally oppose this. And look, at the end of the day, if you oppose the protests and the motivation
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behind them and oppose the blockades and the motivation behind them, you know, what's to say
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the government can't use these powers in the future against a cause that you support? And it should give
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all of us applause as Canadians, as well as lawyers, that when you start to exercise this power and it
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starts to become normalized, it may be used against causes that you believe in. And we're all plural for
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it in a liberal democracy, if that's the case. Absolutely. And so many of the people who are
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okay with it today or cheering it along were the same kind of people that were ripping their hair
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out over, over just, sorry, over Stephen Harper's. I saw Stephen Taylor tweet that, you know, many of
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the same people who agree with this were very upset when Stephen Harper removed the long form census.
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And that was something that they thought was a threat to liberal democracy. And here they are
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standing, standing quietly by. So, I mean, it's interesting because we, you know, we talk about
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groups that have come out against it. We've also interestingly seen some people come out in favor
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of it. I saw Peter McKay tweeted in favor of saying it's necessary. I believe he had a piece in the
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National Post saying that same thing. I haven't really heard a huge uproar from Candace Bergen and
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the Conservative Caucus. You know, why do you think that there haven't been more, why hasn't there been
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more political pushback? Doug Ford, the premier of Ontario, seems to be perfectly happy with it.
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Why, why are these conservatives going along with a huge power grab by a liberal prime minister?
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I think there's a tension there with those on the conservative side of the spectrum,
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because they often portray themselves as being supportive of law and order. And, you know,
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there are some lawbreakers, like, you know, the best example was the Ambassador Ridge blockade.
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Any sort of blockade of critical infrastructure should be dealt with in the confines of the law.
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But the law already allowed us to allow governments, pardon me, and police to clear
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the blockade in Windsor without a national emergency. We've seen some of the other blockades be
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be cleared out in various other places. So I think there's a tension on, you know,
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for conservative parties say, well, they want to still support law and order, and this is a way
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to do so. But what I find fascinating more generally is that no one on any side of the
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political spectrum seriously called for the invocation of the Emergencies Act when our critical
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infrastructure, rail, forestry and the like, were being impeded during the protests and blockades in
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February 2020. No serious person was advocating for the potential suspension of civil liberties and
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the imposition of the Emergencies Act. Yeah, for some reason, that's par for the discourse this
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time. And I find that to be incredibly disheartening. No one should approach this from a political
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perspective. They should approach it from a civil liberties perspective. And I think we should,
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I'll be alarmed wherever anyone is on the spectrum about the challenges of civil liberties that this
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Well, that sort of reminds me, we saw the image right around the same time as Justin Trudeau was
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making his announcement of invoking these Emergency Measures Act. There was a pretty
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ruckus looking protest in Gastown in my hometown of Vancouver, where they violently desecrated a
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statue, tore it down, the statue of Gassy Jack, who that's sort of the latest person on the hit list,
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I suppose, for some left wing activists. They pulled the statue down. Interesting, because I haven't seen
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any of that kind of violence or desecration or destruction of private property at the trucker
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protests. But yet, you know, to your point, no one would have ever imagined invoking emergency
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measures over these things. Why does a society, why does a prime minister treat left wing groups
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so differently than pro-freedom working class groups?
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Well, the prime minister sees that there's an emergency, but it's not a national emergency.
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It's a political emergency. The prime minister is being squeezed from both ends of the spectrum.
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We've seen that in recent polling numbers. His response has been seen to be inadequate by those
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who want a more forceful response. And he's also being opposed by others in the political spectrum who
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want to see him remove all mandates and all COVID restrictions and let Canadians move on with their
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lives. So that's created, as I said, a political emergency for the Liberal Party. And they're taking an
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opportunity, ironically, two years into the pandemic, when there may have been justifications potentially
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at the beginning of the pandemic to assert these powers. The prime minister is doing so now because
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he's being politically squeezed. And that just demonstrates the cynicism of this. This, again,
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is potentially very draconian legislation that should only be invoked in rare circumstances,
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perhaps if there's a war or a serious natural disaster. But the prime minister appears to be invoking
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it not for those reasons, but for his own political and partisan gain. And I frankly find that to be
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cynical and, and frankly, an affront to liberal democracy.
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Well, I agree. I hope he pays a political price. Well, final question for you, Ryan. So what do you,
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what do you think is lying ahead? What's going to happen in the next few days here,
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both in parliament in terms of getting this, this emergency act through to the point where they can
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actually start using the powers. And then once those powers are enabled, what, what, what do you expect to
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see on the streets in places like Ottawa? I don't know if there's anyone left in Windsor. I don't think so.
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But in wherever else these trucker convoy, convoy protests may pop up.
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Well, we saw with Ontario's declaration of emergency, it really didn't change things aside from clearing
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the blockade, which would have presumably been cleared anyways, there was a court injunction.
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You know, the trucker convoy in Ottawa has been there now going on for weeks, and I don't think they're going
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anywhere. I don't know that there's an appetite to clear those individuals out, nor should there be
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if they're peacefully protesting in the parliamentary precinct. But what is going to unfold in parliament
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over the next few days is very interesting. The emergencies act requires that the government
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table a motion for consideration within seven days. The state of emergency, pardon me, the national
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emergency can exist for 30 days, there are opportunities to extend that. But there's also a
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built-in accountability mechanism. And I just wonder if the Liberal government is really considered that
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there has to be an inquiry into the use of the emergency power, that inquiry has to start within
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60 days after the end of the emergency. And there has to be a report to parliament on that inquiry within
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360 days of the of the emergency. So there's a built-in accountability mechanism. And while we hope
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that if there is overreach, that lawyers and legal organizations will be challenging any government
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overreach, particularly if it breaches the Charter of Rights or Constitution otherwise, there is a built-in
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accountability mechanism. And I'm hopeful that from that accountability mechanism over the next year,
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we'll see recommendations that will restrict government from ever using this this tool, which
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should be rarely used, but using it as a tool for political gain as opposed to supporting public safety
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and public health. Well, it's going to be really interesting to watch it unfold. I hope I hope,
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again, Trudeau pays the price. I hope this backfires on him. Because, again, we've seen unbelievable
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abuses of power over the last two years restrictions on our freedoms. And, you know, to pretend that this
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is some kind of a national emergency that warrants even more temporary emergency powers, I think,
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to many Canadians is just a complete farce. So Ryan O'Connor, lawyer in Toronto, thank you so much
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for joining the show. Thank you for helping us understand and break everything down.
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Good to be with you, Candice. Thank you. All right. Thank you so much for tuning in. I'm
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Candice Malcolm. And this is The Candice Malcolm Show.