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The Candice Malcolm Show
- February 16, 2022
Trudeau is marching Canada down a dark path
Episode Stats
Length
18 minutes
Words per Minute
183.88196
Word Count
3,402
Sentence Count
159
Summary
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Transcript
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Why on earth did Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoke the Emergency Act and what exactly does
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it give him the power to do? I'm Candace Malcolm and this is the Candace Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning into the podcast today. So as you know,
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Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergency Measures Act on Monday afternoon. This is the most dramatic
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move possible for a prime minister in Canada, giving himself broad and sweeping powers that
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are previously unprecedented during peacetime. So these powers were not used during the Oka
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crisis in 1990. They were not used following 9-11 or following the terrorist attack on Parliament Hill
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when an active terrorist shooter entered Parliament just steps away from where members of Parliament
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were meeting. But Trudeau invoked them this week. Why? Because a small group of maybe a few hundred
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truckers refused to leave and continued to camp out in Ottawa. Was the Freedom Convoy really that
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big of a threat? Was this necessary? And what exactly does this give Trudeau the power to do?
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Well, to help me make sense of all of this, I am joined by Ryan O'Connor. Ryan O'Connor is a
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Toronto-based lawyer working as a partner at Zayuna Law Firm. O'Connor has written articles in the
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Toronto Sun, Post Media and Post Millennial. Outside of his work as a lawyer, O'Connor serves as a director
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on the board of Ontario Proud. And I think most importantly, Ryan, you are married to the wonderful
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Jessica who represented True North when we sued the Trudeau government's debate commissions back
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during the 2019 federal election. We won triumphantly because of her work, her brilliant
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work as a lawyer. And it was a huge victory for all Canadians for free speech and freedom of press.
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So thank you so much for joining us today, Ryan.
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Well, it's good to be with you, Candice. And that latter point is probably my proudest accomplishment.
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Me too, me too. Well, Ryan, I want to, on a more serious note, I want to ask you about the
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Emergencies Act, because there was sort of a lot of confusion as to what it did. I know that some
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people online last night were saying that this was, you know, martial law, and it was suspending
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civil liberties and other Trudeau supporters were pushing back saying, no, it doesn't go that broad.
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And this has parliamentary oversight. So can you help us make sense of what exactly this act does
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and how it works?
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So the Emergency Act was enacted in 1988. It replaced the War Measures Act, which the Prime Minister's
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father, Pierre, had enacted in 1970 in response to the October crisis, the terrorist attacks were going
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on in Quebec, kidnappings, assassinations. And one of the reasons why this was enacted was to ensure that
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this emergency legislation that we had was compliant with the Charter, which had come into effect six
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years prior. There are very strict criteria that have to be met in order for the Federal Cabinet, in this case,
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to declare what's called a national emergency. There has to be, broadly speaking, a threat to public safety
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that's beyond the capacity of a province to deal with. And in fact, the national emergency is defined as being
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beyond the capacity of any of our current laws to address. So it can be seen to be sort of a
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last step for a government that has exhausted all options in a time of actual crisis. But there's a
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very real question from a legal perspective is whether or not that definition of national emergency
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has been met, and whether or not we're in such a crisis at this stage in response to protests and
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some blockades that would warrant the enactment of very significant legislation that can trample on
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Canadian civil liberties.
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Well, so what does the Trudeau government say? Like they must have issued some kind of
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legal document saying what the crisis is, why they believe it's a crisis, and why the current laws
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are not enough insufficient to help them deal with this?
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Well, they've issued an order in council, which is an order of the Federal Cabinet. One of the
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justifications was the economic impact that some of these blockades have had. Let's bear in mind that
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the blockade in the Windsor-Detroit area, the Ambassador Bridge in Ontario, has been clear.
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That blockade is no longer impacting the local economy or the Canadian economy broadly. There
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are still some blockades at border crossings, we understand. But it appears that law enforcement
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officials have the ability and the discretion to deal with that. But some of the other justifications,
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again, just don't make sense. They're concerned about political donations that might be financing
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the trucker convoy and the blockades. And again, citing the economic impact that blockades have
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had because Canada is recovering from the pandemic. You know, we've had two years where government
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policy has imposed very significant restrictions on the economy that have had economic impacts for
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small businesses, you know, and individuals. So, you know, the government's using justifications
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for these extreme measures that, you know, frankly, have existed for the last two years, and it hasn't
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it hasn't utilized. So it's a bit perplexing reading the order and counsel. And there's also a reference
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to an impact, I'm paraphrasing, on supply chains, on economic activity. Well, you know, the government's
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mandates have had that impact on economic activity long before these blockades were imposed. So those are
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some of the justifications that the Trudeau Cabinet has used to justify invoking this national emergency.
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Okay, one other question on this topic of why they would do this. So there was a tweet on Tuesday
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afternoon from Ashley Burke over at the CBC. She writes this public safety minister says what's
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driving the demonstrations across Canada is a quote, very small and organized group driven by an ideology
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to overthrow the government for whatever means they may wish to use unquote, she goes on to say
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that Minister Mendicino said that the arrest in Coutts, Alberta is an example of this, what the government
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is concerned talking about how a cache of weapons were seized. And she continues to say public,
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public safety minister, Mark Mendicino has said there have been multiple people trying to characterize
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the blockades as about vaccines and mandates, and about fatigue with the pandemic. But he says that is
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not what is driving this movement. So so, Brian, this is the first I'm hearing about this whole idea that
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that this whole freedom convoy was just a front to actually overthrow the Trudeau government,
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and that there's a small, you know, serious group of driven by ideology to overthrow the government.
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Was that mentioned in the order in council? And is this something that you've heard before?
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Well, that's not specifically mentioned in the order in council. It's not something that I've
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heard generally, there's been rumblings online about the motivations of some of the
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the protesters, you know, this is a very broad movement in Canada, I'm sure many of them would
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want to see this government replaced with a different political party, given how they've,
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you know, the policies have enacted during the pandemic. But I don't know if this is based on
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intelligence that the government has access to and is letting the public know about. So I'm not so
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sure where it's going with that. But the government has to be very careful that this national emergency
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was not declared solely because it might disagree with the objectives of some of the protesters.
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If you simply disagree with the government and want to have a protest, that's what happens in
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a liberal democracy. And it cannot and should not ever be used as justification to impose very
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sweeping laws that can restrict assembly, very sweeping laws that can freeze, in this case,
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bank accounts without judicial authorization, and to clear otherwise legal political protests.
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So the government is treading on very dangerous water. If they believe that this is something
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ideological, you know, an attempt to take over the government, so to speak, without justification.
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So it's somewhat concerning to hear that, when the government didn't even indicate that in
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its announcement yesterday.
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Okay, so so we sort of get some kind of a murky picture of why the government would do this. Let's
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let's talk a little bit about what they now have the powers to do, because you touched on a little
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bit seizing bank accounts, and Christia Frillian came out talking about how insurance policies can be
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canceled, people can lose their corporate bank accounts. And Justin Trudeau talked about how
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truck drivers, sorry, tow truck drivers can be compelled now to tow these trucks, because that
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was part of the problem that they were having before. So can you can you help us understand what
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what exactly is being enabled and whether any of this, these options and these new powers have been exercised?
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Well, we'll have to, we'll have to wait and see if they're exercised. The cabinet now has given
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itself the authority to issue orders that they had expressed the intended to yesterday, commandeering
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tow trucks to clear heavy vehicles from protests, freezing assets of accounts that are believed to be
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financing the convoy and, and also or alternatively, the blockades. Now, the cabinet can under the legislation
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was properly invoked, and the emergency was properly declared, then the government does have wide
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latitude to issue those those regulations. Some of those regulations haven't, to my mind, been published
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yet. So we'll see. And the government does have seven days to issue a motion before parliament, which
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can be discussed and debated about its justification and its intention. So a lot of this is still unfolding
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and remains to be seen. But this is very broad legislation that does allow cabinet wide latitude
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to issue those, those orders. And some of those have very significant civil liberties implications,
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commandeering private property and freezing bank accounts, the most significant of that.
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Well, so interestingly, we've heard several legal groups and constitutional groups come out and
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oppose this, the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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which are both sort of more centre right rule of law groups, but also the Canadian Civil Liberties
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Association, which is more of a left-wing group. They've all condemned the decision to invoke these
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powers. Do you think that will have any bearing? Do you think that, you know, lawyers trying to stop
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this? Like, what can lawyers do to try to stop this? What can Canadians do to try to stop this? And do you
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think that these critics will have any impact on this?
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Well, it largely depends on the focus of a challenge. We still have to see whether or not
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co-tracks are being commandeered, bank accounts are actually being frozen, or if this just is an
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attempt to disquelch opposition to this government. It is heartening, from my perspective, to see those
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who might be identified as more progressive groups, as well as groups on the other side of the spectrum,
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more conservative in nature, opposing this. That tells you that a lot of lawyers oppose this.
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You know, this again, this is unprecedented. This act has never been invoked before. And those who
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have been lobbying for the invocation of the Emergency Act, whether they be politicians and
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those who may be supportive of this government, we know the NDP has endorsed this, despite not
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endorsing a lot of the, you know, the recent pandemic restrictions necessarily. You know, it's unfortunate
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to see them endorsing it, but at the same time, it's heartening to see that there are people who
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generally oppose this. And look, at the end of the day, if you oppose the protests and the motivation
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behind them and oppose the blockades and the motivation behind them, you know, what's to say
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the government can't use these powers in the future against a cause that you support? And it should give
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all of us applause as Canadians, as well as lawyers, that when you start to exercise this power and it
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starts to become normalized, it may be used against causes that you believe in. And we're all plural for
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it in a liberal democracy, if that's the case. Absolutely. And so many of the people who are
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okay with it today or cheering it along were the same kind of people that were ripping their hair
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out over, over just, sorry, over Stephen Harper's. I saw Stephen Taylor tweet that, you know, many of
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the same people who agree with this were very upset when Stephen Harper removed the long form census.
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And that was something that they thought was a threat to liberal democracy. And here they are
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standing, standing quietly by. So, I mean, it's interesting because we, you know, we talk about
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groups that have come out against it. We've also interestingly seen some people come out in favor
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of it. I saw Peter McKay tweeted in favor of saying it's necessary. I believe he had a piece in the
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National Post saying that same thing. I haven't really heard a huge uproar from Candace Bergen and
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the Conservative Caucus. You know, why do you think that there haven't been more, why hasn't there been
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more political pushback? Doug Ford, the premier of Ontario, seems to be perfectly happy with it.
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Why, why are these conservatives going along with a huge power grab by a liberal prime minister?
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I think there's a tension there with those on the conservative side of the spectrum,
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because they often portray themselves as being supportive of law and order. And, you know,
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there are some lawbreakers, like, you know, the best example was the Ambassador Ridge blockade.
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Any sort of blockade of critical infrastructure should be dealt with in the confines of the law.
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But the law already allowed us to allow governments, pardon me, and police to clear
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the blockade in Windsor without a national emergency. We've seen some of the other blockades be
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be cleared out in various other places. So I think there's a tension on, you know,
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for conservative parties say, well, they want to still support law and order, and this is a way
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to do so. But what I find fascinating more generally is that no one on any side of the
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political spectrum seriously called for the invocation of the Emergencies Act when our critical
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infrastructure, rail, forestry and the like, were being impeded during the protests and blockades in
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February 2020. No serious person was advocating for the potential suspension of civil liberties and
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the imposition of the Emergencies Act. Yeah, for some reason, that's par for the discourse this
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time. And I find that to be incredibly disheartening. No one should approach this from a political
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perspective. They should approach it from a civil liberties perspective. And I think we should,
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I'll be alarmed wherever anyone is on the spectrum about the challenges of civil liberties that this
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is presenting.
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Well, that sort of reminds me, we saw the image right around the same time as Justin Trudeau was
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making his announcement of invoking these Emergency Measures Act. There was a pretty
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ruckus looking protest in Gastown in my hometown of Vancouver, where they violently desecrated a
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statue, tore it down, the statue of Gassy Jack, who that's sort of the latest person on the hit list,
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I suppose, for some left wing activists. They pulled the statue down. Interesting, because I haven't seen
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any of that kind of violence or desecration or destruction of private property at the trucker
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protests. But yet, you know, to your point, no one would have ever imagined invoking emergency
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measures over these things. Why does a society, why does a prime minister treat left wing groups
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so differently than pro-freedom working class groups?
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Well, the prime minister sees that there's an emergency, but it's not a national emergency.
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It's a political emergency. The prime minister is being squeezed from both ends of the spectrum.
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We've seen that in recent polling numbers. His response has been seen to be inadequate by those
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who want a more forceful response. And he's also being opposed by others in the political spectrum who
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want to see him remove all mandates and all COVID restrictions and let Canadians move on with their
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lives. So that's created, as I said, a political emergency for the Liberal Party. And they're taking an
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opportunity, ironically, two years into the pandemic, when there may have been justifications potentially
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at the beginning of the pandemic to assert these powers. The prime minister is doing so now because
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he's being politically squeezed. And that just demonstrates the cynicism of this. This, again,
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is potentially very draconian legislation that should only be invoked in rare circumstances,
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perhaps if there's a war or a serious natural disaster. But the prime minister appears to be invoking
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it not for those reasons, but for his own political and partisan gain. And I frankly find that to be
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cynical and, and frankly, an affront to liberal democracy.
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Well, I agree. I hope he pays a political price. Well, final question for you, Ryan. So what do you,
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what do you think is lying ahead? What's going to happen in the next few days here,
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both in parliament in terms of getting this, this emergency act through to the point where they can
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actually start using the powers. And then once those powers are enabled, what, what, what do you expect to
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see on the streets in places like Ottawa? I don't know if there's anyone left in Windsor. I don't think so.
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But in wherever else these trucker convoy, convoy protests may pop up.
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Well, we saw with Ontario's declaration of emergency, it really didn't change things aside from clearing
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the blockade, which would have presumably been cleared anyways, there was a court injunction.
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You know, the trucker convoy in Ottawa has been there now going on for weeks, and I don't think they're going
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anywhere. I don't know that there's an appetite to clear those individuals out, nor should there be
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if they're peacefully protesting in the parliamentary precinct. But what is going to unfold in parliament
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over the next few days is very interesting. The emergencies act requires that the government
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table a motion for consideration within seven days. The state of emergency, pardon me, the national
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emergency can exist for 30 days, there are opportunities to extend that. But there's also a
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built-in accountability mechanism. And I just wonder if the Liberal government is really considered that
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there has to be an inquiry into the use of the emergency power, that inquiry has to start within
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60 days after the end of the emergency. And there has to be a report to parliament on that inquiry within
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360 days of the of the emergency. So there's a built-in accountability mechanism. And while we hope
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that if there is overreach, that lawyers and legal organizations will be challenging any government
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overreach, particularly if it breaches the Charter of Rights or Constitution otherwise, there is a built-in
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accountability mechanism. And I'm hopeful that from that accountability mechanism over the next year,
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we'll see recommendations that will restrict government from ever using this this tool, which
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should be rarely used, but using it as a tool for political gain as opposed to supporting public safety
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and public health. Well, it's going to be really interesting to watch it unfold. I hope I hope,
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again, Trudeau pays the price. I hope this backfires on him. Because, again, we've seen unbelievable
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abuses of power over the last two years restrictions on our freedoms. And, you know, to pretend that this
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is some kind of a national emergency that warrants even more temporary emergency powers, I think,
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to many Canadians is just a complete farce. So Ryan O'Connor, lawyer in Toronto, thank you so much
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for joining the show. Thank you for helping us understand and break everything down.
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Good to be with you, Candice. Thank you. All right. Thank you so much for tuning in. I'm
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Candice Malcolm. And this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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