00:01:01.000We will not embrace the ideas that have destroyed countries, destroyed lives, and we are going to fight for freedom on campuses across the country.
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00:01:39.000Last week, we had Christopher Ruffo on the program, and Christopher Ruffo launched a couple salvos against Curtis Yarvin that I thought was a little bit below the belt.
00:01:52.000And I didn't feel equipped to necessarily involve myself.
00:01:56.000I said, Blake, get Curtis on the show.
00:01:59.000They had this viral debate on IM 1776, all about reform versus revolution.
00:02:30.000I think that, you know, as someone once said, loyalty is the most important political virtue and sort of the sense that Chris and I can disagree as effervescently as we do and still be, you know, very friendly and really consider ourselves allies is too strong a term because we're actually kind of doing different things.
00:02:52.000But, you know, definitely that I can be friends with Chris, you know, friends, maybe that's a little too strong, but we're certainly not enemies and is really great.
00:03:04.000And so, you know, but the difference between us is essentially that he thinks he is leading people into what is the promised land, but is actually a box canyon.
00:03:16.000And I am leading them on a much longer, more difficult course to, you know, the real promised land.
00:03:24.000I'm not to be a cult leader or anything, but that's essentially the difference.
00:03:28.000And so I think that Chris is very well-intentioned, but it's ultimately reality which decides whether your plans have any chance of coming in any sense to fruition.
00:03:40.000And if reality is right and you're wrong, you don't have the intent to be a sort of a grifter, but you are essentially a grifter.
00:04:37.000And I do sympathize with, you know, Chris on, you know, the aspirational idea of a free society.
00:04:43.000I thought you made some very good points of like, wait a second, you're not thinking radical enough.
00:04:48.000Like, we're up against some huge forces.
00:04:49.000So let's wind the tape back, walk our audience through what transpired.
00:04:54.000Well, I think that Chris's views on the American Republic as we have it are essentially evolutionary.
00:05:03.000I think he would say that politically this country was essentially on the right track.
00:05:11.000The republic, you know, the regime, if you will, was essentially on the right track from its brilliant founding and the Declaration of Independence to about basically the, I think for most conservatives, the point where everything went wrong is the JFK assassination, actually.
00:05:30.000Like they still sort of revere Kennedy and everyone before him in a kind of uniform and bipartisan way, apart from a few freaks, of course.
00:05:40.000But, you know, then LBJ is definitely a lib and libs are bad.
00:05:45.000And but if you're like, well, FDR was lib, they'd be like, you know, so there's a sense in which you basically see the kind of majestic history of the republic as being completely on track until basically the childhood of most living boomers.
00:06:04.000And I would describe this as essentially sort of, it's certainly the view of the world that as I, you know, became a conservative, I mean, I cried over Walter Mondale losing the election in 1984.
00:06:16.000But, but, but the like he sees the world as being on the right track.
00:06:22.000And I'm basically like, no, actually, just because you think the period from 1963 to now is basically a myth of the mainstream media and academic history and all of that, right?
00:06:36.000You know, you're not questioning the reality of the whole period before it.
00:06:42.000And you're basically using the fact that in this myth, the train is on the track the whole time to basically believe that the train was on the track the whole time.
00:06:52.000Well, if myths were true, all the children's books about Obama you could buy in your local bookstore would also be totally true.
00:06:59.000But some myths, though, Curtis, but some myths have an essence of truth and then a mythology grows around alongside of it.
00:07:06.000So you would agree the first half of the 20th century, America was pretty awesome.
00:07:12.000Or do you say, no, we went off track in the, you know, from the very beginning?
00:07:17.000Like, when would you say that we really diverted from our primary course?
00:07:25.000I don't know that I believe in the concept of a primary course at all, Charlie.
00:07:30.000And that's sort of the problem is that there's this essentially, you know, providential and let's use some academic terminology, exceptional kind of theorizing about America.
00:07:44.000And the thing is, in the past, American exceptionalism that sort of came out of our national traditions and so forth was sort of very plausible because America was such an exceptional nation.
00:07:55.000There was always an alternative theory, which was that an exceptional nation, which was what was bound to result if you gave an exceptional group of people an exceptional country, an exceptional and largely empty country.
00:08:09.000And when we look at basically, do you know what the full name of the nation to our south is, Charlie?
00:08:23.000And, you know, maybe a little bit of European ideas.
00:08:27.000But, you know, if these principles were the thing that made once made America great, we can certainly agree that it was great in the 1930s.
00:08:40.000You know, if these were the principles that once made America great, then you would expect these principles to apply in different historical.
00:08:52.000And the actual point is exactly right, which is it is people plus principles.
00:08:58.000However, the principles are important because you can have great people like the people of Iran and really bad government and you get nothing, right?
00:09:06.000So I think you would acknowledge, maybe not, that...
00:09:09.000Yes, of course, of course, of course, you can have very bad government that will produce, you know, any people can be governed badly.
00:09:17.000I think a better example might be the people of North Korea who I don't think are, you know, exactly.
00:09:28.000But, you know, the question of what is good or bad government was a question that was considered long before the pilgrims landed that is rooted sort of deep in historical tradition.
00:09:40.000And I essentially think that we need to basically abandon American exceptionalism entirely and treat ourselves as a normal part of history.
00:09:49.000Because certainly, you know, if you looked at all the people who believed in American exceptionalism 100 years ago, and you basically told them that, you know, you said, okay, we're doing an experiment.
00:10:02.000What would falsify the theory that America was this great and exceptional nation?
00:10:07.000And I'm like, well, what about, you know, the country massively in debt, the street filled with trash and beggars, you know, robberies rampant in major cities, right?
00:10:16.000You know, and they'd be like, okay, fine.
00:10:36.000And, you know, I think one of the most important concepts in political philosophy was developed about 130 years ago by the Italian political philosopher Gaetano Mosca.
00:10:47.000And Mosca said, you know, in Anglo-American theology, we have the idea of like the consent of the governed.
00:10:53.000And Musca rewords this in this sort of radically objective way.
00:10:59.000He says every society has what he calls a political formula.
00:11:04.000And the political formula is basically the reason that the people believe, that the people support whatever has power over them, because the minority, the ruling class will always rule over the ruled class, which is not to say that all governments are class rule.
00:11:20.000But in any case, you know, the classic example of a political formula is the pharaoh is the son of the sun.
00:11:29.000So basically, if you kill the pharaoh, the sun will go out, something, something.
00:11:33.000Therefore, certain love and obey your pharaoh.
00:11:35.000And these got sort of gradually more sophisticated until we sort of ended up with this 1930s political formula that essentially says the deep state is the voice of science, of scientific government.
00:11:47.000And so We have an entire administration, an entire theory of government, which is not built around the idea that the pharaoh is the son of the sun, but around the basically crazy 1930s, equally crazy 1930s idea that you can put science in charge of the government or academia in charge of the government.
00:12:14.000Okay, so basically, when you sort of think of like, this is where we are, and this is where we are in its fundamental and in a deeper and longer way that the USSR was where we are, where it is.
00:12:26.000So when basically, you know, and over time, this system was originally staffed by amazingly competent, creative people, really startup quality people in DC in the 1930s.
00:12:52.000And over time, and I had some delusions, I would say, about the world.
00:12:56.000I'm by no means an unqualified endorser of FDR and the New Deal, but these delusions over time kind of magnify and ossify and become like really stale and poisonous.
00:13:08.000And the people in the system gets worse and the bureaucracy gets worse and worse.
00:13:13.000And basically, you know, Criff Rufosky is like, you know, Christoph Rufosky is coming out as a dissident saying like the assistant farm commissioner in the Kharkov region, you know, plagiarized her dissertation.
00:13:25.000I'm like, okay, yeah, but like the problem isn't that.
00:13:28.000The problem is that we basically, except for a few charmed locations, like this country lives in an age of sh.
00:13:37.000And like, except for a few charmed locations, this world lives in an age of basically decay.
00:13:44.000And like, you know, except for like China, which is nowhere I'd like to live.
00:13:49.000And so you're seeing this kind of rotting world and then you're hearing this like triumphant voice of like, we're winning because we fired the assistant farm commissioner, right?
00:14:00.000You know, whereas when you see a real regime change, a real change in government, everything changes.
00:14:05.000If you were doing, if you were in West Germany, in East Germany in 1985 and in the unified Germany in 1995, your life is completely different.
00:14:15.000Everything you see is completely different, right?
00:14:18.000And, you know, that's not as drastic as the regime change in Germany between 1944 and 1946.
00:14:25.000The great thing about the Allied regime change in Germany in 1945 is that, to be quite frank, it was done by the Libs.
00:14:33.000So in a sense, you might be able to say anything they did then.
00:15:38.000Go to charliekirk.com, click on the pre-born banner.
00:15:43.000Curtis, you made such a good point last time.
00:15:44.000I want to emphasize that you mentioned it here too, which is in the 1930s, you had people of high character, high IQ, high ambition that were working in these bureaucracies.
00:16:49.000You know, just harvesting migrants and creating wars, as far as I can tell.
00:16:53.000It's, it's like you can at least say, I disagree with a lot of FDR's foreign policy choices, but, you know, FDR wanted to conquer the world.
00:17:54.000So what Rufo would say to that originally is, but like, we want to try to go back to course correct back to more of a founder's vision where it was left the states outside of the bureaucracies.
00:18:19.000If you look at the country as it is, and many Europeans, I love reading historical accounts of European travelers, but many Europeans have a very simple question, which is, why do these United States have 50 separate motor vehicle administrations?
00:18:36.000And, you know, the only possible answer to this question is not functional, but historical.
00:18:42.000Now, if the states were truly the laboratories of democracy in this sense, and let's say there's kind of, there's a Florida style of driving, an Alabama style of driving, they're slightly different.
00:18:54.000You know, people in Maine drive in a totally different way.
00:18:57.000Southern states don't even need to think about salting the roads, right?
00:19:17.000Why was that a case of the case originally?
00:19:19.000Why did the all-wise founders come up with that?
00:19:21.000Well, they lived in a world where the difference between Massachusetts and Virginia was like the difference was as great as like the difference between like, I don't know, Germany and Morocco today, right?
00:19:33.000So, you know, of course, this couldn't be treated as a single country.
00:19:37.000And, you know, and nor did anyone in the days of 76 really imagine it as a single country.
00:19:45.000And in some ways, the strongest point that was made in 1861, which I'm sure, you know, may be a contentious issue among some of your watchers, there's a great essay by Charles Francis Adams Jr., who was like, well, the reality was that, no, constitutionally, it wasn't.
00:20:04.000He's like, no, it's true that the Constitution never envisioned like amalgamating the country into a nation and like coercing states that tried to leave.
00:20:12.000On the other hand, it had become a nation.
00:20:15.000And the thing is, however much it had become a nation by 1861, they made it a national government.
00:20:25.000But actually, my God, if you asked Silicon Valley to spin up a new national motor vehicle administration in three months, they would do that.
00:20:37.000They could do that if you put enough money into Silicon Valley.
00:20:40.000And your days of like insane DMV hassles would be over because the new DMV would be run like Tesla.
00:20:47.000And I don't see why it shouldn't be run like Tesla or why it can't be run like Tesla.
00:20:51.000Well, because we don't want it to be run like Google.
00:21:25.000Would the president spend a third of his day on photo ops if he was really the CEO of the country?
00:21:31.000Intuitively, we all know that the president is not the CEO of the country, but we sort of like agreed to pretend in a very similar way that the Englishmen have agreed to pretend they have a king.
00:22:32.000And what are happening is exceptions that the bureaucracy can't handle are winding up on his desk and there's a vast torrent of them.
00:22:39.000And the country would not be really substantively any different if the way he checked these boxes on his desk was to roll the dice.
00:22:46.000And so actually, when you vote for the person who gets to sit on top of this, your attention is being disguised to the fact that from the fact that your democratic power has been essentially eliminated because the only election that people care about and the only election that even works, like the Congress, I mean, with its 98% encumbency rate, right?
00:23:10.000The only election that actually works is the presidential election.
00:23:13.000So if the president doesn't have any power, you've been systematically disempowered.
00:23:18.000They didn't hack the voting machines that just cut the wires leading out of the voting machines.
00:23:22.000And this was done before you were born.
00:23:24.000So that's a very bitter pill, I think, for some patriotic Americans to swallow that they really have to choose their country above their government.
00:23:32.000No, and I want to just zero in on this.
00:23:33.000And I think this is one of your strongest points, that we actually do not have an executive branch.
00:23:38.000We have some We do not have an executive branch.
00:23:42.000I guess there's an administrative state that calls itself an executive branch with like a ribbon-cutting pageantry placeholder that calls himself the president.
00:24:04.000You know, it's an administrative branch in very much the same sense that the snake that ate your sister is not your sister.
00:24:11.000And however, about the same size, you know.
00:24:16.000And the and this is again, so there are like, that's a difficult truth that because for a lot of time, you've been you're putting a lot of time humoring into humoring the snake on the assumption that she's your sister, right?
00:24:32.000There's a lot of sunk cost fallacy and like, you know, thermal lamps and so forth.
00:24:37.000But, but the, you know, there are even more disturbing, difficult, and unpleasant truths underneath this one.
00:24:47.000And the more difficult truth is that basically at the start of the 20th century, power was taken away from politicians by this class of sort of meritocratic oligarchs, by, you know, essentially, you know, by people like Charles Francis Adams, who I mentioned earlier, who were sort of American aristocrats educated on the continent.
00:25:11.000And they were just embarrassed by American politicians.
00:25:14.000They considered it ridiculous that New York City, one of the greatest cities on earth, should be in the hands of this corrupt Irish political machine, you know, Tammany Hall.
00:25:24.000And so, you know, all around, you remember like the urban, like good government movements, the early, early progressives before it meant communist.
00:25:33.000A progressive before 1930 does not necessarily mean communist.
00:25:40.000And, you know, and then you have great progressives like Teddy Roosevelt, for instance, who is in, you know, would absolutely abhor the condition of the country today.
00:25:50.000So basically, these kind of natural elites, you know, kind of surged forward and took over the government and they blended a hereditary elite with a selected elite.
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00:27:07.000So where I left off, we're back in the first half, really the start of the 20th century, when you have these rising institutions, essentially the universities in the university class, which is America's like, you know, it's old enough that it has a hereditary elite.
00:27:24.000It also learns this great trick of selecting really smart people with standardized tests.
00:27:30.000So a lot of like very Jews from very humble classes join this system and it creates this.
00:27:36.000Don't get me wrong, you know, the culture that's created is an Anglo culture, not a Jewish culture.
00:27:42.000You know, the Jews who go to Yale start calling themselves Irving.
00:27:45.000You know, the Jew, the WASPs at Yale don't call themselves Moisha, you know, but it creates this amazing, amazing meritocratic ruling class, amazing administrative class.
00:27:57.000You know, the universities, despite all this sort of ridiculous race stuff, still, you know, select a very good crop of people.
00:28:05.000And these were just very, very powerful systems and they created this oligarchical elite.
00:28:10.000Meanwhile, the American Republic that Chris Ruffo so loves is like this dying corrupt thing.
00:28:17.000It's like these politicians, you know, they're all, it's like, you know, if you look at sort of lib history of like the Gilded Age, as they call it, which is really the last period in which the country is really governed by elected politicians.
00:29:26.000Why don't you hit that before we, because I've okay, so you basically said, here's the problem with creating a new executive branch.
00:29:35.000First of all, or let me talk about creating a new executive branch and I'll get to the Google, the Google problem.
00:29:40.000So an executive organization, like a startup, like any functional company, like any functional military, runs from the top down.
00:29:48.000It runs on what the U.S. military calls mission orders.
00:29:51.000Everyone at every rank at every level has a mission to perform, resources, people, and money to do it with, and they don't get micromanaged.
00:30:00.000The whole point of like, whereas like the idea of using talking about micromanagement in the U.S. government, it's like talking about speeding at the Indy 500.
00:30:09.000It's talking about speeding on the Elon Musk starship, right?
00:30:13.000You know, everything is micromanagement there because, you know, there's this constant sort of concern for accountability pervading the whole thing, which again came in to get rid of the like corrupt, you know, politicians and their patronage jobs, which was the old system of the 1890s, right?
00:30:31.000So, and by the way, one date that most of your viewers probably don't know that should is 1980, because in 1980, on the way out, the first act of like woke race warfare against the USG was taken.
00:30:45.000President Carter, I think basically by suing himself, eliminated competitive examinations for the U.S. Civil Service.
00:30:52.000Only the Foreign Service still has them.
00:30:54.000So the whole bedrock basis of 20th century bureaucratic meritocracy is just being shredded up and thrown in the toilet by an expiring administration.
00:31:37.000When Vivek hires the Google employees, when Vivek hires the Googlers who are all libs, it doesn't matter because basically, if it's executive, it's run from the top down.
00:31:50.000Nobody gets to run the company from the bottom up.
00:31:53.000Nobody gets to send policy from the front lines.
00:31:56.000Personnel is no longer policy in an executive organization.
00:32:01.000And that means that a new regime can tap into the full administrative talent of this country, even though it's 85% lib.
00:32:24.000No, no, it's absolutely, it's like if you are actually trying to do anything serious in Washington, you realize quickly that there's a, you know, first of all, you know, the concern I have with the Trump administration is essentially, if you look at Donald Trump, you notice one fact which all Americans can agree on.
00:32:51.000He is, if elected, he is not eligible for re-election.
00:32:56.000What incentives will that place on Donald Trump?
00:33:00.000Actually, just this week, we saw that Donald helped organize the new Ukraine bill.
00:33:09.000I think that that, I don't know who, you know, the Trump office is a complicated place.
00:33:17.000I don't know which faction that came out of.
00:33:22.000You know, I mean, I thought Trump did good things and bad things like many people in this ridiculous job.
00:33:28.000But the incentives on Trump to basically conform and become a rhino were essentially are essentially magnified at this point.
00:33:42.000And so when we look at whether he can cut against the grain or back toward the grain, thus basically, as did Nixon and Reagan, legitimizing and basically making bipartisan many things that had previously been liberal and even extreme liberal causes, that will be the incentive on him.
00:34:05.000And at that point, knowing that incentive objectively, any predictions for his regime, any regime, for his administration, have to rely on his personal honor and honesty.
00:34:19.000And I'm like, well, let's then detrumify the conversation, just say personalization.
00:34:33.000We didn't get to this the last time, which is Curtis's ideas for electrifying the executive branch in the best possible way of trying to invigorate the country.
00:34:42.000What ideas, policy things, what can be done, if anything?
00:34:47.000So let's say President Vivek, to make this practical, let's say Donald Trump achieves a mighty victory and then passes away sadly, or even is assassinated by a deranged animal rights activist, which would be very sad.
00:35:13.000Well, Vivek would essentially be in a position, he needs to essentially assume the mandate that essentially is roughly the same mandate that FDR assumed in 1933.
00:35:29.000I do a fun, dramatic reading of the last 10 paragraphs of that speech.
00:35:34.000And he basically demands the power of a general resisting an enemy invasion.
00:35:39.000I think Vivek has to go a little farther than that.
00:35:42.000I think he has to assume essentially the powers of allied military administration in Germany.
00:35:47.000I think that's the closest historical connection.
00:35:51.000And the way to essentially, you know, and you're basically your first thought of like, wow, that's roughly 100,000 times more power than the president currently has.
00:36:04.000And what you have to realize when you think that is this is true, but also the political will on your side is much, much weaker.
00:36:13.000The people didn't have the political will to keep ruling.
00:36:16.000That's why they lost control to the bureaucrats.
00:36:19.000They actually just didn't care enough.
00:36:37.000In any case, President Vivek comes in and he's basically like, okay, his first task is actually to perform what they call in South American Otoku.
00:36:51.000So like President Fujimori in Peru, for example.
00:36:55.000Or FDR in 1933 comes close to this, not quite there, but he essentially, you know, he was sort of stopped in the 30s by the Supreme Court close to that.
00:37:09.000And so, okay, you're essentially, when you do that, you're essentially treating Washington the way the bankruptcy reorganizer treated the ruins of FTX.
00:37:20.000Okay, the idea of like anyone in previous management having any control over this thing is as ridiculous as putting Sam Bankman Fried back in charge of FTX.
00:37:31.000On the other hand, it's this gigantic, enormous thing with tons of money and assets and employees, and it's like 10,000 times bigger than FTX.
00:37:40.000So you're basically in the position of a bankruptcy administrator, or, you know, if you prefer, FDR said the enemy, the general resisting an enemy invasion.
00:37:50.000I would say the general of an enemy invasion.
00:37:53.000So basically, that's the level of power he needs.
00:41:14.000Because essentially, when you're erasing, remember I said that, you know, if you read, one of the great things about the Constitution is that it doesn't specify the precedence of the branches.
00:41:26.000And so in Marbury versus Madison, as every American high school student knows, the Supreme Court just kind of seizes command.
00:41:34.000And it's Marbury versus Madison is a coup.
00:41:37.000In fact, the Constitution itself is a coup, right?
00:41:39.000Any change in regime, the Articles of Confederation never abolished themselves, right?
00:41:45.000And they're, you know, and so what you're essentially doing, what the new president is doing in terms of the Constitution, because as FDR says in his first inaugural, that's kind of the genius of the Constitution is that it leaves things unspecified and that allows for change.
00:42:05.000Actually, each of the three branches has been supreme during the history of the U.S. because there's a brief period when the country was run by Thaddeus Stevens out of the Senate.
00:42:18.000And so what you're doing has to be understood within that framework.
00:42:24.000And within that framework, what you're saying is the power of the president has been usurped by the other two branches and has essentially been negated.
00:42:36.000And more than that, the only way to redeem this wrong, this essentially like sort of crime of like stealing democracy while everyone still believes in it, which is just an incredible freaking thing to do, to be honest, and might be excusable if you're doing it well.
00:42:53.000Might have been excusable when it was being done well, but now that is no longer being done well.
00:43:09.000You know, you actually have to say, no, what we call law is itself a mistake, because what the executive branch does, the whole process, the whole fabric of the deep state is absolutely compelled by law.
00:43:23.000And where it's not compelled by law, it's compelled by courts.
00:43:29.000If anyone can imagine a way of restoring a balance between these branches from the present supremacy of the legislative and judicial branches, I simply cannot imagine it as a real thing in any way on this earth.
00:43:46.000What I can imagine is restoring this balance by reserving absolute power to the chief executive.
00:43:54.000So in order to remedy this sort of great imbalance or this usurpation of the legislative and judicial branches over the executive branch, which has become the Democratic branch with a small D and thus has been rendered utterly toothless in the sense that the president himself has power over the government,
00:44:20.000the only remedy for this wrong is to put the president entirely in charge of the government.
00:44:29.000And that essentially means that the executive branch, far from being checked and balanced in a way that does not work and has left the executive branch not checked and balanced, but simply hogtied and held a hostage, is to render the executive branch completely unilateral.
00:44:50.000And when I talk about a completely unilateral presidency, I mean a president, President Vivek, let's say, let's hang this on poor Vivek.
00:45:00.000A president Vivek who in his inauguration speech declares a state of emergency.
00:45:08.000By the end of the day, he has unilateral control over both the security system and the financial system.
00:45:17.000He can print his own money at the Fed.
00:45:48.000As it's done, that's done in a state of, and basically the reason you do this, the reason you do this is very, very simple is that if you don't, you either get a complete fizzle or a civil war.
00:46:03.000So you're basically saying, for example, to Boston, okay, Boston, we know you voted for Biden.
00:46:18.000And all of those Boston cops who probably all voted for Trump will be basically obeying orders, trying to set up a competing government.
00:46:29.000And essentially, if you do anything more interesting, like all of the latitude for any course between that course and the course of just being another rhino cuck is vanishing.
00:46:55.000Do you have any concern that that sort of power will just obviously be abused and you get a really bad leader and all checks and balances are gone and you have people goose-stepping?
00:47:07.000You're swimming, if you're Leonardo DiCaprio and you're swimming in the icy wreckage of the Titanic and a lifeboat comes by to pick you up.
00:47:19.000Is it possible that the lifeboat could sink?
00:47:22.000Yes, it's very possible that the lifeboat could sink.
00:47:57.000A nation, an exceptional nation, which has a providential course, this piece of American history that's really dates to the 17th century and the Puritans.
00:48:08.000But the 17th century and the Puritans and basically every kind of generation before the modern one were also educated in the studies of antiquity.
00:48:16.000And they also had another model in mind, which is the rise and fall of Rome.
00:48:24.000And so when you look at the rise and fall of Rome, and of course, LARPing the Roman Republic was something the founders all did.
00:48:32.000And they were all confident that by doing it right, they could prevent the decline of their civilization, which was very similar in some ways to the Roman Republic with its very strong and virtuous aristocracy.
00:48:46.000They could prevent the decline of their society into the society of the Roman Empire.
00:48:52.000And they would immediately recognize our society as resembling that of the Roman Empire.
00:48:59.000But Curtis, you must acknowledge that the attachment to a free society that once existed that I have is admirable.
00:49:11.000And that that's a thing that lets place to our higher parts.
00:49:17.000And when people hear, just to be perfectly honest with you, because I have great respect, you know, we have police officers with red armbands, that terrifies people.
00:49:29.000And the thing is, the fact that it terrifies people should basically, remember I spoke of political formulas earlier.
00:49:37.000I would basically say that anything that leads you to be terrified of any replacement of the regime is a political formula.
00:49:47.000And it is a way of saying, you know, and so, for example, Rufo really thinks he's an opponent of the powers that be.
00:49:56.000Actually, what he's saying is tremendously supportive of the powers that be because he's saying without any evidence at all that these institutions can change in a way that makes them work, which is like saying, like, you know, every marriage has a formula too.
00:50:10.000It's like saying my like crack smoking triple amputee wife could stop smoking crack and get her arms and legs back, right?
00:50:18.000But, you know, like medical science done great things, right?
00:50:22.000But like, I don't see a realistic way to go from basically, I love Chris, but this kind of strategy of media hits, right, to actually, you know, performing this kind of serious operation.
00:50:37.000Moreover, when I basically think about how to perform this kind of serious operation, yes, it ends with all the cops wearing red armbands.
00:50:46.000And the, you know, even worse, it might be all the cops who support Trump are the only ones who wear red armbands, right?
00:50:52.000And the thing is that if you move very smoothly and decisively along that path and you skip straight to a winning strategy, you escalate before your opponent escalates.
00:51:08.000And it is always the mistake of basically conservatives that because they think there is a course and because they think they are on the right course, they escalate basically.
00:51:21.000much too slowly and they wind up doing half measures which either don't work or actually cause the explosion that they're afraid of.
00:51:29.000Whereas if you're actually worried about this, you know, sort of solution going wrong, sure, it's surgery in a way.
00:52:10.000So, yeah, I would say, you know, again, let's go back to this knowledge of like a predefined course or destiny of history.
00:52:18.000It's if you're actually worried about this going wrong, think about how to do it right.
00:52:26.000And actually, what you think about when you think about how to do it right is you realize that you're creating something that's much more like the fall of East Germany.
00:52:41.000It's a completely smooth and peaceful collapse.
00:52:45.000The thing is, the way to really do this badly is to basically be forced into it without a plan.
00:52:51.000And what will happen, supposing Donald Trump doesn't take the direction of rhinoing out, which he gets elected, he doesn't rhino out, which is absolutely his incentive to do so.
00:53:06.000He'll be like a respected, if eccentric, you know, he'll just basically sign whatever's put in front of him.
00:53:11.000That's what Arnold Schwarzenegger did when he was the governor of California, right?
00:53:16.000And if he doesn't take that direction, if he's just like, no, actually, this is my last chance to do something real on earth, then like I'm going to take a different direction.
00:53:36.000I'm going to take a different direction.
00:53:38.000And I'm going to actually go against the deep state.
00:53:43.000And what he gets going to find when he tries to go against the deep state or at least following it, or at least follow, is that it's going to be revved up to attack him in a way that makes his previous term look like George W. Bush's honeymoon with the press, which itself was shocking to even people who remember the Reagan administration.
00:54:05.000And he's going to be met with this incredible full court press of lawfare.
00:54:12.000And this regime has already discarded all standards of law when it comes to lawfare.
00:54:20.000The stuff that's being done is just absolutely ridiculous cargo cult law worthy of Liberia.
00:54:28.000This is the way they would prosecute the opposition presidential candidate in Liberia.
00:54:34.000Well, and just so everyone knows, as we close it out, Liberia has a similar constitution, literally an American flag.
00:54:50.000And so you're basically looking at this situation where he just has to keep doubling.
00:54:59.000His only remedy in the face of this attack is to keep doubling down or just completely cave.
00:55:04.000Moreover, he doesn't have any kind of roadmap, any kind of plan.
00:55:09.000He has no idea what to do if he needs to keep doubling down.
00:55:13.000And if he actually, the regime was so scared in November 1916, 2016, you know, they really thought that he cared as much about power as they did.
00:55:24.000And they knew that they had no defenses and he could just drive right over them.