Inside the First Presidency: Power, Fear, and the Bill of Rights | The American Story | Ep 9
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Summary
George Washington was a soldier, a farmer, a man who had already given everything he had to a country that just keeps asking for more. And today, it s asking again. Letters pile up on his desk like insistent knocks. Friends, colleagues, respected officers from war, statesmen from every corner of the young republic are saying the same thing: You must be the president. This fragile new experiment in self-government requires the best leadership. You need to be the President.
Transcript
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He's staring into a misty morning, relishing the quiet.
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indifferent to the weight settling on Washington's shoulders.
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A man who's already given everything he had to a country that just keeps asking for more.
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Letters pile up on his desk like insistent knocks.
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Friends, colleagues, respected officers from war, statesmen from every corner of the young
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republic, and all of them are saying the same thing.
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This fragile new experiment in self-government requires the best leadership.
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A heartfelt appeal arrives from France, written in the unmistakable hand of the Marquis de Lafayette, one of Washington's officers and good friends during the Revolution.
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Washington reads it more than once, maybe because it says what no one else dares to say.
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I beg you, my dear General, do not refuse the responsibility of the presidency during the first few years.
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You alone can make this political machine operate successfully.
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Washington exhales slowly. Responsibility. Expectation. Fear. Though he would never call
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it that. The public must not think he wants the office. He can't seem ambitious, hungry for power,
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king-like. He's against a king. The new constitution is barely ratified, the ink hardly dry.
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Americans are anxious, suspicious, terrified of any single man becoming too powerful,
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and Washington feels every bit of that weight. The pressure campaign is relentless on him. No
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one is more insistent than Alexander Hamilton, Washington's former aide during the Revolutionary
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War, now one of the most capable and ambitious political minds in America. Hamilton is very
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aware that Washington and his administration would create opportunities, namely a very important
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opportunity for himself. In August 1788, he writes, You will permit me to say that it is
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indispensable you should lend yourself to the new government's first operations. It is to little
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purpose to have introduced a system if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm
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establishment in the outset. It was flattering, but the quiet life of Mount Vernon held a lot
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more appeal to Washington. As he replied, on the delicate subject with which you conclude your
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letter, I can say nothing. For you know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that I am
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not guilty of affectation when I tell you it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace
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somewhat bookish neighbor from Virginia, adds his voice.
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He warns that if Washington refuses the whole project,
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everything they built, everything they fought for,
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would be the severest of all possible aggravations
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to our misery. So, Washington sits, holding these letters, knowing that if he accepts the
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presidency, he's stepping into a storm no one has ever faced before. A government with no road map,
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a people on the alert for signs of a monarchy, a world waiting to pounce on failure.
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it's the place he loves more than any battlefield
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I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness.
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America is about to choose its first president.
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But before the election, before the inauguration, before the fireworks, the parades, the prayers, there is this moment.
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One man, alone at his desk, accustomed to wrestling with difficult decisions,
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now faced with one of the hardest choices of his life.
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adapted from the book of the same title by David Barton and Tim Barton.
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Episode 9, Inside the First Presidency, Power, Fear, and the Bill of Rights.
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It's hard for Americans today to imagine just how fragile things felt in 1788.
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The new Constitution had been ratified, barely.
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But the fear of monarchy still hovered like a shadow over every conversation about the presidency.
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Americans had just fought a brutal war to escape the rule of a king.
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They didn't want to accidentally create a new one.
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That fear shaped how people viewed George Washington.
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But surprisingly, one of his greatest political advantages was something deeply personal.
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In a world where hereditary power was the norm, and in an environment terrified of that power,
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I firmly believe she would be demanded in marriage
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by one of the royal families of France or England,
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he would be invited to come according to Europe.
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For the very first presidential election in U.S. history,
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States either held popular votes to pick electors or, in many cases, state legislators appointed electors directly.
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Then each elector cast two ballots, one for president, one for vice president.
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There were no campaigns, no debates, no rallies.
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And yet, when the electors voted on February 1789, George Washington received all 69 votes.
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Behind the scenes, Alexander Hamilton had quietly pressured many northern electors not to vote for Adams.
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Hamilton feared that a closer margin might embarrass George Washington,
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or even worse, create confusion about who should lead the new government.
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Hamilton was playing a political game while claiming not to be playing a political game,
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When the new Congress assembled in April in New York City, they set salaries.
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$25,000 a year for the president and $5,000 a year for the vice president.
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He had refused pay as the general of the Continental Army, but this time he couldn't avoid it.
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Years of crop failures at Mount Vernon combined with a bad national economy
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and his inability to sell Western land holdings left him short on money.
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He actually had to take out a loan to travel to his own inauguration.
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On April 16th, 1789, Washington stepped into his carriage and left Mount Vernon.
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About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felicity,
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and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express,
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Set out for New York with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call
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But with less hope of answering its expectations
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He was already a national celebrity, but his journey north turned into a full-blown spectacle
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Town after town erupted in spontaneous celebrations as he passed through in Philadelphia
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citizens presented him with a white horse so he could make a dramatic entrance into the city
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in trenton new jersey a massive floral arch stretched across the road with a banner honoring
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him 13 young girls dressed in white scattered flower petals in his path by the time he reached
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new york city the city was overflowing with people washington could barely move through the crowds
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pressing in from every direction outside the three-story mansion that congress rented for him
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on Cherry Street. The Constitution said nothing about delivering an inaugural address,
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but Washington established this tradition. His draft, written in collaboration with an aide,
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was absurdly long and full of policy proposals. Washington sent it to James Madison, now a member
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of the House of Representatives, who tactfully advised him to ditch it. Beside being too long,
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Madison thought the policy proposals would be stepping on the toes of Congress.
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Madison then wrote a much, much shorter, tighter version.
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He also wrote Congress's official reply, as well as Washington's response to Congress.
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Madison was apparently concerned about Washington crossing separation of power boundaries,
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while having absolutely no qualms about crossing them himself.
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At that time, New York's City Hall had been remodeled into Federal Hall by a French engineer.
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The House of Representatives met on the first floor in a room with a public gallery.
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The Senate met on the second floor behind closed doors.
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In fact, the Senate's first hire was a doorkeeper
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whose job was to keep members of the public and the House of Representatives out of the room.
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Washington privately disliked the secrecy, but he never publicly condemned it.
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The Senate didn't open its doors to the public until 1794.
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And then on April 30th, the official procession formed outside of Washington's residence and
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he entered Federal Hall. He walked to the Senate chamber, vowed to both houses of Congress and
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took his seat. Then John Adams rose and proclaimed, Sir, the Senate and House of Representatives are
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ready to attend you to take the oath required by the Constitution. Washington then replied,
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He stepped onto the balcony overlooking Wall Street.
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Thousands packed the streets and surrounding rooftops.
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For the president's swearing in, the Constitution required only the oath of office.
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But that morning, a congressional committee decided that Washington should lay his hand on a Bible as he took the oath.
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That was the frantic last-minute search for a suitable Bible.
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A local Masonic lodge came up with a large, leather-bound Bible.
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for the inauguration of Presidents Harding, Eisenhower,
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At the conclusion, Washington picked up the Bible
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Then Livingston turned to the crowd and shouted,
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Washington delivered his inaugural address. He was visibly nervous.
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Congressman Fisher Ames of Massachusetts described the scene.
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His aspect grave, almost to sadness, his modesty actually shaking,
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his voice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for close attention.
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No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand,
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a grand procession escorted Washington up Broadway
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That evening, New York erupted with celebrations and fireworks.
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But Martha soon lamented that future First Families would come to know life in a fishbowl.
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What should the president officially be called?
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John Adams, ever drawn to formality, preferred something grand.
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The more simple, the more Republican we are in our manners,
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Fortunately, the House recommended and the Senate finally settled on just the President of the United States.
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Washington began working tirelessly to establish the new executive departments.
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No patronage, no backroom dealing, and he refused to appoint anyone who had openly opposed the Constitution.
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That summer, Congress created three departments, State, War, and Treasury.
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The Constitution says nothing about a presidential cabinet.
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Thomas Jefferson became the Secretary of State,
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and Alexander Hamilton was the Secretary of Treasury.
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Though the Senate confirmed Washington's picks,
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not everybody celebrated Hamilton's new influence.
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Beware of the artful designs and machinations of your late aide-de-camp, Alexander Hamilton,
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who, like Judas Iscariot, would, for the gratification of his boundless ambition, betray his lord and master.
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This uneasy tension between Washington's trust in Hamilton and the country's suspicion of him
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would eventually explode into one of the greatest political battles in American history.
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When an unexpected pregnancy happens, the focus is almost always on the mother and the dads.
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too often. They're overlooked, pushed to the side, left feeling like their voice doesn't matter.
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but fear sets in. Questions start racing. Can I really do this? Can I be a good father?
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That's exactly how John felt. John wrote to me and he said, me, dad, that didn't even feel possible.
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I didn't know the first thing about being a good father, but then we found pre-born. We talked to
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Hey, if you're enjoying this and you want to keep going,
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you don't have to wait a week for the next episode.
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Near the Jefferson Memorial in Washington today,
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tucked away from the crowds beneath the curved trellis
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Legs crossed, looking contemplative, almost lonely.
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His position slightly off to the side of the national spotlight.
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Mason is the founding father who doesn't get many headlines in our history books.
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But without his influence, we might not have the Bill of Rights.
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Etched beside Mason's statue is one of his quotes.
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I recommend it to my sons never to let the motives of private interest or ambition to induce them to betray.
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nor the terrors of poverty and disgrace or the fear of danger or of death deter them from
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asserting the liberty of their country and endeavoring to transmit to their posterity
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those sacred rights to which themselves were born. Mason had been obsessed with individual rights
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long before independence. In 1776, he wrote most of the Virginia Declaration of Rights,
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which later became a blueprint for several key protections in the U.S. Bill of Rights.
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But in 1787 at the Constitutional Convention, when the time came to sign the new Constitution,
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Mason refused. His objection was simple and unwavering. There was no Bill of Rights.
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Mason's vision eventually fell to someone who, ironically, had been skeptical of the
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idea at first. James Madison. Madison, reserved, cerebral, chronically frail, but stubbornly
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determined, found himself in an unusual position. As a Virginian, as a Washington trusted ally,
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and as one of the principal architects of the Constitution, he had to navigate political
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currents that shifted daily. Early on, Madison thought of the Bill of Rights as unnecessary
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because, as he argued, the federal government could only exercise powers the Constitution
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explicitly granted. How quaint. But in 1788, while running for a seat in the first U.S. House
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of Representatives, Madison encountered a political reality. Many voters, especially
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anti-federalists, were furious that the Constitution had no Bill of Rights. Madison realized that if
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he wanted the public to trust the new government, compromise was essential. Even if he believed a
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of Rights was unnecessary, he came to see that it was politically necessary to gain
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wider support for the new Constitution. Once elected to Congress, Madison made the Bill of
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Rights his top priority. In June 1789, he stood before the House and delivered a landmark speech
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proposing 20 amendments. Madison drew heavily from George Mason's Virginia Declaration of Rights,
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but Congress seemed uninterested. Members were preoccupied with setting up a functioning
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government, establishing the revenue system, and organizing the executive departments.
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The amendments kind of felt secondary, but Madison refused to let it all go.
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He hounded colleagues relentlessly, pulled them aside in the hallways, pressed them after sessions,
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and then sent them copies of his proposals. He asked President Washington to support the
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amendments, knowing Washington's approval carried enormous weight. Washington then wrote a letter
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endorsing them, which helped soften congressional resistance. Gradually, momentum began to build.
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A month later, Madison gave another speech to push the amendments forward. This time,
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the House formed a select committee, one member from each state, to review and refine the proposals.
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After the debate, the committee approved the draft containing 17 amendments.
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They were sent to the Senate, which revised them and reduced them to the number of 12.
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Then, on September 25, 1789, Congress approved all 12 amendments and sent them to the states for ratification.
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Only 10 were ratified, what we now know as the Bill of Rights.
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though formal ratification didn't occur until december 1791 the passage of the amendments
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was enough to convince the last holdouts north carolina and rhode island to finally ratify the
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constitution and join the new nation the bill of rights itself is short but monumental because it
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sets constitutional boundaries that leaders are not permitted to cross it would have been actually
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more accurate to call it the Bill of Limits, since it places direct restraints on federal
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authority. The First Amendment protects what are known as the five freedoms, religion, speech,
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press, peaceful assembly, and to petition the government. Now, over the past century,
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no clause has been more misinterpreted than the First Amendment's Establishment Clause,
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which declares, Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion
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As a young man traveling through Culpeper County, Virginia,
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James Madison passed a jail where several Baptist preachers were imprisoned.
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Their crime? Preaching without a license and publishing their views.
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Virginia's state-sanctioned Anglican Church had them prosecuted.
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It left a permanent mark on his understanding of liberty
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and his suspicion of government power over conscience.
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This memory shaped his drafting of the First Amendment.
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The Establishment Clause is straightforward and very clear,
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but in legal circles it has become muddled by the phrase
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that appears nowhere in the Constitution or Bill of Rights,
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Now that phrase, that came from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson
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Modern courts have leaned heavily on that phrase,
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but Jefferson didn't mean it in the way too many Americans now assume.
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Jefferson's record was unmistakably pro-religious liberty.
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He wrote Virginia's Statute for Religious Freedom,
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a broad protection against compelled belief and state imposition of religion.
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His views made him very popular with Baptist congregations around the country
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faiths. In 1801, a group of pastors from Danbury, Connecticut wrote Jefferson expressing concern
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that religious liberty existed only as a favor granted by the state, not as a natural right.
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Jefferson replied with a reassuring letter. Believing with you that religion is a matter
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which lies solely between man and his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or
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his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only and not opinions,
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I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that
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their legislature should make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the
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free exercise thereof, thus building a wall of separation between church and state.
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Jefferson's wall was not meant to prevent religious expression in public life. It was
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meant to reinforce the founders' understanding of two important religious clauses in the First
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Amendment. First, that the federal government may not create an official state church. Second,
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the government may not restrict religious beliefs and expression. What gets lost in the separation
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of church and state rhetoric is that Jefferson had no role in drafting the First Amendment.
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He was in Paris at the time, serving as the U.S. minister to France. Jefferson's own conduct as
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president, proved he did not believe the public square should be secularized. Two days after
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writing that letter, Jefferson attended church services held inside the U.S. Capitol. In fact,
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he attended there almost every week during his presidency and even had a reserve seat.
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No nation has ever yet existed or been governed without religion, nor can be. The Christian
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religion is the best religion that has been given to man, and I, as chief magistrate of this nation,
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am bound to give it the sanction of my example. Under Jefferson, Sunday church services were also
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held at the War Department, the Treasury Department, government buildings under his
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direct control as part of the executive branch. Clearly, he did not consider this unconstitutional.
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He went even further. As president, Jefferson authored the original plan for public education
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in Washington, D.C., and his chosen primary reading text? The Bible, hymnal. He also signed
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federal acts supporting Christian education among Native American tribes. None of this,
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in Jefferson's mind, violated the First Amendment. Jefferson and Madison's views were not hostile to
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religion. They were hostile to state-mandated religion. Just as the Bill of Rights became the
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law of the land, another drama unfolded inside President Washington's administration,
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one that would erupt into the fiercest political rivalry of the era. Two men placed in the same
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cabinet, both brilliant, both indispensable, yet absolutely incapable of agreeing on anything.
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The coming clash not only shaped the early republic, but defined the American political landscape for the next two centuries.
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For 250 years, Americans have believed in one powerful idea.
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We're free to work hard, free to move, free to enjoy life without being held back.
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alexander hamilton's improbable life story unfolded like a dickens novel he was born out
00:29:15.860
of wedlock in the caribbean on the island of nevis his father abandoned the family his mother died
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when he was about 12 he then worked as a clerk in the virgin islands keeping books for a shipping
00:29:27.080
company when he was 17 he wrote an eloquent letter describing his experience surviving a
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hurricane that was published in the local newspaper. Noting his talent, benefactors
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raised money to send him to the mainland for an education. There he went to King's College in
00:29:42.760
New York City, which later became Columbia University. From there, Hamilton rose with
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the force of a man who realized early that genius alone was not enough. Ambition had to do the rest.
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He joined the Patriot cause. He became George Washington's indispensable aide-de-camp in the
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army. He married into the wealthy Schuyler family, and by 1789, when Washington became
00:30:09.040
president, Hamilton was 34. He was intelligent, intense, and completely certain he understood
00:30:15.960
the economic blueprint that America needed. That certainty energized some people. It scared the
00:30:24.140
rest of them. In one of the starkest differences between Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson appeared
00:30:29.060
immediately in how they responded to Washington's appointments. Hamilton, named Secretary of the
00:30:34.840
Treasury, accepted instantly and plunged into work before the ink was even dry in his commission.
00:30:40.660
He saw the moment, the birth of a new national government as a rare window into dramatic action
00:30:46.420
that could shape the country permanently. His instinct was urgency. Jefferson, meanwhile,
00:30:53.280
was on his way home from Paris, where he had spent the last five years as the minister to France.
00:30:58.100
By the time he reached Virginia and learned that Washington had appointed him Secretary of State, two months had already passed.
00:31:11.240
Washington and James Madison urged him to accept, and Jefferson finally agreed, but he didn't arrive in New York until late March 1790.
00:31:20.780
From the first cabinet meeting forward, Hamilton and Jefferson seemed destined to collide.
00:31:26.040
Hamilton championed commercial growth, manufacturing, banking, and finance.
00:31:30.000
His aim was a strong national government that could stand shoulder to shoulder with global powers.
00:31:35.760
Jefferson championed the small farms, liberty, minimal government, an America rooted in local self-rule.
00:31:43.920
They represented two very different visions of what the United States should become.
00:31:49.040
Jefferson once summarized the balance that he wanted between national and state power in a letter to Madison.
00:31:54.080
To make us one nation as to foreign concerns and keep us distinct in domestic ones
00:31:59.220
gives the outline of the proper division of powers between the general and particular governments.
00:32:05.020
Hamilton got right to work designing a powerful treasury department.
00:32:08.820
He hired 39 employees, making treasury the largest department in the new federal government.
00:32:16.720
Controlling customs officials, the people who collect the tariffs at America's ports,
00:32:21.160
meant controlling the revenue stream that made government possible.
00:32:29.980
Even before Washington's inauguration, Congress had passed tariffs to fund the new government.
00:32:34.520
To enforce them, Hamilton sought the approval to build 10 revenue cutters, boats,
00:32:39.640
that were intended to patrol the harbors, chase smugglers, and guard customs collections.
00:32:44.640
Washington approved these vessels would eventually evolve into the United States Coast Guard.
00:32:50.000
but Hamilton believed deeply in federal power. From day one, he pushed its boundaries,
00:32:55.040
sometimes softly, sometimes with an enthusiasm that made Jefferson and Madison really uneasy.
00:33:00.760
One unique aspect of Hamilton's office was that Congress required the Treasury Secretary
00:33:06.520
to submit periodic written reports directly to the legislature. Hamilton embraced this requirement
00:33:13.300
as an opportunity, and each report became not just financial guidance, but a blueprint for
00:33:18.380
building the nation. In his first report, Report on Public Credit, it was essentially a sweeping
00:33:24.520
economic manifesto. The United States owed more than $54 million in national debt and $25 million
00:33:32.340
in state debt from the Revolutionary War. Hamilton wanted the federal government to assume the state's
00:33:38.200
debt and to fund the national debt at full value, creating a unified financial system that tied
00:33:44.620
wealthy creditors to the success of the new government. Historian Ron Chernow put it this
00:33:50.560
way, quote, peerless in crafting policies embedded with a secret political agenda,
00:33:55.760
Hamilton knew how to dovetail one program right with another in a way that made them all difficult
00:34:01.700
to undo, end quote. Madison had been Hamilton's close ally at the Constitutional Convention, but
00:34:07.760
now he viewed the rise of a funded national debt and a bloated Treasury Department as far too
00:34:14.020
similar to the British system that they had fought so hard against. And Jefferson, well, he agreed.
00:34:22.660
In April 1790, Benjamin Franklin died at the age of 84. In his will, he left General George
00:34:30.440
Washington a deeply symbolic gift. My fine crabtree walking stick with a gold head curiously wrought
00:34:38.800
in the form of the cap of liberty, I give to my friend, and the friend of mankind, General
00:34:46.380
Washington. If it were a scepter, he has merited it and would become it. The gesture was poignant,
00:34:55.640
a cap of liberty, a reminder of the revolution's ideals, gifted to the man who now presided over
00:35:02.380
a government trying to be the anti-monarchy. But the gift came nearly too late for George Washington
00:35:09.440
because just a few weeks later, Washington contracted the flu and pneumonia. His throat
00:35:15.420
swelled, his breathing grew shallow, fever spiked. Those closest to him, including his doctors,
00:35:21.360
expected him to die. Abigail Adams captured the feeling many had when she wrote,
00:35:26.420
At this early day when neither our finances are arranged,
00:35:30.100
nor are governments sufficiently cemented to promise duration.
00:35:34.520
His death would, I fear, have had most disastrous consequences.
00:35:39.200
The Constitution gave no instructions for what to do if the president became incapacitated.
00:35:49.560
For weeks, Washington's life and national power hung in the balance.
00:35:57.360
But when he returned to work, he stepped back in to a political firestorm.
00:36:04.660
Hamilton's plan to assume state debts was tearing Congress apart.
00:36:09.000
Then the location of the new U.S. Capitol became entangled with a debt issue.
00:36:14.100
The fight became so intense that some feared the union itself might fracture.
00:36:18.880
Jefferson despised Hamilton's debt plan, seeing it as a direct threat to the Republican liberty.
00:36:24.220
He joined Madison in resisting it, and in the middle of this turmoil, Jefferson encountered
00:36:29.800
Hamilton walking near the president's residence. Jefferson noted,
00:36:33.780
His look was somber, haggard, and dejected. Even his dress uncouth and neglected.
00:36:39.520
Hamilton poured out his frustrations. The government was disunited. Congress was fracturing.
00:36:47.840
Jefferson organized a dinner at his home for Hamilton and Madison the next evening,
00:36:51.900
and at the dinner, the three men forged a compromise with far-reaching implications for
00:36:57.120
the U.S. Jefferson and Madison would help secure the votes for Hamilton's Dead Assumption Plan.
00:37:03.820
Hamilton would persuade Pennsylvania's delegation to support a temporary capital in Philadelphia
00:37:09.240
and later a permanent U.S. capital on the Potomac River. Within weeks, Congress passed that exact
00:37:16.060
deal. But later, Jefferson lamented that dinner party compromise. Of all the errors of my
00:37:21.620
political life, this has occasioned me the deepest regret. He didn't regret the Capitol's location.
00:37:28.160
He regretted giving Hamilton the political leverage to expand federal power through the
00:37:32.380
national debt. But Hamilton was not done with his blueprint. In December 1790, just after the
00:37:39.620
Capitol relocated to Philadelphia, Hamilton submitted his next major proposal, the creation
00:37:45.620
of a national bank. Madison hated it. He argued passionately that Congress lacked the constitutional
00:37:54.060
authority to create such a bank. But the bill passed in the House and then the Senate. That
00:37:59.340
left the president, Washington, with a veto decision. As was his habit, Washington requested
00:38:04.840
written opinions from his cabinet. Jefferson's memo was scathing. He urged strict construction
00:38:12.700
of the Constitution, reading its power narrowly. He then went on to compare the bank to Europe's
00:38:18.640
monarchy system and warned that such federal power was dangerous. Madison went to see Washington and
00:38:25.320
found him wrestling with the decision. Madison later wrote, the constitutionality of the National
00:38:30.620
Bank was a question on which his mind was greatly perplexed. Hamilton, on the other hand, produced a
00:38:36.460
lengthy defense, arguing that the Constitution's necessary and proper clause permitted Congress
00:38:43.360
to exercise implied powers. If a national bank was necessary to carry out enumerated
00:38:49.680
financial responsibilities, then the bank was constitutional.
00:38:57.240
Finally, just before the veto deadline, Washington sided with Hamilton, and the National Bank
00:39:04.460
became law. With the bills for the assumption of the state's debts, the new U.S. capital,
00:39:10.320
and now the National Bank, Washington's long honeymoon period with the American people
00:39:15.280
was over. The nation was slowly dividing into camps, Hamiltons and Jeffersons. Two visions
00:39:23.040
for America, two philosophies of power, two future political parties starting to evolve.
00:39:29.500
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00:41:03.400
George Washington's decision to side with Hamilton on the National Bank does not mean
00:41:08.500
that he was a big government progressive in a modern sense.
00:41:11.600
In fact, far from it. Washington was deeply Federalist. He believed in a strong central
00:41:18.980
government, but the reasons were all practical, deeply rooted in his personal experience.
00:41:25.680
He was a military man. A clear chain of command wasn't a political philosophy,
00:41:30.480
it was simply how the world worked for him. And during the Revolutionary War,
00:41:34.440
he had watched the Articles of Confederation sabotage the war effort again and again.
00:41:41.820
States dragged their feet, supplies ran out, and his soldiers starved and shivered without coats.
00:41:51.020
So a stronger central government wasn't ideological for him.
00:41:56.840
But Jefferson and Hamilton's growing feud created something Washington feared even more than a weak national government.
00:42:09.380
Hamilton and Jefferson saw them as inevitabilities.
00:42:13.440
America's emerging political culture finally was beginning to take shape.
00:42:30.120
It was the beginning of the essential conflict that has fueled American politics for the past 250 years.
00:42:36.220
Conflict over the size and reach of the federal government.
00:42:38.660
And along the way, both major political parties have adopted Hamilton and Jefferson as their philosophical mascots.
00:42:46.080
In the Gilded Age in the 1800s, an era of rising industry, railroads, steel, finance, Republican leaders embraced Hamilton.
00:42:56.300
He was the founding father who championed commerce, banking, full credit, capitalism.
00:43:01.880
In that moment of industrial expansion, Hamilton was their man.
00:43:08.660
A statue of him was placed outside the Treasury Department in 1923 during Warren Harding's
00:43:18.360
Republican administration. A few years later, under Republican President Calvin Coolidge,
00:43:23.220
Hamilton was put on the $10 bill. At that time, American progressives and much of the political
00:43:29.980
left detested Hamilton. To them, he represented big business, concentrated wealth, centralized
00:43:36.360
power. He was exactly the kind of figure they believed had corrupted the Gilded Age.
00:43:43.840
Jefferson, meanwhile, somehow or another, had become the patron saint of the Democratic Party.
00:43:49.660
When the Great Depression struck and Franklin D. Roosevelt began his massive expansion of the
00:43:54.800
government, Jefferson's image, pro-farmer, pro-common man, became a convenient political
00:44:00.140
symbol. Jefferson had been on the little-used $2 bill since the 1860s. But in 1938, the Roosevelt
00:44:07.340
administration moved him onto the nickel, the everyday coin of ordinary Americans. That same
00:44:14.620
year, they also placed him on the three-cent stamp. And then they went further. In 1938,
00:44:19.460
construction began on the Jefferson Memorial, with FDR personally laying the cornerstone.
00:44:24.800
five years later he presided over its dedication jefferson had become the philosophical giant for
00:44:33.460
fdr's new deal democratic party conveniently ignoring of course that jefferson favored
00:44:40.340
limited federal government but political taste has a very short memory in recent decades jefferson
00:44:47.520
has fallen out of favor on the political left because of his record on slavery and hamilton
00:44:52.300
thanks largely to a certain Broadway musical, has undergone a renaissance.
00:44:58.240
In his book, How Alexander Hamilton's Screwed Up America, written by Brian McClanahan,
00:45:06.880
Alexander Hamilton, it seems, has been reinvented by Lin-Manuel Miranda.
00:45:12.300
He is the new hero for the left, a hipster who personified the immigrant experiment,
00:45:17.300
who pursued active central government and championed the notion of a diverse America.
00:45:22.300
end quote. Jefferson recounted a dinner party at his house where he showed Hamilton portraits of
00:45:29.420
his personal heroes, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir Isaac Newton, and John Locke. Jefferson told Hamilton
00:45:35.860
how they were the three greatest men the world had ever produced. He said Hamilton paused for
00:45:41.740
a long moment. Then he told him the greatest man in history was Julius Caesar. Jefferson said that
00:45:49.220
pretty much summed up Hamilton's political philosophy.
00:45:53.960
Hamilton was honest as a man, but as a politician,
00:45:57.620
believing in the necessity of either force or corruption to govern men.
00:46:02.280
One historian described the difference between these founders like this.
00:46:15.580
two fundamentally different theories on human nature.
00:46:32.340
who thought the other side threatened the future of the republic.
00:46:37.500
and by relying on Jefferson as a diplomat and political counselor,
00:46:41.860
Washington unintentionally created the two poles
00:46:44.480
around which American politics would orbit for centuries,
00:46:47.920
and he was barely through his first term in office.
00:46:53.800
Coming up on the American story, The Beginnings.
00:46:58.240
At the foot of the scaffold stands King Louis XVI,
00:47:02.500
the same king who just a decade earlier bankrolled the American Revolution,
00:47:08.100
funneling money, weapons, and ships to George Washington's struggling army.
00:47:12.180
It was his support that helped the United States become a nation.
00:47:16.720
But here today, none of that matters. He's just another victim in the chaos that he unwittingly
00:47:24.080
helped unleash. The crowd craves royal blood. Louis looks out at the sea of faces, some furious,
0.97
00:47:31.840
some triumphant, some simply curious. And then he's strapped in place. The drum roll begins
00:47:51.360
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