Christopher Ruffo has emerged as a national and international troublemaker on the culture war front, especially in relation to issues of public education and critical race theory. He is a senior fellow and director of the Initiative on Critical Race Theory at the Manhattan Institute, a contributing editor at City Journal, and a policy advisor on the Culture War Front. In this episode, we discuss how Christopher Ruffo became a focal point of attention on the cultural war front for reasons we will discuss in this podcast, and how he became a focus of attention in the first place for so many people interested in these issues. He also launched a YouTube channel called Chris Ruffo Theory, which focuses on all of these philosophical, political, and practical issues, and focuses on gender ideology in K-12 schools, government agencies, and Fortune 100 companies. We talk about his journey, and what it means to be a problem solver and a troublemaker, and why he thinks it s important to be an activist and a problem-maker. And how we can all work together to make a difference in the culture and in the world. This episode is sponsored by Daily Wire Plus. Subscribe to Daily Wire PLUS to get immediate access to new episodes of Daily Wire and Daily Wire Weekly, and get access to all the latest news and analysis. Subscribe today using the promo code POWER10 at checkout to receive 10% off your first month's mailbag discount when you sign up! Subscribe and receive $10 or more when you become a patron! Subscribe here: Learn more about your ad choices. Become a supporter: bit.ly/support-a-australia.co/sponsor.fm/support_support-your-choice Get a free ad-free version of the show called Power10? Subscribe for a chance to win $10,000 to receive $50,000 in the Power10 promo code PRIVATE PRODUCED, and receive a discount of $50 or $60,000 when you shop at Paypal Connected by Paypal or become a VIP Member? Use promo code: POWER10. Get my ad-less version of Power10 Connect with Power10 and get 10% OFFER $10/month, VIPREPCARREVIEW? Get exclusive access to Power10 Pro? Use the Power 10 Provedo VIP? Connect with me on my VIP4 Provencibly Connected? I'll be giving you access to the Power4Pro?
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00:00:57.420Hello everyone. I'm very pleased today to be talking with Mr. Christopher Ruffo, who's emerged as a national and international class troublemaker, I would say,
00:01:19.140and policy advisor on the culture war front, especially in relationship to issues of public education and critical race theory, whatever that means, and both philosophically and politically, that's what we're going to delve into today.
00:01:34.340Christopher is a senior fellow and director of the Initiative on Critical Race Theory at the Manhattan Institute.
00:01:41.740He's also a contributing editor at City Journal, where his writing explores a range of issues, including critical race theory, homelessness, addiction, crime, and the decline of cities on America's West Coast.
00:01:56.760Mr. Ruffo also, as I said, became a focal point of attention on the culture war front for reasons we will discuss in this podcast.
00:02:04.100He recently launched a YouTube channel called Christopher Ruffo Theory, concentrating on all these philosophical, political, and practical issues.
00:02:14.480Thank you very much, Mr. Ruffo, Christopher, for agreeing to talk to me today.
00:02:36.260I think it's because I was really the first person to do the reporting, to actually substantiate the feeling that many people had, that our institutions had been captured by left-wing ideologies.
00:02:48.780And this has obviously been a kind of concern for many people for a long time.
00:02:53.920But for many years, it felt like it was relegated to the university setting.
00:02:57.260And so conservatives could say, well, you know, there's something crazy going on at Vassar College.
00:03:03.920Then after the death of George Floyd in 2020, it seemed like all of our institutions suddenly shifted overnight.
00:03:10.660So I did a series of reports on diversity training programs in the federal government that got the attention of then-President Trump.
00:03:19.280Then I shifted to looking at critical race theory implemented as a pedagogical approach in K-12 schools, which set off this massive response or really revolt amongst parents nationwide.
00:03:32.720And now I'm focusing on gender ideology as well, looking at K-12 schools, government agencies, and even the Fortune 100 companies.
00:03:42.620And so what I think I've been able to do that's been able to galvanize attention is take these issues, establish a factual basis, saying this is what's happening.
00:03:52.340These are the documents, and then describing the origins, whether it's critical race theory or queer theory, in a way that the average person, a parent in a public school district, for example, can start to then push back.
00:04:05.940I'm kind of an accidental activist, never set out to be an activist.
00:04:09.840But as it turns out, I'm kind of leading this fight in many ways here in the United States.
00:04:15.840Right. So you think you were able to make these issues, to take them out of the purely academic realm while they were moving out of the purely academic realm, to articulate what they are, to articulate people's concerns about that, parental concerns specifically, and also to act as an advisor, let's say, and an educator on the political front.
00:04:38.000Yeah, that's exactly right. And I think what I've been able to do, and it's actually been just a really fascinating and rewarding process, is to kind of take my very small team, and we run the whole gamut.
00:04:49.540So we start at the very beginning, which is always creating new information, in the sense that we're fielding reports, we're talking to whistleblowers, we're authenticating documents, we're putting them on television, we're putting them on social media, so people are aware of what's happening.
00:05:03.640And then all of a sudden people said, well, how do we talk about this? Whether it's people, congressmen, or state legislators, or governors, hey, what's going on with critical race theory? What's the language I should be using? What can we do about it?
00:05:17.540And then I started putting together those kind of memos in an advisory capacity saying, hey, this is what's actually happening. This is what's going on beneath the surface, and this is what you can do about it.
00:05:27.420Right. Okay. So you're also detailing the way that this system of ideas, let's say, you're also detailing the way that this system of ideas is manifesting itself concretely in the educational establishment and in actual institutions.
00:05:41.420So it's not merely a theoretical discussion.
00:05:44.980Yeah, that's exactly right. And there's a really important point on that distinction that I think is really critical.
00:05:51.940A lot of the debates that we've had in recent years kind of restrict themselves to that theoretical basis.
00:05:59.840It's almost like people who are playing politics, intellectuals, journalists, are having an Oxford-style debate, and there's this really, I think, an illusion that if you win the debate in the kind of marketplace of ideas, then your ideas will win.
00:06:14.500And what I've done is I've done is I've exposed that that's actually not true.
00:06:18.080It's not how it works. It's really actually a harmful illusion.
00:06:21.160Because when you have bureaucrats who have a very specific ideology that control public resources, they control the curriculum, they control human resources departments or diversity, equity, and inclusion departments, even if you have the better ideas, they have the political power.
00:06:38.500And so my big takeaway and my big call really to conservatives is to say, sure, having a stimulating intellectual discussion is important.
00:06:49.980But we actually have to get down to that structural level of bureaucratic and political power.
00:06:55.480And I was able to show through the reporting, hey, this is what they're implementing in schools.
00:07:00.440These are the people who are doing it.
00:07:02.140And these are people who have captured, you know, hundreds of millions of dollars in public resources.
00:07:07.680And we should really focus the debate there if we want to have a chance to changing this cultural pattern.
00:07:12.820Okay, well, I want to return to that because one of the—I'm going to play devil's advocate on the Kimberly Crenshaw intersectionality CRT front.
00:07:21.500And I also want to have a discussion with you about the place of this war, let's say, the proper place of the war.
00:07:28.720Because one of the concerns I have about attempts to fight critical race theory at the practical and pragmatic level is that attempts to regulate or ban it—and I'm not saying this is happening.
00:07:39.980I'm saying it's a potential danger. Attempts to regulate or ban it run into the potential problem of expanding the sensorial capacity of governments in relationship to educational institutions and the free flow of ideas.
00:07:52.800And that, especially when you're dealing with something that's as difficult to pin down and define, let's say, as critical race theory because where's its boundaries, that poses a potential danger for the future.
00:08:04.300We don't want to establish government institutions that are heavy-handed in their sensorial capacity.
00:08:08.660So we'll go back to that. We'll go back to that. Let's start, though. Maybe we could start for the audience, and I'd like you to talk about definitions.
00:08:17.260So let's talk about four domains, okay? Perhaps we can try to intertangle all of them.
00:08:24.240What specifically is critical race theory? That's a very difficult thing to define.
00:08:30.340How is that related to queer theory, which is something that people know even less about, and why should we care?
00:08:35.700And then how do you think these are related to these broader issues of, say, postmodern philosophy and the Marxism that comes tagging along in its wake?
00:08:45.160So let's start with CRT. What is CRT? How did you become aware of it? How should people understand it?
00:08:50.500So I first became aware of critical race theory really working backwards.
00:08:55.220As I mentioned, I was doing this series of reports on these diversity training programs in the federal government.
00:09:00.860And once you look at enough of these documents, they're all the same.
00:09:04.020They recycle the same 10 set of concepts or so.
00:09:07.200And so I said, where does this come from?
00:09:12.180And so I started working backwards, looking at the footnotes, looking at the suggested readings, and then really discovered over time the common intellectual framework is critical race theory.
00:09:22.900Critical race theory maintains that the United States is a fundamentally racist country and that all of its institutions, from the Constitution to the law to the nuclear family to the social institutions, manners and mores,
00:09:37.260preach the values of liberty and equality, but these are really just smokescreens for naked racial domination.
00:09:45.600And so they look at the entirety of American history, from the Declaration to the Constitution, even to Abraham Lincoln, and then to the Civil Rights Act.
00:09:54.140And they say, it appears that there's racial progress.
00:09:57.120It appears that there's reconciliation.
00:10:01.060Actually, it's just that power has become more sophisticated, more subtle, and more insidious.
00:10:05.720And so you're starting from that point, and then you're analyzing any social phenomenon, and you're, surprise, surprise, discovering not only that it's a manifestation of racism, but they try to say, we're going to give you tools to show exactly how that's true.
00:10:22.520Okay, so who would you identify as, let's do this in two tiers.
00:10:26.300Who are the main thinkers on the critical race theory front, per se, and then who would you identify as the more fundamental sources of the ideas that are driving these 10 common concepts, let's say, that are running through such phenomena as diversity training?
00:10:44.440So who are the main critical race theorists?
00:10:46.560Sure. So the critical race theory, the godfather of critical race theory, was a black Harvard law professor named Derek Bell, who was hired as the first full-time black law professor at Harvard in the late 1960s.
00:11:00.480And Bell is a really fascinating person.
00:11:02.380He set the tone of critical race theory.
00:11:04.940It's an ideology of extreme cynicism, a kind of negative philosophy, a kind of negation-based philosophy.
00:11:12.980And he cultivated a network of young students.
00:11:16.200He was a very charismatic figure, wrote a series of books, kind of allegorical books, talking about how racism was the permanent, indestructible, and overwhelming feature of the United States.
00:11:27.240And this message had a lot of students, both at Harvard Law School and other law schools, other legal academies around the country.
00:11:34.980And some of those students came together in the late 1980s.
00:11:37.840Kimberly Crenshaw is one, Mari Matsuda, Charles Lawrence, a number of other figures at that time, came together really under his tutelage and then established critical race theory in the late 1980s.
00:11:49.960And then you see the kind of remarkable documentation that they've actually made themselves, talking about how they started in law schools, and then they went to public health and sociology and other academic departments, and then finally trickled into diversity trainings and K-12 pedagogy.
00:12:07.280And so that's the basic kind of 10-second lineage of where this comes from.
00:12:11.040Okay, excellent. So now, in terms of the intellectual influences, so look, for everyone listening, when you try to analyze the operation of a set of ideas, you want to find out first who the current proponents are in the conversation that's going on now.
00:12:26.500But then you need to trace it back to deeper ideas and the philosophers and sometimes the theologians, even depending on how deep you go, from whom those ideas flow.
00:12:36.780And in order to understand the entire structure of the system of ideas and its interrelationships, so that you can understand its motivation and its nature, you have to delve deeper into the underlying history of the ideas.
00:12:48.900So we have Crenshaw, Matsuda, and Lawrence. Matsuda, have I got that pronunciation right?
00:12:55.600Matsuda, okay. And who would you say they're intellectual, who are their intellectual inspirations?
00:13:02.440I would say there are really two key inspirations. One is Derrick Bell. And Derrick Bell's innovation was bringing this really acidic, this really kind of solvent political philosophy.
00:13:17.380He was the first person to really weaponize identity politics in the elite institution.
00:13:22.880He was famous not for his legal scholarship, but actually famous for his political and campus activism.
00:13:31.160You know, he would do things like write law review papers where he would fantasize about about black law professors and the president of his university getting assassinated.
00:13:40.700And then he would conduct these protests outside their office to kind of raise the pressure to hire specific left-wing radicals in the legal academy.
00:13:49.580And so his students saw him not only as an intellectual inspiration, but also they said he's really tapping into the pragmatic politics.
00:13:57.980And so you have Derrick Bell in the legal tradition. The other person that I think is really essential for them, someone that they cite over and over in their big red book of critical race theory, is Antonio Gramsci.
00:14:09.960And because what they wanted was not just Derrick Bell, who had this kind of cynical and pessimistic philosophy that didn't seem to have much practical application beyond the campus.
00:14:19.620And so they bring in Gramsci, of course, who talks about how in order to win the battle of ideas, in order to have influence over the kind of economic and political base of a society, you want to infiltrate and then shift those mechanisms and institutions of cultural production and cultural patterning.
00:14:39.060And so they take Derrick Bell, kind of radical racialist philosophy, they take his identity politics and office politics, and then they graft onto it this kind of Marxian or Gramscian anthropology, and then also the Gramscian tactic of trying to then gain influence by getting into corporations, into schools, into other parts of the academy.
00:15:05.080And on that front, I think they've been remarkably successful.
00:15:07.840Okay, so that's when it starts to sound conspiratorial.
00:15:12.480I want to talk a little bit more about Gramsci, and I also want to talk about the relationship between, let's say, Derrick Bell, Antonio Gramsci, the left wing, because you make the case, well, not only you, obviously, but the case is made quite continually, that this is a left wing movement.
00:15:31.560And who are the influences on that front, the left wing influences?
00:15:36.300And how do you see all this developing in relationship to the ideas that people like Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault and Karl Marx have developed and put forward as well?
00:15:45.380That would bring us, in principle, somewhat deeper.
00:15:52.280See, I think Gramsci is very useful for, let's say, post-World War II left wing intellectuals.
00:16:00.920And specifically, if you look at the history of the United States, you had a really boom in radical left wing politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
00:16:10.680One of the greatest representations and something from which the critical race theorists explicitly draw from is the Black nationalist movement.
00:16:18.320So these were explicit Marxist, Leninist, Maoist revolutionaries.
00:16:22.740They believed that they could change the entire structure of the United States through armed guerrilla warfare, specifically looking at urban centers on the West Coast and the East Coast.
00:16:31.780And this, of course, spectacularly crashed and burned.
00:16:35.680And so the critical race theorists, they say we're inspired by the Black nationalist movements because we share, in some sense, the same goals.
00:16:44.540We want to have a kind of total overturning of society.
00:16:58.380And we want to have a kind of collectivist and racially egalitarian society in which the scales are balanced based on group identity.
00:17:08.100But what they found and discovered is that the, you know, throwing hand grenades at the police in Oakland, California, is not going to overturn an advanced industrial society like the United States.
00:17:20.040And, of course, these are people who are embedded in the most elite institutions in the United States, places most notably like Harvard Law School.
00:17:27.320And so, you know, a Harvard Law School student and then professor is unlikely to be winning in that way.
00:17:36.920Well, we have access to elite institutions.
00:17:39.280We have a way of playing institutional politics that we learned from Derrick Bell.
00:17:43.540You can essentially bully, shame, and pressure people using all of those tactics of identity politics to really get what you want.
00:17:52.020So why don't we just do that at scale?
00:17:55.020Why don't we use our position, our prestige, our institutional power within these places to then bring forth and legitimize some of those more radical ideas that you might get from, let's say, Eldridge Cleaver or Angela Davis in the 1960s.
00:18:11.440But we're going to take away the epithets and the profanities and the, you know, the calls to execute police officers.
00:18:20.900We're going to give them a gloss of academic language.
00:18:23.500So taking those Latinate words, those multisyllabic words, making it sound very, very, very fancy, very respectable, very intellectually intimidating.
00:18:32.380And then we're going to feed it through the system, through these transmission belts.
00:18:35.640And the critical race theorists themselves talk about this as they have their 10-year reunions.
00:18:40.080They actually interview each other and talk about the progress of their ideas so you can actually mark it decade by decade.
00:18:45.820And they say, you know, we started as a legal discipline, but actually our greatest strength is in education.
00:18:52.060And so they built up this entire pedagogy.
00:18:54.160And they said to change the world, again, like any left-wing revolutionary has said for the last hundred and odd years, you have to change how children are taught.
00:19:02.540And so the critical race theorists were very focused on building a pedagogy.
00:19:06.540And so these are the ideas, systemic racism, whiteness, white privilege, intersectionality, et cetera.
00:19:14.080These kind of core set of ideas that are now ubiquitous.
00:19:17.680At one time were really marginal academic ideas limited to just very few of these scholars and intellectuals.
00:19:26.560Going online without ExpressVPN is like not paying attention to the safety demonstration on a flight.
00:19:31.660Most of the time, you'll probably be fine.
00:19:34.240But what if one day that weird yellow mask drops down from overhead and you have no idea what to do?
00:19:39.920In our hyper-connected world, your digital privacy isn't just a luxury.
00:19:45.040Every time you connect to an unsecured network in a cafe, hotel, or airport, you're essentially broadcasting your personal information to anyone with a technical know-how to intercept it.
00:19:54.360And let's be clear, it doesn't take a genius hacker to do this.
00:19:57.240With some off-the-shelf hardware, even a tech-savvy teenager could potentially access your passwords, bank logins, and credit card details.
00:20:05.000Now, you might think, what's the big deal?
00:21:04.940Okay, so now let's go under that again a bit, and then we'll return to Gramsci, I think.
00:21:12.040So, my understanding, please correct me, okay, my understanding of the relationship between such ideas and the broader intellectual tradition focuses for me on Foucault, Derrida, and Marx.
00:21:25.420And so, Derrida, in particular, based his philosophy, his postmodern philosophy, on the idea that there's no uniting grand narrative, and if there is, that grand narrative has been harnessed in the service of the kind of power and oppression that you described.
00:21:43.720And Derrida described the West as phall, P-H-A-L-L-O, phallogocentric, male-dominated, centered on the idea of logic from the Greeks, let's say, in the Enlightenment tradition, and the idea of logos from the Judeo-Christian tradition, and centering and privileging those concepts, and hypothetically, the people those concepts represented, which would have been males, particularly, and then secondarily, in some sense, white males.
00:22:11.140And part of what Derrida wanted to do, and Foucault as well, who had a similar theoretical framework, was to bring those ideas and people he regarded as unfairly and inappropriately marginalized by tyrannical systems of power to the center.
00:22:28.300And that aligned, as far as I can tell, with the Marxist presupposition, and Derrida makes this explicit, and it's not like it is common knowledge that Foucault was also radically leftist, as were so many French intellectuals of the time.
00:22:40.780Is the Marxists had a doctrine that was very similar, because they regarded the entire battleground of human history, let's say, and all the relations between individuals as characterized fundamentally by the expression of nothing but arbitrary power, including institutions like marriage, all economic institutions, and even friendship.
00:22:58.860And Marx decried the oppressive relationship between the upper ruling class, let's say, and the proletariat, the working class, and believed that when the revolution came, that those who were unjustly oppressed in the name of power would take center stage.
00:23:14.580And so the postmodern and the Marxist ideas could just collapse on top of each other.
00:23:21.020I think the French intellectuals of the 1970s did that in some sense, and turned to ideas like the ones you're discussing, consciously and purposefully, because they also realized, as did the 1960s radicals, especially in the aftermath of Solzhenitsyn's revolutions about the brutality of the Stalinist era,
00:23:40.100that a pure movement forward on the communist revolutionary front, let's say, just wasn't going to fly, was no longer ethically tenable, but was also practically unachievable.
00:23:51.420Now, is there anything in my derivation of the sources of these ideas to those sources that you think is incomplete or erroneous, that needs to be expanded?
00:24:03.400Critical, if you look at the lineage, this is a fascinating question on critical race theory, it's almost like an intellectual stew.
00:24:10.500If you read their Big Red book and some of the other minor books, they appeal to almost everyone.
00:24:30.200They specifically appeal to black nationalism.
00:24:32.240They specifically appeal to all these concepts.
00:24:33.900And in the early work, you sense that when they're kind of grasping for the postmodernist techniques, they're doing so almost out of a kind of fashionable pose or a posture.
00:24:47.420I don't think that it's really essential to what they're doing, though.
00:24:50.760Because I think if you look at queer theory, obviously, Foucault, Derrida, postmodernism, it's essential.
00:24:56.480It's 100% of the intellectual lineage on the kind of axis of sex and gender.
00:25:02.820But on the axis of race, and specifically looking at the critical race theorists, I don't think that it's the essential or defining set of ideas.
00:25:12.020They may appeal to them because I think during the 90s, that was really fashionable among intellectuals.
00:25:26.920But I think when critical race theory kind of brass tacks when it comes down to it, it's much more a direct Marxist revolutionary, even almost a materialistic philosophy.
00:25:36.880Because they take as the basis what they really want is a total leveling of society.
00:25:41.880And when they're grasping around for solutions, that's where I think you can really get to the crux of what critical race theory is.
00:25:48.480You take that old Marxist framework of oppressor and oppressed, a kind of war between the classes.
00:25:53.960You substitute racial categories for economic categories.
00:25:57.560So they say the history of the United States is not the history of the rich oppressing the poor, although it is in part.
00:26:03.640But it's really a history of whiteness and blackness, this almost metaphysical struggle between these two racial forces.
00:26:22.780They think that that, they really think of whiteness and property as synonymous and mutually reinforcing.
00:26:28.540So unless you have the equality of property, the equality of wealth, you're always going to have a kind of racially based inequality.
00:26:36.220Because into our system of rights, into our system of private property, into our system of free exchange is embedded a racialist and really racially oppressive notion of whiteness.
00:26:49.560They also think that some of those key constitutional pillars or the key pillars of the Bill of Rights, such as free speech, encourages or allows racial domination.
00:27:01.600So you need to have really a regulator or a state power to suppress the speech of people who would use it to reinforce that system of racial domination.
00:27:11.900And even the 14th Amendment, and then to a lesser extent, the Civil Rights Act in 1964, they say, no, no, no, a lot of hand-waving.
00:27:20.320You know, Derrick Bell famously said that, you know, Lincoln didn't free the slaves in order to advance racial justice.
00:27:25.740And the 14th Amendment was really a kind of fake expression of equality, all the way leading up even to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, to desegregation.
00:27:38.320They really want a focused state power.
00:27:42.000They look to, for example, the decolonial, postcolonial regimes in Africa that seized land and wealth and then redistributed along racial lines.
00:27:50.560That was one of their inspirations in the 1990s.
00:27:52.720And so when you put all these elements together, you're really getting the end of the constitutional system.
00:27:57.960Because, look, if you don't have free speech, you don't have individual rights, you don't have equal protection under the law.
00:28:03.840Those are just all masks for power, as you pointed out.
00:28:06.820Okay, so let me make the counterclaim here for a minute, okay?
00:28:10.020And then we'll get into this in more detail.
00:28:12.640So I've read a fair bit of the 1619 Project book, a book actually I liked, and I was reviewing a fair bit of Kimberly Crenshaw's work on intersectionality.
00:28:24.260And so let me push back as hard as I can on this.
00:28:27.440So the basic claim is that all of these institutions that are, in some sense, central to what has been described as the Western Enlightenment and also Judeo-Christian tradition,
00:28:39.660and put forth as a moral virtue, a set of truly moral guidelines, is actually nothing but a front for the domination of a small number of individuals who you can usually characterize by both race and gender.
00:28:52.440Race, gender, and sexual preference, let's say.
00:28:56.520Now, it is the case that white, heterosexual males occupy a disproportionate number of the most influential positions in society.
00:29:07.420It is also the case that racial minorities, and you could put sex minorities and sexual minorities in that same category, do tend to be overrepresented, let's say, at the bottom of the heap.
00:29:19.740And it is also the case that people who have positions of authority and power are likely to harness whatever they can philosophically and theologically, let's say,
00:29:31.000to buttress their claim that their occupation of those positions of power, authority, and privilege are justified not only on pragmatic grounds,
00:29:42.360because they fought, let's say, unfairly for what they have, but also on moral grounds.
00:29:48.260And so why isn't it acceptable to swallow the radical leftist critique wholeheartedly and say,
00:29:57.120look, if you're not naive and you do know that power can corrupt and that power does corrupt and that many of our institutions are corrupt
00:30:06.780and that merit isn't the only basis upon which people progress, that it's reasonable to view the entire history,
00:30:13.760let's say, of Western civilization as the attempt to merely dominate and to use very elaborate structures of rationalization
00:30:21.640to provide a moral framework for nothing but that dominance.
00:30:30.040Well, I mean, if we kind of take a step back, in some ways I'm somewhat sympathetic to it.
00:30:35.060If you look at the history of civilizations, obviously, a lot of the principles, you know, proposed or espoused by leading figures are rationalizations.
00:31:37.440And so if you look at American history from that perspective, where you have the tragic nature of man, the tragic nature of society,
00:31:44.660you have these people entering into a historical moment in which the world looked very bleak in a lot of ways,
00:31:53.800they're bringing that level of civilization, I think, undoubtedly upward.
00:31:59.320And so you start from that premise where they see nothing but domination.
00:32:02.880They see nothing but negativity, nothing but a kind of parade of horrors.
00:32:07.000I think any honest looking at American history could say, absolutely, we've had a real history of racial injustice,
00:32:14.700a real history that has to be grappled with.
00:32:17.960But if you put it in the context of the highest ideals from the Declaration to the Constitution to the speeches of Abraham Lincoln and the actions of Lincoln,
00:32:27.120you can see this kind of rising level of always moving towards the completion of or the realization of those highest ideals.
00:32:52.080What other country would you would you proffer as a as a better alternative?
00:32:56.440You know, I started my career as a documentary filmmaker.
00:32:58.500And so over that, you know, 10, 15 years of my first part of my career, I traveled to somewhere between 70, 75 different countries around the world.
00:33:07.240And so I got to see how pretty much all of the major population groups live, all of the major governing systems.
00:33:13.460And so I think we should be very careful when we say we're going to throw out the entire Western tradition.
00:33:19.720We're going to throw out the entire American tradition.
00:33:21.860We're going to throw out the entire system of capitalism, the entire system of constitutional government in pursuit of some vague and fuzzy utopia where we can really level society completely.
00:33:33.040And I think you ask them, well, what countries do it better?
00:33:35.820What countries would you rather model your society on?
00:33:38.240And then you start to actually have a practical view.
00:33:41.920So let me push back against that a little bit.
00:33:44.480So because I'm trying to do what I can to argue for the other side, let's say.
00:33:50.740So I might say, well, these Western countries that you point to as pillars of freedom and and democracy and and wealth in terms of, let's say, the remediation of of of of of absolute privation.
00:34:04.120And the reason that they're the reason that a small minority of people within them are hyper successful is because they oppress and dominate the others in that society and siphon off excess resources from them in a manner that's akin to theft.
00:34:18.480And then the reason that the United States and Canada and Great Britain, let's say, are wealthy in the manner that they are, that has nothing to do with the essential virtues of capitalism and the free market and everything with to do with the fact that they took all the land from the Native Americans, that they've been colonial nations, that they've exploited the third world and that and that they've devote they've diverted resources that should have been more equitably distributed across the world and within their own societies for the benefit of a very small number of people.
00:34:47.640So that would be the counter position to the to the to the case that you were making.
00:34:53.080That would. Yeah. And it's it kind of it falls apart on really a basic scrutiny.
00:34:59.000So the idea, you know, Marxists talk a lot about the distribution of resources.
00:35:03.740They never quite talk about the production of resources.
00:35:06.660And in fact, all of the Marxist systems throughout history, they're great at distribution because when you have all of the guns, you can take things from one person, give them to another.
00:35:15.600They're they're really bad at production. And so you have a kind of failure of production throughout the 20th century that was really catastrophic for tens of millions of people.
00:35:26.460The United States actually has created a system of production that has raised the basic level of standard of living beyond the wildest expectations of almost anyone a century ago.
00:35:38.160And it's not out of exploitation. It's actually out of cooperation.
00:35:42.380It's out of the division of labor. It's out of having a price mechanism where you can exchange your labor.
00:35:48.340You can exchange your time. You can exchange your cash.
00:35:50.860You can exchange other goods in a way that everyone is winning.
00:35:54.700And so if you look at even, for example, to say, well, comparing it to the third world, if you look at the ancestry of all of the different populations in the United States, European Americans, African Americans, Latin Americans, et cetera, even down to the ethnic level.
00:36:10.740You know, being a European in the United States, you are much wealthier on average than being a European in Europe.
00:36:18.440And the same holds true from all the other populations.
00:36:21.400And then this is the reason why people vote with their feet to come to the United States from all over the world.
00:36:26.840But it's also why when you ask people and survey data, and even anecdotally, I think this is true, you know, across the board, people believe in the United States.
00:36:36.500And in fact, the only people who don't believe in the United States are left wing whites that have high levels of education.
00:36:43.540And so when you ask African Americans, when you ask Latinos, for example, you know, is the United States the greatest country in the world, people still say yes to a great extent.
00:36:55.960When you ask people, if you work hard, can you still get ahead, that basic bedrock principle of the United States, they still say yes.
00:37:03.220Everyone except for people in the kind of upper crust of our elite institutions.
00:37:07.320And the same thing holds true when you talk about critical race theory.
00:37:10.060Manhattan Institute did a poll, for example, asking parents, white parents, black parents, Asian parents, Latino parents.
00:37:18.540Do you think public schools should be teaching that the United States is systemically racist?
00:37:22.860Do you think public schools should be teaching the doctrine of white privilege?
00:37:26.560Every group, black, white, Asian and Latino, they all said, no, we don't want this in our schools.
00:37:32.400And so the Marxists and then the critical race theorists have to develop this really sophisticated and almost absurd idea of false consciousness.
00:37:40.980Yeah, they've internalized their oppression, all those groups.
00:37:44.200And they're saying, you know, the working class in the United States, the racial minority in the United States, all of the people who we know are oppressed,
00:37:52.680just as oppressed as they were under Jim Crow, just as oppressed as they were under slavery.
00:37:58.980They actually make this argument, which is just so absurd.
00:38:05.480And it's up to us to explain it to them.
00:38:07.580And even if they don't agree with us, we're going to change the entire society on their behalf.
00:38:11.580And so the really interesting thing, and I think the fatal kind of hypocrisy of critical race theory,
00:38:17.960is that these are the most privileged people in the world, the most privileged people in human history to a great extent,
00:38:24.960regardless of racial background, trying to impose their ideology on working class people of all different racial backgrounds who reject it.
00:38:33.520It's the same Marxist kind of jam that they get into.
00:38:38.660The proletariat, the working class, the racial minority doesn't want what they're selling.
00:38:45.620So they're just going to do it for them.
00:38:47.540I think it's kind of a reversal of their entire philosophy.
00:38:51.240It's a kind of intellectual imperialism that they use the kind of coded language of racial category that's really been totally disconnected from the reality of even race in this country.
00:39:06.240Yeah, well, it's so annoying when the working class doesn't know what's best for them.
00:39:10.000And so let's take that apart in two ways.
00:39:12.660So one question might be, well, why is it the educated white upper class, so to speak?
00:39:18.020And I know this is more characteristic of white upper class women, by the way, than of men.
00:39:22.300Why is it that they are the ones most likely to espouse these theories?
00:39:26.160And I would say, and correct me if I'm wrong, there are perhaps two reasons for that.
00:39:29.980One is they will be the last people affected by the detrimental consequences of these theories because they're shielded from their effects.
00:39:36.940And number two, this is a deeper problem.
00:39:39.520You know, every system, every economic system that human beings has ever invented, every system of trade, which allows for cooperation, let's say, and for us to benefit from the different abilities of other people, has also simultaneously produced inequality.
00:39:56.420And inequality, although necessary, and I would say for some reasons desirable, because there's no real difference, by the way, between inequality and diversity,
00:40:04.800it also does put a heavy load on the conscience of people.
00:40:09.620You know, if you're a San Francisco upper middle class housewife, let's say, and you're walking down the street and you see it littered with homeless people, so to speak,
00:40:19.320who are suffering and who clearly are suffering and who clearly are marginalized and haven't been brought within the confines of the economic system
00:40:27.180for reasons that may be partly due to their own misbehavior, let's say, and inadequacies, but also partly because of sociological circumstances that were beyond their control,
00:40:37.400it's very, very difficult not to feel that your privilege and status is in some sense undeserved and also a moral burden,
00:40:46.500and very tempting, therefore, to cheaply counterbalance that set of guilt with the proposition that not only are you in a dominant position,
00:40:56.880but you're also firmly and 100% on the side of the oppressed, which is something you see happening in Ivy League schools all the time.
00:41:04.600And Rob Henderson, as you no doubt know, has described this proclivity as luxury beliefs, right?
00:41:11.620It's that you get to have your status, and then instead of doing what you should do to remediate the problems of the world with that status and privilege,
00:41:19.320you jump on the bandwagon of cheaply compassionate theories, and then you can have your cake, your moral cake, and eat it, too.
00:41:27.060I've been trying to parse out the psychological reasons why it is precisely those who are in these positions of vaunted privilege, let's say,
00:41:34.360who are most likely to have these revolutionary ideas. Do you have any further thoughts on that?
00:41:39.080A couple things. I mean, A, this is kind of a stock character in American history.
00:41:43.920If you look at the weather underground movement in the late 60s, early 1970s,
00:41:48.300which is really a kind of prototype for all the things we're seeing today,
00:41:51.960if you read their Manifesto Prairie Fire, and I highly recommend you read it,
00:41:56.480I read it last year and kind of my eyes popped out of my head because it's all of the things that K-12 students are learning today.
00:42:05.040You know, white privilege, anti-colonialism, kind of Marxist economics, etc.
00:42:12.760That was, at that time, a radical fringe idea that has now moved into the mainstream.
00:42:17.540But you look at the backgrounds of all these people. They're all elites.
00:42:21.060They're all people who are the sons and daughters of bankers and politicians and wealthy people in New York City,
00:42:37.600Certainly it functions as a luxury belief to the extent that they're insulated from the consequences of those beliefs.
00:42:43.540I think we can't underestimate two things, however.
00:42:46.320One is that a lot of these people are just true believers, the people who are most fervent.
00:42:51.180If you're going to pick up a gun, for example, like Eric Mann did, and shoot it into the window of a police station in Cambridge, Massachusetts,