Constantine Kizzen and Bruce Pardy discuss the Canadian Human Rights Act Bill C-16 and its potential impact on freedom of speech and freedom of the press in Canada, and why they believe it is a good idea in the long-term. Dr. Jordan Peterson has created a new series that could be a lifeline for those battling depression and anxiety. With decades of experience helping patients, Dr. Peterson offers a unique understanding of why you might be feeling this way, and offers a roadmap towards healing. In his new series, "Dr. Jordan B. Peterson on Depression and Anxiety," Dr. B.B. Peterson provides a roadmap toward healing, showing that while the journey isn't easy, it is absolutely possible to find your way forward. If you're suffering, please know that you are not alone. There's hope, and there's a path to feeling better. Go to Daily Wire Plus now and start watching Dr. Pardy's new series on Dr. Dr. Petra Peterson's "Depression and Anxiety: A Guide to Feeling Better" on Dailywire Plus. Now and then, and let's take the first step towards the brighter future you deserve. Subscribe to Dailywireplus.co/Dailywireplus to get immediate access to all the newest episodes of Daily Wireplus and listen to them on your favourite streaming platform, wherever you get your favourite podcast platform. Today's episode is available on all major podcast directories, including Apple Podcasts, PodcastOne, Overcast, Pocketcasts, and Overcast. If you like what you're listening to, share it with a friend, subscribe on iTunes, and subscribe on Podcoin, and share it on your social media platforms, and tell a friend about what you've been listening to it's listening to over there! Thanks for listening to DailyWire Plus! and Share it with your thoughts on the podcast! Thank you for listening and sharing it! Peace, Love, Blessings, Cheers, - Jordan Peterson and Good Luck! - Eternally grateful - Yours Truly, - Dr. MJ and Good Morning, Yours - Pravin' Dr. Bergman - The Woke Moby - Caitlyn and Glynis - Alyssa Grausen - Sarah - - Ben - Rachel - Joe - JUICY Meegan - Paul - Jack - Michael
00:00:00.960Hey everyone, real quick before you skip, I want to talk to you about something serious and important.
00:00:06.480Dr. Jordan Peterson has created a new series that could be a lifeline for those battling depression and anxiety.
00:00:12.740We know how isolating and overwhelming these conditions can be, and we wanted to take a moment to reach out to those listening who may be struggling.
00:00:20.100With decades of experience helping patients, Dr. Peterson offers a unique understanding of why you might be feeling this way in his new series.
00:00:27.420He provides a roadmap towards healing, showing that while the journey isn't easy, it's absolutely possible to find your way forward.
00:00:35.360If you're suffering, please know you are not alone. There's hope, and there's a path to feeling better.
00:00:41.780Go to Daily Wire Plus now and start watching Dr. Jordan B. Peterson on depression and anxiety.
00:00:47.460Let this be the first step towards the brighter future you deserve.
00:00:57.420Hello everybody. I have the opportunity today to speak with two guests.
00:01:14.860Constantine Kizzen, who is co-host of the podcast Trigonometry in the UK, a popular podcast.
00:01:22.300He is a speaker and a thinker who deals with cultural war issues, mostly political, insofar as the cultural war issues are political.
00:10:02.540And, of course, the definition of what they mean by hate speech is, I mean, it's impossible to tell.
00:10:09.420And it's going to be under the purview of the judge to decide in any particular case whether or not you've crossed that threshold.
00:10:14.680Okay, so let's talk about the devil in the details.
00:10:18.500Because the angel lurking over all of this is fundamentally we're protecting children from being exploited online.
00:10:27.380Okay, so, while there are children and they are exploited online and they deserve protection, so that's all and good, what steps are taken in the bill to actually protect children who are being exploited online?
00:10:43.240And then how do we segue from that to hate?
00:10:46.720Because those aren't the same universe.
00:10:48.500As I said, there are three bits in the bill, and they're in the same bill, but they're distinct.
00:10:55.380So there's the human rights aspect, there's the criminal code aspect, and then this third aspect, which is primarily one that's aimed at protecting kids, is an administrative regime that gives an agency the power, essentially, to supervise the online platforms.
00:11:12.740But it also gives them the power to make the rules.
00:11:16.120So we don't even know what the rules are going to be.
00:11:18.000Basically, it just gives the whole control of the thing to a government agency, to the bureaucrats, to do as they think best.
00:11:25.060Right, so they're establishing an entirely new bureaucracy with an unspecified range of power, with a nonspecific purview that purports to protect children from online exploitation,
00:11:40.660but has the possibility of turning into a policing state for the internet per se.
00:11:50.400And this is often how the administrative state works, right?
00:11:53.900And so this agency will not be policing citizens themselves directly, but they'll be policing the online platforms, and the platforms will thereby censor the people who are using them.
00:12:05.700So it's a, we're not doing it, we're hands-off, we're two steps removed situation, but in effect, it is the government pulling the strings of the...
00:12:16.600Okay, so to what degree do you think that even the setup of that new administrative bureaucracy, which has very extensive powers,
00:12:23.540and very poorly defined powers, as far as I could tell when I read the bill, how much of that do you think is actually devoted genuinely?
00:12:32.580I know this is a judgment call, obviously, but you have to infer that from the legislation.
00:13:08.260Like, what do you think's going on there?
00:13:10.020Well, it's what's going on there is what's been going on inside our law with respect to empowering the administrative state for a long, long time.
00:13:18.140So standard legislation now, at either the federal or provincial level, is authorizing legislation.
00:13:25.060Meaning, you pass a bill about a certain subject, and it might contain some rules in it.
00:13:29.240But it also contains the authority, the delegation of authority to the bureaucrats, to an agency of some kind, to the minister, or to whoever, to a human rights commission, to make policies or guidelines or regulations about certain things.
00:13:43.380And you can't tell, by reading the statute, what the rules are.
00:13:48.680And so you've transferred legislative authority, essentially, from the legislature to the bureaucracy.
00:13:57.120And this is not the bureaucracy stealing it.
00:16:05.680So that principle of the rule of law that said the rule applies to everybody, both the ruled and the ruler.
00:16:15.960However, if you have an agile government making rules up as they go along, well, that means by definition the rules can't apply to them because they have the power to change them whenever they want to.
00:16:26.960And so we have agile governments who are managing us, managing society, solving social problems.
00:16:35.040We are in a managerial era in the law.
00:16:40.560Management, the ethos of managerialism has supplanted the rule of law as the basic idea.
00:16:50.440Instead of the rule of law, we have rule by law now, which means that the law is nothing more than a tool for the government to use to create on a whim whenever they need it to make you do this.
00:17:08.080And there was no better example of all of this than during COVID.
00:17:11.900You had people standing behind microphones on a Tuesday afternoon saying, well, the rule tomorrow is going to be this.
00:17:18.700It means the legislature is not taking on its role of making the rules.
00:17:24.080And the executive branch has taken over making the rules, applying the rules, and enforcing the rules all on its own.
00:17:32.700And that is not the way the Western legal system used to work.
00:17:38.100We have managerialism instead of the rule of law.
00:17:40.660Konstantin, is there anything so far in Bruce's discussion that triggered any echoes about similar situations in the UK?
00:17:54.740Well, there's a couple of pieces that I would pick up on that I think are relevant.
00:17:59.620And the first one is what you mentioned about the fact that the bill is quite expansive, yet only a small part of it appears to be dealing with a core issue, which is the protection of children.
00:18:09.680We had the online harms bill, which was ostensibly about the same thing, but in its original drafting included all sorts of other things, completely unrelated to any of that.
00:18:20.500And it's not a surprise because what we have seen over and over in the UK is that quite often the attempt to protect people from hate or whatever has actually nothing to do with the trigger that causes it.
00:18:34.020So I'll give you an example. Sir David Ames was an MP who was murdered by a terrorist.
00:18:40.180And the next day, all his colleagues went into Parliament and started talking in Parliament about how this shows that we need to tackle online hate.
00:18:48.480David Ames wasn't killed by online hate. He was killed by an Islamist.
00:18:51.320Likewise, more recently, Parliament actually, to cut a very long story short, suspended its own rules of procedure because Labour Party MPs feared what would happen to them if they did not vote the correct way on the Israel-Palestine conversation.
00:19:10.200And again, following the furore that broke out from that, the argument was, well, MPs need to be nicer to each other instead of dealing with the fact that there was a mob outside Parliament who was intimidating the parliamentarians.
00:19:22.200So very often, it seems to me that a lot of the time the mind has been made up that we need to deal with online hate, whatever that means.
00:19:32.040And then whatever happens is then used as an excuse to do that.
00:19:36.900Secondly, it's got to be kind of in the nature of, I think, how tyranny unfolds in the real world.
00:19:44.780It's something like there's a pre-commitment to a set of ideological axioms.
00:19:51.920And then whatever crisis comes along is just assimilated to that and used as a shoehorn to move it forward.
00:20:00.000And so, has there ever been a tyranny that's emerged spontaneously that didn't present itself to begin with as fostering security and improving civic health or public health, for that matter?
00:20:15.500The Nazis were improving public health like mad throughout the 1930s.
00:20:20.660I mean, some of that public health improvement was genuine.
00:20:25.680But the cover story was really solid, right?
00:20:28.560And it was often compassion, even with the whole Nazi, the catastrophic Nazi policies of euthanasia that culminated in the Holocaust began with the language of compassion, right?
00:20:44.540And actually, the thing that really revealed to me how much of this is ideological was I was on a British program called Question Time, which you've been on.
00:20:53.820And what they do is they have a panel of guests.
00:20:57.200And before the main show starts, they do one question for discussion that is a warm-up that's not recorded.
00:21:03.540So, people are a little bit more loose in that part of it.
00:21:06.280And the question at the time was, Donald Trump had just been unbanned from Facebook.
00:21:12.040You know, was this the right thing to do, whatever?
00:21:14.960I made the deeply controversial point that I think the president of the most powerful country in the world should be allowed to speak in public.
00:21:22.560But what happened afterwards, they went to the left-wing politician on the panel, the Labour politician on the panel, you know, and she, without missing a beat when they went to her, she went, we must have the safest internet in the world.
00:21:36.960And to a round of applause, and what that signalled to me, I think, gentlemen, is that we have completely lost the battle over the way the conversation is being had in being able and willing to say some harm is a consequence of freedom and that's a price that we're willing to pay.
00:21:54.960And I believe that until we get the conversation onto that footing, we're never going to win this argument because if the argument is about, well, we must make people safe, then that will always necessitate more tyranny by default.
00:22:08.700And so I see, certainly in the UK, I wouldn't speak for Canada or the United States, a complete failure of, quote-unquote, our side to make that argument that we are willing to sacrifice some, whatever safety means in the context of words, and that's a whole bunch of BS in my opinion anyway, whatever that means, that has a price and there comes a point where too much safety means too much giving up of freedom and we're not prepared to do that.
00:22:36.800We haven't been able to make that argument.
00:22:39.720And I think one of the problems is that we approach that argument from the wrong end.
00:22:45.720And what I mean by that is I think we should start with the presumption that you're allowed to say anything you want, like anything you want.
00:22:53.920Now, what might the exceptions to that be?
00:31:04.720Okay, so how did we get from protecting vulnerable children from online sexual exploitation with a gigantic, unnamed bureaucracy with indefinite rights and virtually no responsibility to whatever the hell hateful speech is?
00:31:26.140I mean, first of all, we might ask ourselves, and Constantine, you can weigh in here, too.
00:31:31.120The whole notion of hateful speech, that's a troublesome one for me because there's an obvious element of subjective judgment in it, like a clearly obvious one.
00:31:41.640And the problem for me is always, as soon as someone talks about hateful speech, isn't so much whether or not there are forms of speech that are detestable because you haven't lived if you haven't listened to somebody say something detestable, perhaps sometimes in jest,
00:31:57.960which is a very interesting, you know, variation of that possibility, but, like, who decides that it's hateful on what grounds?
00:32:07.540Like, and why do you decide the people who are making that judgment?
00:32:10.200And then that problem's very much amplified, like very much amplified.
00:32:14.720If you open the door, as this bill does, to anonymous denunciations, right now, everybody, including every school child who's, like, older than three, and maybe even at three, understands that there's almost nothing worse than a snitch.
00:32:30.460And all children are wise enough to know that even if you are being bullied at school, let's say, it has to get pretty damn brutal and bad before going to report it to the authorities is acceptable or justifiable.
00:32:47.420Now, you know, you can debate about the conditions under which that should or shouldn't occur.
00:32:50.940My point is that even kids know that even under dire circumstances, there's almost nothing worse than a snitch.
00:32:58.700And yet these bills, and we certainly know from places like the Soviet Union, just exactly what happens, or East Germany, what happens when one-third of the citizens, which was the case in East Germany, become government informers.
00:33:15.520Now, in Bill C-63, you have a concatenation of these problems, like, okay, now hate speech is going to be constrained, and it can be identified by anonymous informants.
00:33:32.160Okay, so let's delve into that a little bit, if I got that right, first of all.
00:33:36.220Well, yes, but let's just back up to your children point, right?
00:33:39.260So part of the problem is the premise, and the premise is widely accepted because we accept this premise generally now in society because this is where we're at.
00:33:52.420But the premise is that the government is responsible for keeping people safe, including the children, and that's ignoring the best mechanism we already have to keep children safe, which is their parents, right?
00:34:07.400It's assuming that this is what this state is for.
00:34:10.560If you went up to somebody on the street, anybody at random, and you said, you know, do you think we should have an expansive administrative state?
00:34:18.340And by that, I mean, you know, all these government people who do all these things.
00:34:23.160They'll probably look at you like, I don't know what you're talking about.
00:34:30.480What does government do other than solve problems for society by making these rules and doing policy and so on?
00:34:39.640And we've lost the proposition that we've made a choice to have this large, overwhelming government tell us what to do in place of all of the other things we used to have.
00:34:56.140Individual decisions, families, communities, churches, all of the non-public institutions, and I mean government institutions.
00:35:25.660Well, because if we think we live in a free country, if the government's in this business, then we're wrong.
00:35:37.900So your point is something like that the cost of having the government offer all potential services, say, in relationship to desire and safety is that you lose all your autonomy and your freedom.
00:36:19.380That's the sphere of freedom that you have.
00:36:22.200That means that the government needs to do one job, which is to make sure other people don't coerce you and use force against you and take your stuff.
00:36:46.400As soon as you get governments overstepping that zone that I just described, you start to move away from that conception of freedom into a different kind of society altogether.
00:36:58.500And we are so far along that path that I don't know how we can call ourselves a free country, a free people with a straight face.
00:37:15.840But Bill C-63 is just one step along the way.
00:37:21.320And so let's go back to the courts because part of the fault of C-63, it's a government bill, so it's a legislative problem.
00:37:28.720But the courts, the Supreme Court of Canada, already said, essentially, that this kind of restriction on speech is constitutional.
00:37:39.200And in fact, in C-63, they've used some of the language the Supreme Court of Canada said was okay.
00:37:45.760So the Supreme Court of Canada took this charter we have, which says everybody has the right to free speech, and said, well, sure, everyone has the right to free speech, but not this.
00:38:35.640But it's a mere gloss on legislative supremacy and now judicial supremacy, because the court can decide what those rights mean, however it wants.
00:38:48.500And more and more, they are less robust individual rights and more and more justifications for the administrative state to do things in the public good.
00:39:00.720So people are putting much too much faith, weight on the fact that we have a charter.
00:39:06.340They think it works in the same way as the American Bill of Rights, which has fared much better over time than ours has as much older as well, of course.
00:39:41.940And then over time, with great difficulty, Magna Carta and then the Civil Rights Act of 1688 and the American Declaration of Independence and so on, over time, what we did was take power away from the king and give it to the legislature.
00:39:58.200And that's good, right, because the monarch is hereditary and the legislature is elected.
00:49:43.280The human rights provisions are much more frequently used because they're much less serious and much easier to trigger,
00:49:54.640much easier to complain about, and they don't go to a court.
00:49:58.340They go to one of these tribunals, right?
00:50:00.100But one of the problems is the dovetailing of this hate speech discriminatory practice idea along with the equality problem that I was describing before.
00:50:35.860If you say that all—you know, if you're white, you are X, you're being stereotypical and you're making a blanket statement about all these people who are white.
00:50:44.860That's not going to be entertained as hate speech because of the way that our equality law has been interpreted,
00:50:52.300which is—and this is one thing that the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal said fairly recently.
00:50:56.500They said, people who are white cannot be discriminated against.
00:51:08.600So, this kind of law, the hate speech law, is likely to be interpreted in that way, which is, oh, you can only utter hate speech against protected groups
00:51:20.860if you utter hate speech against those other people who are not in one of those groups.
00:51:24.860There's no hate speech against the oppressor classes.
00:51:57.420And, of course, this isn't considered a hate crime.
00:52:01.940And, you know, it was—the BBC interviewed Hamza Youssef, where the interviewer and he himself laughed sort of, you know, almost gratuitously.
00:53:48.140Some animals are inevitably more equal than others, right?
00:53:51.820Okay, so now we have a dynamic where in order for there to be hate, there has to be an oppressor-oppressor dimension.
00:54:03.280And so you identify the dimension, could be sex, could be race, could be ethnicity, could be gender expression,
00:54:10.320could be gender identity because those were added.
00:54:12.380Then you have a situation where the oppressed end of that distribution can accuse the oppressor end of that distribution of hate speech, but not the reverse, right?
00:54:24.320So that's basically the game that's being played here.
00:54:26.540Okay, so how does Bill C-16 tie into Bill C-63 then?
00:54:31.740Well, one way is this as far as I'm concerned.
00:54:34.240So one of the things I was very concerned about back in 2016 was that I looked into gender expression because that became a new category of grouphood, essentially, in Canada, insofar as that was a protected class.
00:54:48.340So a protected class is a reality that's now got legal protections.
00:54:53.400That's pretty damn real as far as the law goes.
00:54:55.740But I couldn't distinguish, find any distinction whatsoever between gender expression and fashion.
00:55:02.200In fact, most of the definitions that I found, mostly from the Ontario Human Rights Commission, because a lot of this mess came out of them, was the explicit insistence that gender expression was fashion.
00:55:17.380Because, well, because gender is nothing but fashion.
00:55:38.220Well, if fashion criticism, there's no limit to what constitutes a hate crime if fashion criticism is one of its valid manifestations, right?
00:56:06.220So, if you go to an earlier conception of human rights, you can describe them as the right not to be abused by your government, you know, not to be thrown in jail without due process, not to be censored for this and that, not to be tortured.
00:57:15.420So, now we have another conjunction of pathological enabling here that I'd like to dwell on for a moment.
00:57:23.460So, one of the things we alluded to earlier was the fact that Bill C-63 also opens up the door, it facilitates, enables, and outright encourages anonymous denunciations.
00:57:38.880Now, the good thinkers would say, well, you want to put as few barriers in the way of the oppressed seeking redress for their victimization as possible.
00:57:49.900But that omits one very important detail, which is that if you can denounce for zero cost, then you weaponize denunciation and you put an immense, you put the entire power of the state in the hands of anyone who wants it.
00:58:24.200So, you can be accused regardless of your intent, regardless of the factual reality of your utterance by people who do not have to identify themselves or take any responsibility whatsoever if their denunciation turns out to be false, who are rewarded for doing so, who you do not get to confront.
00:58:47.620Well, at that point, I don't see you have a loss system at all.
00:58:50.780You have rule, you don't even have rule by mob, you have rule by the worst elements of the mob, and the worst elements are going to be those who will come crawling out of the woodwork like mad to weaponize their resentment by using the state's power they now have at their disposal, right?
00:59:13.220And rub their hands in glee at every opportunity to do that.
00:59:16.440There will be specialists in denunciation in no time flat.
00:59:24.960When you divide the world into oppressed and oppressor, you fail to notice that in the hypothetically oppressed class, there are going to be those who use that narrative as a way of justifying their vengeance.
00:59:50.460They're not good people who are victims, they're not good people who are victims, they're people who are using that story to get exactly what the hell they want from you right now or else.
00:59:59.460And certainly the Human Rights Commissions in Canada have been weaponized to that degree.
01:00:03.400I mean, in my situation, since we'll make it personal, I suppose for a moment, anybody in the world can bring out a complaint against me for any reason, right?
01:00:15.500And it's at the, the complaint doesn't have to proceed, that's at the decision, judgment, it's the judgment of the Ontario College of Psychologists, the regulatory board that determines whether or not that complaint can proceed.
01:00:32.040But that's, like, it's an entirely political decision.
01:00:37.140But this is part and parcel, though, of those trends I was describing earlier, which is to give these administrative bodies, the professional regulator being one, the human rights tribunal being another, the deference to do as they think best.
01:00:52.760And yes, you can take, as you know, you can take them to, for review in front of a court, but the court tends to defer to them and just, and they have the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court about the charter anyway.
01:01:05.900And so you put those two things together and it basically means that these administrative bodies have a great deal of latitude to do basically whatever they think is right in the public good.
01:01:16.280And so that means you don't have a rule of law.
01:01:18.200Well, you certainly don't have any, if you're a thing, if you're a professional in Canada and you think your charter rights to free speech mean anything, you're sadly deluded because they certainly don't.
01:02:11.540Okay, so what have we got on the absolutely absurd side of things?
01:02:16.420Okay, so this is my understanding and I'm not a lawyer, so maybe you can help me weed out any inaccuracies in my representation.
01:02:23.360So my understanding is that I can go to a provincial magistrate and I can say that I have, I fear that someone I know may commit a hate crime, let's say this year.
01:02:39.800I have good reason, the good reason would be my fear.
01:02:44.240So that would be my proclamation that my emotional reaction to this person's possible misbehavior is real.
01:02:53.120Not even that the threat is real, but that I'm afraid that it might be real.
01:02:56.780And that magistrate can act on that by, well, the penalty laid out in the bill, as far as I can tell, was, well, if you're the person who is eliciting the fear, then you get to have an ankle bracelet on for a year.
01:03:17.760And you can be essentially confined to your house and the court can determine who you can talk to and who you can't talk to.
01:03:28.740And they can also require you to have your bodily fluids monitored.
01:03:35.020This is one of the elements of the bill I didn't understand at all.
01:03:38.000It's like, where the hell did that come from?
01:03:40.560So they could put restrictions on your right to consume alcohol, for example.
01:03:46.320I suppose marijuana will probably still be okay as long as the liberals are in power.
01:03:50.580But anything that would, in principle, heighten the probability that you might commit the hate speech.
01:03:57.040And so, and the penalties, well, that's basically that.
01:04:01.700That's basically that part of the bill.
01:04:03.180Now, that doesn't seem, that's a pre-crime.
01:04:08.000Now, it's not like this is a brand new idea.
01:04:11.260So there are already provisions in the code that allow for pre-crime solutions before a crime happens in some circumstances, for some crimes, if a court is satisfied that there is a threat.
01:04:26.860But what's happening here is they've taken that idea and they've combined it with this speech idea to create the scenario you're describing, which is, you've got to be kidding me.
01:04:36.400It is now possible for a magistrate to put me under house arrest because of something that he thinks I might say.
01:04:47.460So the other circumstances you're referring to, I presume, would be something like someone has made repeated threats of domestic violence that appear credible.
01:05:16.940So in that situation, the threat itself is also a crime.
01:05:20.560Well, it could be, so you could have an actual prosecution for the threat, but if there are circumstances where, for some reason, that there hasn't been a threat, but there's still a danger that the evidence shows exists, maybe because there have been previous crimes committed by that individual against that individual, and the victim of those crimes is concerned because it looks like it's going to happen again.
01:05:43.340There are circumstances under which the court can do this kind of thing, but the combination of that power with this kind of action.
01:06:03.580And these can also be brought forward anonymously.
01:06:06.420Well, well, see that, so the, the, the, the, the anonymous power is, um, most noticeable in the bill under the human rights part.
01:06:17.700So the criminal code aspect is, is, is, is the way it's always done.
01:06:21.120And sometimes in that situation, I'm not a criminal lawyer, but as I understand it, there are circumstances in which complainants can be, can be protected from exposure to the alleged perpetrator.
01:06:34.000But the real anonymity problem lies within the, the, the criminal, the, the human rights tribunal part of the, of the, of the, of the statute.
01:06:47.180But, but, but, but so if I can, we can step back for a moment.
01:06:50.620And part of the lesson in this, I think, is that the people who have put this together and are supporting it have an entirely different vision of what they think the law is for and how it's supposed to work.
01:07:10.060Like, this seems outrageous to us because we still have an idea about the old paradigm, like how this is supposed to, how this is supposed to work.
01:07:17.100And they don't have that idea anymore.
01:07:21.420This, this is a project to make certain kinds of behavior illegitimate, like actually illegitimate.
01:07:30.720And the fact that it happens to be speech, it's no concern of theirs because it's illegitimate.
01:07:36.000Speaking a true fact, it was going to have an effect on people, is illegitimate.
01:08:58.740If you compare that handful and the numbers of people who are on this page to the numbers of lawyers overall, I mean, it's a, it's a tiny wee slice.
01:09:10.460Okay, so I've, the same problem obtains on the psychological end of things.
01:09:33.560Okay, so, but the logical, the logical suspicion that might arise in the mind of anybody watching this is, well, if it's like you and two other people on the legal side,
01:09:45.160and it's Dr. Peterson on the clinical side, and maybe that's a bit of an exaggeration, but not much, why do you think you're not the aberration?
01:09:56.440I mean, the problem I've always had with you, fundamentally, so I met Bruce under very interesting circumstances, eh?
01:10:04.660So, I went, I offered to go to Queen's University.
01:11:44.220But in the big scheme of things, these trends have been going on for a long time.
01:11:48.620So, for example, so we have a huge access to justice problem, meaning that if you are involved in a dispute of some kind, that the cost involved in getting a lawyer and then getting access to a court within a certain period of time, numbered in years, almost impossible.
01:12:05.700Unless you're very rich or very poor, access to the courts is very unlikely.
01:12:11.540Well, partly because that in order to get a dispute resolved, you have to go to a court.
01:12:15.980And what I mean by that is, if we had laws that were clear, then you wouldn't need to go to a court.
01:12:24.260Because everybody would know what the law was, and you would know what would happen when you went to a court.
01:12:28.700Every time you go to a court, it's a crapshoot.
01:12:31.780You don't know what's going to happen.
01:12:33.180So you have to go to the court to find out what's going to happen, which means we need more courts and more judges and more time and more lawyers.
01:12:39.820And it's not clear because of all of the things I alluded to earlier, which is we don't just have broad principles in our law.
01:12:47.940We don't have statutes with rules in them.
01:12:49.840We don't have cases that are consistent from case to case to case to case.
01:12:56.700We have lots and lots of rules about everything, and you still don't know what the story is.
01:13:05.620Because the laws move over time, and they won't tell you what the law is right now, and you don't know where the law is or who's making it.
01:14:20.900Well, it has partly to do with legal education.
01:14:24.720The law schools, for the most part, have become captured, like all other institutions, by a certain kind of ideology, critical theory, social justice, and so on, that we know very well.
01:14:37.280So really, once that's got the universities, that's pretty much game over.
01:14:40.860A lot of this trouble can be traced back to the universities.
01:14:45.160That's where the social justice, critical theory stuff began.
01:14:49.220When it came over from Germany, you know, where it started between the two world wars, and then you can trace that back to Marxism.
01:14:58.760I mean, it's a whole long story, and I'm not a sociologist, but you know the story better than I do.
01:15:03.000But, yeah, the universities are a main source of all the trouble.
01:15:08.980And they've been graduating generations of students who have these ideas in their heads, and not just lawyers, but people of all kinds, right, who now occupy the professions and the governments and the public schools.
01:15:22.300They certainly make up the managerial class.
01:16:00.140So, I was talking—I mentioned, you know, the problem I had with you, and the problem I had with you is that you don't make a very convincing right-wing crackpot.
01:16:09.720Well, I mean that, like, you know, you don't fit the mold.
01:16:13.720Because the logical thing to do, to assume, if someone is standing up against the consensus, generally speaking, is that they're wrong.
01:17:44.580I've always been suspicious of government.
01:17:46.300I was—so I was suspicious of government authority ever since I can remember.
01:17:55.140I think when I was in public school, I thought, how awful to have this person at the front of the class who's not that smart and yet has power over me.
01:18:03.220So some underlying suspicion of authority as such.
01:18:09.300But you still went off through university to—
01:18:11.900See, I wanted to go to law school, not first and foremost to be a lawyer.
01:18:16.060I wanted to go to law school to find out what the rules were so that I could tell people who wanted to interfere with me what the rules are and had to back off.
01:18:27.480But what I discovered was there are no such rules.
01:18:32.360There are no such rules, as it turns out, that prevents government authorities from backing off because the whole system is designed to give them authority to do that.
01:18:42.060So how did you manage with that attitude to have a successful career in academia in faculty of law?
01:18:50.580I mean, you've had a very successful career.
01:18:53.380You have a very—you're actually not canceled even.
01:18:58.480So how do you survive at Queen's or even thrive, and how did you manage to have this attitude and also manage a career in that environment?
01:19:11.340You have to—I think you have to enjoy the exercise of trying to figure things out and then point it out, even if the people you're pointing it out to aren't listening.
01:19:21.460And I know that doesn't sound like very much.
01:19:22.820Well, yeah, but that usually just gets people canceled.
01:19:25.560Well, not if you do it in a certain way.
01:20:14.500They dropped the ball horribly, and it turns out they have a lot of strange ideas.
01:20:19.440So I tend not to use that label anymore, but I understand what I mean.
01:20:23.380But there's a huge divide between the libertarian-minded people, or the liberals—if I can use that word, liberals—the original classical liberals—and the conservatives.
01:20:34.400And in a sense, you're standing astride, the chasm between these two groups, right?
01:20:43.280Because the conservatives have a very—a lot of them have a very clear idea about what they think is right.
01:21:17.620The next question is not the same question, which is, how must people behave?
01:21:25.180There's a conservative inclination to want to take their philosophy and make it into law, and to make people do what they think is right.
01:21:37.660Right, and that's often what made the conservatives, what would you say, undesirable to the more classic liberal type.
01:21:47.620That was the place that put those two camps at odds.
01:21:51.000Yes, and it's one reason why I think the progressives today, the ones who are now in power, why they carry such an animus against conservatives.
01:22:00.000Because there is some kind of a memory there.
01:23:43.720So, for a long time, I, by temperament, have this libertarian twist, which is, you can go to hell in a handbasket your particular way if you so desire.
01:23:57.740And that's, you know, that's within your bailiwick.
01:25:10.940And the answer to that is there are no limits.
01:25:13.160So, you saw the recent case in Canada, I presume, where we have a diaper fetishist, because that's a fun class of people, who's just pursuing his own thing, after all, who wants to have a neo-vagina created somewhere down below while maintaining his penis intact.
01:25:33.520And he couldn't find anyone skillful enough to perform that particular act of butchery on him in Canada, found someone in Texas, and then sued the Canadian government for paying for it.
01:26:48.580But that's the thing, is that, you know, at what point does your, the perversity of your desire to go to hell in a handbasket, your own particular way, start to actually become in and of itself a social threat?
01:27:02.380Okay, well, yeah, but let's put the kids aside, because the kids are a special case, right?
01:27:10.860And you've got, then you've got the problem of, you know, who gets to decide, the parents or the state.
01:27:14.760The easiest case to resolve and find agreement on are with adults.
01:27:24.100Is there anything that a, of age adult, full adult, competent, should not be allowed to do to themselves if they're not imposing upon other people, not coercing them, not interfering with them, not taking their stuff?
01:27:44.040Now, that does not mean that I think the state should be involved as in running the healthcare system.
01:27:51.980I don't think they should be funding it.
01:27:53.720I don't think they should be providing services.
01:27:55.560I mean, we shouldn't have, from my mind, we shouldn't have a public healthcare system.
01:27:59.200But, so if you take that away, it's like, in other words, you should be allowed to go, if you can find a doctor to do this strange thing that you want done to yourself,
01:28:08.000and the doctor agrees of his own free will, and you agree of your own free will, and you're willing to pay the doctor, as far as I'm concerned,
01:28:16.280the fact that I think it's weird and strange and wrong and harmful, I'm not the king.
01:28:23.440So, I don't think my opinion about it has any relevance to it.
01:28:27.980And that applies to gender surgery, it applies to suicide, it applies to prostitution, it applies to drugs, it applies to anything.
01:35:41.080You can't make it just one way and not the other way because that's not what it is.
01:35:44.240Well, there's another dimension to the conversation about homelessness and drug addiction and so on, which is, I think it's very difficult to argue that that is consequence-free for the rest of society.
01:35:55.100So, we recognize that there are limits to our freedom when we start to impact on others.
01:36:00.580And that's a very good example, I think, where that trade-off seems to me to be being got wrong.
01:36:05.560But there is a progressive idea that has become mainstream and mainstream, especially amongst conservatives.
01:36:13.120And that is this, that the state is the savior.
01:36:19.220That is, if you want to solve a problem, it has to be the state to come in to fix it.
01:36:24.820I mean, this is an idea, a professor at Hillsdale College put it this way when he was talking about Woodrow Wilson, who was the first progressive American president.
01:36:34.280Woodrow Wilson, he says, changed the idea from the government as servant to government as savior.
01:36:46.000As in, if we're going to fix our problems, it's got to be the government who does it.
01:36:50.560Well, yeah, with the corresponding assumption that if there's a problem, that's evidence of government inadequacy.
01:39:09.880So one of the things that I've been trying to do in my lecture tour that's germane to the point that you raised about, you know, if there's a problem, it's indicative of the insufficiency of the state.
01:39:55.580If you can see a problem, that's your problem.
01:40:04.280And you might say, well, how do you know that?
01:40:06.460And the answer is something like, well, it bothers you.
01:40:10.140So there's a new cardinal, Cardinal Newman, who is famous for his defense of the idea of God.
01:40:19.520And he, there's a long line of theological speculation that one of the ways that the spirit of the cosmos makes itself manifest is in the voice of conscience.
01:40:37.080It goes back to the prophet Elijah in the Old Testament, who was the prophet who defeated the nature gods, which is very interesting.
01:40:45.500He replaced the God of nature, which is back at full force now with the notion that the spirit, the ancestral God of the Israelites was the still small voice within, right?