In this episode, Dr. Eric Peter Kaufman talks about his new book, The Third Awokening: How Making Race Sacred Produced a Cultural Revolution. Dr. Kaufman is also the author of a number of other books, including Shall the Religious Inherit the Earth? The Rise and Fall of Anglo-America, and The Orange Order. He s a rare bird: a conservative social scientist, and there aren t very many of them.
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00:05:56.440People always ask, what is the definition of woke?
00:05:59.600Well, the definition of woke, as I mentioned in the book, is the making sacred of historically marginalized race, gender, and sexual identity groups.
00:06:39.400You must be excommunicated, i.e. canceled.
00:06:41.660The other part of this is absolute equality in terms of prestigious positions and resources between these groups.
00:06:50.080So, for example, you can't have a race gap or a gender gap in terms of the boardroom, in terms of admittance to elite universities and so on.
00:06:58.500So equality plus emotional safety, these are the two pillars of this ideology.
00:07:04.080But the point I make is this ideology is not some kind of system like Lockean liberalism or even Marxism that is—it is more of a bottom-up empathizing rather than a top-down, systematizing, cognitive thing.
00:07:18.560We're attached concretely to the black civil rights movement, to the indigenous, to the LGBT movements, and it's our romanticization and sympathy for these concrete groups that provides our meaning.
00:09:30.340But we identified a group of ideas that hung together statistically that we called politically correct authoritarianism.
00:09:41.320Deviated to some degree from, say, the liberal progressivist ethos in that the people who adopted the set of ideas were perfectly willing to use compulsion and force.
00:09:52.480That being, perhaps, the primary distinction, the predictors that we found that determined whether or not people adopted those beliefs were, first of all, low verbal intelligence.
00:10:07.100And the third one was having a female temperament.
00:10:10.100And the fourth one was having ever taken even one politically correct course.
00:10:14.240And so one of the things I'm very curious about, see, I've been thinking that one of the things that we're seeing is the increased female domination of the university system, especially in the humanities and the social sciences.
00:10:28.920And I think there's a fundamental feminine ethos that's instinctive, that can be made more sophisticated with genuine education, but that has a proclivity to divide the world up into predators and infants.
00:10:43.740And woe betide you if you happen to fall into the predator camp.
00:10:47.160It's very tightly allied with the victim-victimizer narrative.
00:10:50.480And, you know, you do point out in your book that there is a predilection for women between the ages of 18 and 34, and this has been shown everywhere.
00:10:59.640They're way out of lockstep without it, with every other demographic group, way more progressive, far more radically left, way more likely to identify, for example, to even claim that the Hamas terrorists are victims in some sense, which is just an absolute miracle of interpretation.
00:11:18.460So we've identified a number of streams.
00:11:30.300And then I don't know if you have any specific thoughts about how the increasing female domination, especially of the humanities and the social sciences, plays into that, because that's a major league cultural revolution.
00:11:42.880The fact that the universities are dominated, for example, administratively as well by females.
00:11:49.520And so I know that's a hell of a thing to ask you to talk about right off the bat.
00:11:53.700I think that's actually really interesting, and I think it is a contributing factor.
00:11:57.800But I just want to sort of put in a couple of caveats.
00:12:00.660And the first is we only see this female effect amongst young people.
00:12:05.240So older women, we don't find greater support for cancel culture.
00:12:11.400It very much seems to be among young women.
00:12:13.120The second thing is, if you were to go back to 1970, for example, women were, you know, there's a survey done every year in the U.S., H-E-R-I, Higher Education Research Institute.
00:12:24.960100,000 freshmen, 18-year-olds entering American universities.
00:12:29.540In 1970, women were somewhat more conservative than men, 18-year-old women, 18-year-old men.
00:12:36.720And it's really not until 2004 we start to see those 18-year-old women starting to be more liberal than the men.
00:12:43.080And that's now widened to about 15 points.
00:12:47.240And so something's happened to women in the recent period.
00:12:53.300So, and that's, the other thing is that FIRE, which is Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, does an annual survey in the U.S., 55,000.
00:13:02.980So there's a lot of survey data in the book.
00:13:04.660I try and ground this as much as possible in the data.
00:13:08.640So they ask questions, for example, is it okay to shout down or block somebody from speaking?
00:13:14.020And on those questions, actually, especially using violence to prevent somebody from speaking, women are less likely than men to support that.
00:13:41.400And you see it also amongst Republican women, by the way, versus Republican men.
00:13:46.020So it seems like the attitude, the sort of, there's the authoritarian, I want to do violence, which is, I think, not gendered, or it may even be somewhat more male.
00:13:55.720But there's this protective, oh, I don't want anyone's feelings to be hurt.
00:14:32.180So compassionate to the transitioner or the detransitioner?
00:14:36.260Compassionate to the biological male who wants to enter a woman's shelter or a woman's prison or the women in the prison?
00:14:42.940I mean, the ideology is what tells you who to be compassionate towards.
00:14:46.380So if we go back to the liberal progressives, Jane Addams was relatively pro-lynching, or at least thought that wasn't a bad idea,
00:14:53.680because she was very, very empathetic towards white women.
00:14:57.560And so she was willing to accept that there were these black male predators and buy into that framing.
00:15:03.480So what I'm just saying is, I think what's happened is, an ideology has crept in and told women who to be compassionate towards and who not to care about.
00:15:12.080So, okay, so your point fundamentally is that, I believe, is that the ideology specifies the victim-victimizer dimension and identifies the victim.
00:15:24.880Now, do you think it's—so when we did our study, it was agreeable.
00:15:31.320I said it was being female and having a female temperament.
00:15:36.680We never saw that in any study we ever did, looking at what predicted beliefs, for example.
00:15:41.500Generally, if we controlled for temperament, sex had no effect.
00:15:45.500But that wasn't the case in this specific situation, which I thought was extremely telling.
00:15:51.180And so—and it's also very interesting, as you pointed out, that it's young women in particular.
00:15:55.860And I can't help, as someone, you know, psychoanalytically influenced, I can't help but think that a fair chunk of this is misplaced maternal instinct.
00:16:04.760I believe that the young women who are, by and large, childless in the years when they shouldn't be are unbelievably sensitive.
00:16:13.840Well, let's talk about what happened in 2004.
00:16:16.240You know, you said that's when women started to shift their political priorities.
00:16:19.500Now, I know from people who've been investigating this that TikTok is a particularly pernicious influence, especially with regards to the campus protests that are occurring right now.
00:16:30.620And the TikTok short videos that are fostering the campus protests, at least among women, focus on compassion for the war victims to the ultimate degree.
00:16:42.620And they seem to be extraordinarily effective.
00:16:44.400But there's a real problem here that needs to be wrestled with, because if it is the case that young women are differentially sensitive to a certain kind of propaganda,
00:16:53.540and they often—and they also increasingly occupy the majority positions in university institutions, for example,
00:17:00.620then we have a whole new kind of social problem on our hands.
00:17:03.900Because we've never had—it's only been in the last 30 years that we've had the opportunity to see what female-dominant large institutions would look like, right?
00:18:39.820So I am more of a sociologist and a political scientist, so I tend to approach these things from a kind of sociology of emotions perspective,
00:18:48.720which says that ideas can tell you which emotions to turn off and which emotions to express.
00:18:55.080And now, of course, that's refracted through things like gender.
00:18:57.700So in this case, I think women will just back up and reinforce the dominant values, dominant ideology of the elites in a society.
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00:20:48.380Because it's weird, if they're also standing up for the underdogs, is it that they accept the elite differentiation of who's an underdog and who's a power monger?
00:21:09.440And then why is that associated with youth, let's say, with women?
00:21:41.580So I did a couple of studies with the Manhattan Institute.
00:21:44.380You know, 90% of 18 to 20-year-old Americans that I interviewed, you know, sent the survey to, said that they had encountered at least one critical race theory concept from an adult in school.
00:21:57.020In Britain, it was about, you know, it was a majority as well.
00:22:36.180Amongst anyone over 45, it's in low single digits.
00:22:39.100So we've got a big issue with young people.
00:22:41.160And—but what's really interesting is that if we take this sort of should J.K. Rowling be dropped by her publisher question, you know, women are considerably more likely to say that than men.
00:22:54.700Now, you might say, well, shouldn't women be sticking up for women and women's spaces and female authors?
00:23:01.880So women are actually going against their own interests as a tribe by supporting the gender, you know, the trans activist case on women's sports, women's shelters, women's prisons, you name it.
00:23:12.420It doesn't make any sense from a purely feminist perspective.
00:23:15.560So I just think they're reflecting these are the values that good people are supposed to have and we're going to reinforce them.
00:23:20.760So do you think—okay, well, it's perfectly reasonable to suppose that something like the default young female ethos is self-sacrifice in relationship to the marginalized, right?
00:23:37.920Everything they demand has to be granted to them.
00:23:40.340So perhaps it's not surprising that women would sacrifice their own interests in relationship to the marginalized because that's actually—and certainly self-sacrifice is part of what you might regard as a core in relationship to any moral ethos.
00:23:56.400The problem seems to be that it can be gamed, and it's gamed so effectively now.
00:24:00.860And then you also talked about the fact that these young people have been exposed to these courses, so we could flesh that out a little bit.
00:24:09.240But we did find in the study that I described, which was a very good study, by the way.
00:24:14.000It was only published as a master's thesis because my research career came to a rather crashing halt.
00:24:19.380But the fact that even one course had a significant effect over IQ and temperament and sex was telling, right?
00:24:27.260So now, I don't know if you know this, but you might know it.
00:24:31.300You know that in virtually every state and province in North America, a teacher has to be certified,
00:24:37.580and that's basically the faculties of education have a hammerlock on that, which is appalling as far as I'm concerned,
00:24:44.340because I don't think there's a more corrupt branch of academia than the faculties of education.
00:25:34.120And now, well, and as you said, now in your surveys, you're finding that the vast majority of students have been exposed to,
00:25:42.060well, what's essentially, I don't know how to characterize it, postmodern metamarxist propaganda.
00:25:48.740It's something like that, although, you know, you're stressing more the emotional side of it.
00:25:52.760And so, well, I guess that all, we'll discuss that a little bit too when we get to your,
00:25:57.820I'm so interested in discussing your solutions because, you know, I think the solutions to the universities is to let them perish by their own hand
00:26:06.820because they're certainly struggling mightily to do so.
00:26:12.220And so, I, okay, so that's the facts on the ground with regards to state budgets.
00:26:18.24050% of their budgets has been handed over to these propagandistic institutions.
00:26:23.420Well, I think the schools are critical.
00:26:26.100So, one of the things we're finding, for example, is that students largely are formed by the time they come on campus.
00:26:33.120And a lot of the studies of universities show people's views don't actually change a great deal between when they come on,
00:26:39.280step onto campus and leave the university.
00:26:41.300However, so we really have to focus on the school.
00:26:44.560So, one of the things we found in the study that Zach Goldberg and I did was we looked at how much exposure to critical race and gender theory concepts
00:29:38.580Well, yeah, I think that's such a key point that you make about the neurons and brain development kind of ending in a certain way in the early 20s.
00:29:48.600And that tends to manifest itself—I mean, a political scientist like myself would tend to look at these as cohort effects.
00:29:55.360So you kind of—your beliefs crystallize to some extent in your early 20s, and you carry those through life.
00:30:01.520Because right now, I think there's a complacency amongst a lot of people who say,
00:30:05.340well, you know, young people are woke, but they'll grow out of it.
00:30:08.620You know, they'll come back, they'll have kids, they'll own a house, and they'll suddenly become conservative.
00:30:13.320And I think that's quite naive in many ways.
00:30:15.900I think that may be true in terms of self-interest at paying taxes, but in terms of these core values, I don't think that's likely.
00:30:22.900And you can see that, by the way, with religion.
00:30:24.460So secularism, non-religion started with young people, and those beliefs were sticky, and they maintained non-religion through life.
00:30:32.320And now we're seeing record levels of non-religiosity in the U.S. and Britain, for example.
00:30:37.360So one of my contentions is, yes, there's no question that we—you know, woke has kind of peaked.
00:30:45.260We've seen a rollback of DEI in corporations to some extent.
00:30:48.800We've seen, to some extent, reduced targeting.
00:31:00.320But be that as it may in the New York Times and the Washington Post editorializing in favor of free speech and against, you know, mandatory diversity statements, what I say is that's true.
00:31:11.960And I think those senior liberals have rode back.
00:31:14.100But I think we've got to look at this in terms of cohort change, generational turnover.
00:31:18.400When the median voter and the median employee in an organization is a millennial or a Zoomer, they're going to carry the beliefs they have with them into midlife, and that is going to change our culture.
00:31:30.720So, for example, if I say, here's a question that we asked, YouGov asked to hundreds of thousands of British respondents on its panels, do you favor political correctness because it protects people from discrimination, or do you oppose political correctness because it stifles free speech?
00:31:50.100You know, in the British public, it's sort of 47 to 37 against political correctness.
00:31:55.280Amongst academics, it's maybe 75-20 in favor.
00:32:00.280Amongst social science, humanities, academics, young people take after that.
00:32:04.280They're about two to one in favor of political correctness.
00:32:06.680And what I would sort of predict is if we run the clock forward 20 years, the median in society is going to shift from essentially being opposed to political correctness to being supportive of political correctness.
00:32:18.860So something like speech codes, for example, in universities will have majority support.
00:32:23.720And so I think we really have to turn this ship around while we still have a sensible population, because we can't guarantee that that's always going to be the case.
00:32:33.260And so that's why I think the schools, changing the culture in schools has to be so central.
00:33:27.540The axioms of a cognitive system, I think the word sacred is exactly right, is that you have to accept a certain number of things on faith.
00:33:37.000And then you can build a logical edifice on top of that, maybe even a functionally logical edifice.
00:33:42.280But there's going to be axioms at the base.
00:33:46.140And so I think that any assumption, for example, on the part of people like Dawkins, that we can replace the religious enterprise with something that's purely secular is nonsense.
00:33:55.680I think what we'll get is a different set of sacred axioms.
00:33:59.500And you pointed to race, gender, and sexuality.
00:34:02.680And so why do you, first of all, I want to know what you think about that and why you use the term sacred.
00:34:08.820But I'm also curious about your thoughts with regard to why it was that when we shed our previous set of sacred presumptions, let's say, that it was race, gender, and sexuality that rushed in to fill the void.
00:34:28.380Right. Well, I mean, there is a sort of earlier history, which I don't go into as much in the book for reasons of space.
00:34:34.760So to some degree, you know, this was directed against immigrant groups were sort of slightly protected by the liberal progressives, not as extreme as race post-1960s.
00:34:47.280But I think to understand this, we have to go, and one of the reasons I make the argument that this is about left liberalism is that the civil rights movement, starting in the mid-50s, but really it's in the mid-60s, this occurs with the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act, all things, which are things that I support.
00:35:04.720But as Shelby Steele in his book, White Guilt, which I recommend to everybody, he's an African-American, he grew up in the South, experiences what he called a dramatic shift almost overnight where the cultural power goes away from whites, where black people had to kind of genuflect to whites to suddenly white people having to sort of virtue signal that they are one of the good whites to black people.
00:35:31.580So the cultural power flows to black people.
00:35:34.620That doesn't mean economic power initially, but cultural power.
00:35:38.140And in fact, American institutions, in order to, they lost their moral legitimacy by admitting that they engaged in the sin of racial discrimination.
00:35:47.960Once you admit, he says, you give up cultural power.
00:35:50.620Now, you have to admit because these were real things.
00:35:52.720But that loss of cultural power means that you now have to fight for your moral legitimacy.
00:37:13.760So I put the civil rights movement as kind of the big bang of our moral order and it is sort of the sort of center of our moral universe.
00:37:21.980Now, once you've got this sacredness around race that you have to very tiptoe around black Americans because, you know, you've done wrong and you feel a bit guilty, then you sort of can take that sacredness.
00:37:34.540It's a bit like kryptonite and you can wield it.
00:37:37.000And you can, if you're a feminist movement, you can grab a bit of that power and use it.
00:37:41.660If you are an indigenous movement, you can use it.
00:37:45.740So it's now mispronouncing somebody's name or the Moynihan Report 1965 about the black family.
00:37:52.540That becomes a bit offensive and you have to shelve it, right?
00:37:55.680So the stretching, it's a bit like putty.
00:37:58.380You can then stretch it across to different groups, outwards to microaggressions.
00:38:03.080And this is where all the power comes from.
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00:39:20.720That's more psychological than sociological.
00:39:23.220So, there's a group of personality disorders that are extraordinarily resistant to treatment and should have probably never been medicalized, in my estimation, because they're not illnesses.
00:39:39.660So, antisocial personality disorder is one of them.
00:39:43.180Criminality is not an illness, even though it's diagnosable.
00:39:46.060The associated pathologies are borderline personality disorder, which is perhaps the female equivalent of antisocial personality disorder, although I would argue it's even more toxic.
00:39:58.480Histrionic personality disorder, narcissistic personality disorder, that kind of fleshes it out.
00:40:03.480Now, the people in that cluster, let's say, the personality traits they show are they're Machiavellian, so they use their language to manipulate.
00:40:17.660So, if someone like that is talking to you, the only thing they're using their words for is to obtain power over you for their immediate needs.
00:40:37.540They tend to be psychopathic, and so psychopaths are predators and parasites.
00:40:43.740They are histrionic, so prone to high levels of emotional display, especially negative emotion.
00:40:53.660They're narcissistic, which means they want unearned social status.
00:40:58.180And, just to top it off, because that's not bad enough, they have a proclivity to be sadistic, which means they take pleasure in the undeserving suffering of others.
00:41:09.140Now, the reason I'm bringing this up is because that group of people uses claims of victimization to harness guilt to obtain power.
00:41:19.300So, there's an additional twist here that I think is stunningly dangerous.
00:41:24.780And, you see, it's tied in with your notion that the progressive liberals have enabled the radical seat.
00:41:33.980If you're empathic and progressive, you don't believe that cluster B people exist, because everyone's a victim.
00:41:41.800But the problem is, they do exist, and it's in times when that small minority of people, maybe that's 4%, something like that.
00:41:51.360When they get the upper hand, and they do.
00:41:53.960They got the upper hand after the French Revolution.
00:41:56.620They got the upper hand after the Russian Revolution.
00:41:58.980It is no fun for anyone, because their chaos worshippers, their best means of obtaining power, and even reproductive opportunity, is in the ashes.
00:42:13.240And so, I spent five years working with Democrats in the U.S., and it got frustrating, and so I stopped doing it.
00:42:21.440But part of the reason it got frustrating is because I could never get any of the ones that I worked with, and that was a lot, to say to me, when does the left go too far?
00:42:32.220And I would point out the dangers of the cluster B psychopaths, and they'd just hand wave.
00:42:37.240It's like, oh, no, they don't really mean what they say.
00:42:39.100They don't mean what they say when they're talking about equality of outcome, for example.
00:42:42.920Kamala Harris, she doesn't mean equality of outcome.
00:42:45.880She just means equality of opportunity.
00:42:47.800And it is stunning, the degree to which that's an axiomatic belief of progressive liberals, that that radical left fringe doesn't exist, or they don't mean what they say.
00:43:01.620I've literally not talked to one of them, including Robert Kennedy, by the way, who was willing to say, for example, what you said in your book, which is that we better watch out for the demand for equality of outcome.
00:43:13.720Because I do think that's where the pathology really manifests itself.
00:43:17.760It's like, really, you want equality of outcome, do you, along all dimensions?
00:43:21.360How are you going to obtain that exactly, except by force?
00:43:29.440Yeah, so, well, so there's this interplay between sociology and thought and psychopathology that people aren't attending to.
00:43:39.500And it's very dangerous, because the other thing that's terrible is that social media seems to enable the cluster B types, because in normal conversation, they're subject to the restrictions that face-to-face interaction carries with it, like the possibility of getting hit, for example.
00:43:57.080But none of that is there on social media, and that enables, as far as I can tell, that enables this psychopathic manipulation to have, essentially, free sway.
00:44:10.180Yeah, I mean, that's really an interesting set of observations.
00:44:15.060And I guess we're agreeing, but from different ends of the telescope, because I think that what's happening is this large group.
00:44:22.300So, in a university, the median academic is liberal left, soft left, not far left.
00:44:28.360It's 50 to 60 percent of the university.
00:44:31.520And this is why, for example, by a two-to-one ratio, social science academics and elite universities support mandatory diversity statements.
00:44:41.200So, this is not something they're being forced to do by a few crazies.
00:44:44.620But, of course, as you say, there's a symbiosis between the authoritarian left and this large group of liberal left.
00:44:51.720So, my view is if we could work on at least convincing some of those liberal leftists to change course, then that will reduce, you know, it's like unplugging a guitar from the amplifier.
00:45:02.660The liberal left is the amplifier, and the radical left is the guitar player.
00:45:06.700So, how do we – but you make another good point, which I've heard before, which is when does the left go too far, the unwillingness.
00:45:14.060And there's really a couple of strands to this, and we might call them equal outcomes, diversity is another, and inclusion is another, the EDI triumvirate.
00:45:24.020And I would say that on all of those dimensions, left liberalism really has no boundaries.
00:45:28.920So, left liberalism is, in my view, sane on the economy.
00:45:33.560It believes in a mixed capitalist economy.
00:45:35.660And so, left liberalism really emerges as the victor through two world wars and the Cold War, as the ideology of – sort of the elite cultural ideology.
00:46:09.320And that's really where – I mean, Hanania's book on affirmative action in the United States, moving to this idea of, well, starts out as, well, we want equal treatment.
00:46:23.340Well, you know, if you have a test like the SAT and certain racial groups are not represented, then that's a kind of indirect discrimination.
00:46:31.360So, what we can see is this kind of evolutionary ratcheting.
00:46:35.040Now, that's quite different from a neo-Marxist takeover of institutions, a kind of vanguard march through the institutions argument, which I think is – I'm not as persuaded.
00:46:45.040I think there's some of that happening, but I think it's really this sort of evolving, ratcheting left liberalism because it has no boundaries.
00:46:51.700As you say, when is there too much diversity?
00:46:54.860And we know from the studies, Robert Putnam, for example, or Easterly, that too much diversity actually has negative impacts on, for example, economic development, on various kinds of, for example, trust in your neighbors.
00:47:09.240And this is now – this is a finding I would call a consensus finding.
00:47:14.200Well, how can you have trust without cohesiveness?
00:47:26.980That is not the way the liberal left thinks.
00:47:29.460They just think more equality, more diversity, more inclusivity.
00:47:33.600Now, of course, inclusivity means we've got to have speech codes, we've got to clamp down on speech, which might be offensive so people don't feel included, might damage their self-esteem.
00:47:41.640So this is getting at free speech to get inclusion.
00:48:16.640It has no construct validity whatsoever.
00:48:19.120It's an index of your temperamental proclivity to negative emotion.
00:48:24.100And women have lower levels of self-esteem because they have higher levels of neuroticism, and that kicks in at puberty.
00:48:30.500And so this is a good example of how the educational psychologists and the social psychologists have actually perverted the whole culture because we actually believe in things that don't exist so deeply that people use them in their speech as if they're actual facts.
00:49:18.900So, one of the things that was striking about your book, and I don't know how to rectify this apparent paradox.
00:49:27.840You make the case that we've raised a cohort of kids who've been thoroughly propagandized in high school, let's say, because that looks like about the place where it's occurring.
00:49:40.680And your belief is that that's pretty sticky, although there'll be some movement in a conservative direction.
00:49:47.260People get more conscientious as they get older.
00:49:51.220They do tilt a bit more towards conservatism.
00:49:53.300But you believe that a lot of those ideas will be sticky, and that means that that's going to dominate, let's say, in positions of power 10 years down the road.
00:50:01.920But by the same token, you also believe that there's time to turn the ship around.
00:50:24.920And it was a very enjoyable experience.
00:50:26.780I didn't teach anything particularly controversial, but still.
00:50:29.240What I would say is there's really two different approaches to dealing with the issue.
00:50:34.380I mean, one is what I might call libertarian, and that's using market-based solutions, and the other is interventionists using government-led solutions.
00:50:43.520Now, I actually lean more towards the second than the first, which may jar against some of the libertarians in the audience.
00:50:50.400So, for example, I think when it comes to the battle of ideas in the media, there I think it is the barriers to entry are quite low.
00:50:58.160You can set up a podcast, you can have the impact that you're having, that Joe Rogan is having.
00:51:04.300But when we're talking about universities or tech firms, particularly search engines, there are natural monopolies and there are sort of market failures.
00:51:13.440So, there are first-mover advantages to being Harvard.
00:51:16.380It's going to be very hard for Harvard's reputation.
00:51:18.900I know it's dropped a little, but it's going to be hard for that rank ordering to change a lot.
00:51:23.060But, and so, and similarly with school, so the view that we should simply have school choice, and that's going to fix the problem.
00:51:32.940One of the, I'm sort of, I think school choice is great, but I don't think it's going to make much difference.
00:51:38.160Surveys that I've looked at, for example, show that kids who go through the, to private school, to parochial school, who are even homeschooled, actually don't differ very much in their views.
00:51:50.040And, and in addition, the amount of critical race and gender theory that they are being exposed to is relatively similar.
00:52:01.000Very, very, I mean, it's a little bit lower, but in the data that I've seen, which is the, at the FIRE, Foundation Individual Rights and Expression.
00:52:08.560And also, we also asked the school questions on our 18 to 20 survey.
00:52:12.780Now, we didn't get a ton of variation.
00:52:14.540Now, it could be that the homeschool kids, we got a selection of those homeschool kids, which wasn't representative.
00:52:25.140Like, well, how do you account for that?
00:52:26.580Because on the face of it, that seems, I believe it with the private schools, because my experience with private schools is that they tend to be as woke as the public schools.
00:52:37.780Pretty much the homeschool one that that's more complex, but it's not that easy for parents, for example, to set up a curriculum and the curricula are well dominated by the ideology, let's say.
00:52:54.080Well, well, I think there are some differences.
00:52:55.920So on the gender ideology, there's a bit less amongst the homeschool.
00:52:59.520Now, we don't have a massive sample, but there looks to be some effect, but it's not massive.
00:53:03.440And my point is, you know, if you are a really switched on parent, you can send your kid to a classical school.
00:53:08.580If you have that option nearby, that may make a difference for you.
00:53:12.240But the number of parents who are like that is quite small.
00:53:14.740Most of them will just say, what school is going to get my kid ahead into a top university gets the best results, even if they have a choice.
00:53:21.220And so most kids are just going to be put through the sort of indoctrination machine.
00:53:25.620And that's my concern is not the freedom of a very, you know, switched on parent to actually avoid these things, which is important.
00:53:33.680But it's most of these kids are being put through the same system.
00:53:36.520So we've got to, I think, get at the public school system.
00:53:39.700So, for example, I think something like what Ron DeSantis is doing, sort of essentially banning DEI, sort of getting indoctrination out of the schools, monitoring that.
00:53:52.300Okay, let me ask you about that, you know, because I really have mixed feelings about this.
00:54:07.500And the concern is that once you establish the precedent that the universities can be directed from the top down by the politicians, particularly, to set their curricula straight.
00:54:25.060And I believe that the work that Rufo is doing in Florida, setting up the new university, for example, and pushing back against DEI, is laudable, partly because all the universities to speak of are woke, with the possible exception of, like, Hillsdale.
00:54:42.560And so, even if there is a risk of overshooting on the conservative side, they're at such a disadvantage that, practically speaking, at the moment, that might be necessary.
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01:09:02.440So you still think that there's enough of a centrist consensus around what neutrality constitutes
01:09:09.480for that to still be a compelling argument to people, even the left, the more liberal progressive types.
01:09:16.740Well, you'd think at least they'd be self-interested enough to understand that neutrality throughout sequential elections
01:09:25.400might be a hell of a lot better than domination by the radical conservative right, which is certainly a possibility.
01:09:31.740And that's certainly something that's emerging in Europe and could easily, well, who knows how things will play out,
01:09:36.820but it's popping up its head in many, many places in Europe, right?
01:09:40.920The last country to go was the Netherlands.
01:09:42.620So that's what Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, most of Eastern Europe, like this is starting to happen very, very widely and could certainly continue.
01:09:52.140So neutrality, you'd think across sequential elections would be the best policy for everybody if we had enough of a consensus to define it.
01:10:00.040Well, I'd also say, too, that right now the public, if you take a look, and I've done surveys in the U.S., Britain, and Canada,
01:10:06.280it's the public in all three societies leans about two to one against what I would call the woke position.
01:10:11.880And that could be teaching kids that Canada is a racist country or, you know, that there are many genders or whatever.
01:10:18.920So it's roughly two to one against across 50 questions, let's say.
01:10:22.320In a democracy, the democracy gets to set the curriculum.
01:10:26.440I think the majority of the population would be on board the idea of political neutrality and balance as they see it.
01:10:32.860And I think we have the numbers to institute that now.
01:10:36.440I mean, one of my pleas in terms of the 12-point plan is that the conservative politicians really need to upgrade the focus on culture.
01:11:47.560Well, we explain it, first of all, by the fact that this issue has not been important enough for conservative politicians.
01:11:53.740Hanania does a good job of talking about that.
01:11:56.360And also that the abortion lobby, the gun lobby, they're very organized.
01:11:59.800You know, they put pressure on Republican politicians between elections.
01:12:03.860The anti-affirmative action lobby is totally disorganized and cannot hold conservative politicians' feet to the fire if they do nothing about it.
01:12:12.700That has to change that organization between elections.
01:12:15.580We have to be putting much more pressure on our politicians to raise the importance of this issue and to deliver on that issue.
01:12:24.280Well, I've seen in Canada—well, I talk to a lot of conservative politicians in Canada, and a fair number in the U.S., although I think the proclivity for this is much more market in Canada because it's more left-leaning.
01:12:36.840Ten years ago, the typical conservative was terrified in Canada of saying anything that smacked of social conservatism.
01:12:45.540And there was a very specific reason for that.
01:12:47.820And the reason was, if any one of them came out publicly and said anything socially conservative, then the woke, psychopathic mob would take them out on social media.
01:13:05.100And the conservatives, who are also very guilt-prone—like, that's the other thing, too, is that the left has this—radicals have this tremendous advantage, because—especially the really psychopathic ones—because conservatives feel guilt.
01:13:41.160No one has enough courage to stand up beside you.
01:13:45.300The radicals had the conservatives cowed completely.
01:13:47.960And affirmative action is a real touchstone for that, because to even question it—well, it's changed to some degree now, not that much—but to even question it meant the probability that you could be accused of being a racist was, like, super high.
01:14:22.300In many European societies, that's no longer a taboo.
01:14:25.860So Sweden, for example, you could not—the sort of establishment conservative party tried to—one of the ministers tried to raise levels of immigration as an issue in Sweden in 2014.
01:14:38.400He was attacked in the media as a racist.
01:15:00.120Now, once you break the taboo, all of a sudden, as in Sweden, now all the parties are talking about immigration, and the taboo is—it's not gone entirely.
01:15:07.580But the Everton window is open quite a bit.
01:15:09.820And so in Canada, likewise, we're going to need that.
01:15:13.160Now, we've seen it a bit on the gender issue.
01:15:14.840Premier Higgs in New Brunswick, we've seen Scott Moe in Saskatchewan.
01:15:17.820That's the beginning of an opening up of a converse.
01:15:20.800You need a brave politician like Higgs to break the ice.
01:15:24.160The next thing that we need to see from a Canadian politician is to break the ice on this hoax of the mass graves.
01:15:32.200That has—somebody has to sort of say the emperor's new clothes on this thing because there is no evidence of this.
01:15:39.120And it underpins an entire garment-rending attack on national history, on the founders of Canada, et cetera.
01:15:45.080Now, who is going to take—who's going to throw the first stone in that?
01:16:58.020Polyev isn't pushing the cultural issues at the moment.
01:17:01.580And I think it's partly because, and I think this is actually wisdom to some degree, if your opponent is busy slaughtering himself, you might as well just stand and watch.
01:17:11.800Well, seriously, there's not, you know, there's no sense causing a tremendous amount of trouble while that's occurring.
01:17:18.040But the Conservatives are much less intimidated in Canada than they were 15 years ago, like a lot.
01:17:23.940And they'll certainly make an issue of the sorts of things that we've been discussing in a way that wouldn't have been conceivable in, say, 2010.
01:17:34.220I think that it's all, but I do think it's important for the grassroots to, to some degree, hold Polyev to account when he's in office.
01:17:41.280If, for example, he backtracks on defunding the CBC, if he doesn't do anything, say anything on immigration, on culture wars.
01:17:51.320I think that, you know, and my worry, having seen it in Britain, where the Conservative government came in with the support of Brexit voters and essentially did not deliver, hoping that the voters wouldn't notice.
01:18:08.040So let me, let me ask you a more personal question, maybe, and then I'll see if there's some, anything else you want to talk about on the YouTube side of this discussion.
01:18:18.560Does it, like, would you characterize yourself politically?
01:18:22.320Where do you characterize yourself politically, first of all?
01:21:30.500I mean, first is that I think that woke and cancel culture are connected to many different issues that are very pressing to a lot of voters.
01:21:40.120And one of them is, you know, the populist right is going to do very well in Europe in the European elections coming up in a couple of weeks or thereabouts.
01:21:48.200This is really a—so it's not just, you know, about free speech and truth when we talk about cancel culture.
01:22:11.520Well, then you're going to have somebody popping up and selling blue jeans.
01:22:15.320So if the mainstream parties are only selling one immigration policy, then the political entrepreneur, which is going to be you, Kip, or the Sweden Democrats, or Donald Trump, is going to pop up.
01:22:24.580So if you care about polarization and populism, you have to have free speech, which means we have to deal with woke.
01:22:30.980And I should just say one other thing, which is I'm trying to, both with this book and with a new course that I've run this year on—it's an open online course on woke—trying to get people to understand what's led to this problem and why so many of the things that we argue about and talk about—crime, health care, education—they're downstream of this.
01:22:51.300So we can't—one of the things that I fear is that the culture wars get siloed into this narrow campus bubble, and people think it's a minor thing.
01:23:00.120And they forget that it has many, many effects on a lot of issues that a lot of voters care a lot about.
01:23:05.640So I just think it's a much bigger thing.
01:23:07.260In a way, it's the future of our civilization.
01:23:13.780Well, that's the thing, is you've got to see what the source is, and it's—well, it certainly seems that the source is—the source of much of the trouble is—well, I think it's the higher education system.
01:23:25.780And then it's the—more specifically, the ideologies that have gripped the higher education system, that people have allowed to grip it, I suppose, and also enabled.
01:23:34.440And so, yes, you're absolutely right, in my opinion, that it isn't about economics with the culture war being a distraction.
01:23:44.020That's—it's partly, too, you know, one of the things I've come to deeply understand, that wealth is a consequence of an ethos.
01:23:52.160It's not a consequence of natural resources.
01:23:54.420In fact, the natural resource curse is one of the economic facts that seems to disprove that entirely.
01:24:00.100Countries that are rich in natural resources are often, in fact, statistically more often, not likely to be rich, because they become corrupt, for example.
01:24:09.840You need an ethos, and an ethos makes you wealthy, and that's what happened in Japan, for example.
01:24:15.220And the default interaction between Japanese citizens is one of trust and honesty, and so Japan can be filthy rich in the absence of any natural resources at all.
01:24:25.080And so there's no culture war independent of economics.
01:24:27.960That's foolish, is if we get the culture war wrong, we're going to destroy the economic system.
01:24:33.160And that's actually the stated goal of many of the real deep radicals, and so that actually should come as no surprise to anyone who's listening.
01:24:40.580And so this—and I think you're right, in consequence, about the libertarians.
01:24:45.340It's like you need a certain kind of cultural consensus so that less government is even an issue.
01:24:57.260And it's not going to be less government.
01:24:59.680It's going to be better distributed responsibility, and that's not the same thing at all.
01:25:04.540Like, right, because the libertarian ethos only works when you have a citizenry that's capable of picking up governance on their own, to take that responsibility.
01:25:26.780I mean, this is sort of a point Tocqueville made as well, is that that sort of layer of civic trust is vital for the functioning of freedom.
01:25:34.920If we have more polarization—polarization means you can't enact the right economic policies because each party is sort of wrapping that policy into its ideology.
01:25:44.920People can't be rational and detached, right?
01:25:47.320And this is one of the things I think that the left loses sight of is that if you try and infiltrate institutions and politicize them, civil service, schools, corporations, you are actually going to cause half the citizenry to lose trust in those institutions.
01:26:03.580And therefore, without trust—I mean, as Putnam's work, a lot of people have done work on the salutary effect of trust on entrepreneurship and innovation.
01:26:12.220Without that basis of trust, if that's being torn apart, as you say, by culture wars and polarization.
01:26:19.280And so I just—I'm trying to appeal to the sane left to say, look, you cannot just conduct your politics by infiltrating institutions.
01:26:27.180If you want to win that battle in the court of public opinion, that's fine.
01:26:31.000But to try and do it surreptitiously by infiltration is actually eroding the trust in society.
01:26:36.380And by the way, you can see it on the right, too.
01:26:38.780The right has kind of won over more positions on the Supreme Court.
01:26:42.720The left's trust in the Supreme Court as an institution falls.
01:26:46.180And that's what happens when you politicize.
01:26:48.320And so I just think we've got to solve—and when people say it's just a little culture war, no, these are critical issues that we have got to come to a solution on if we want to overcome this polarization.
01:27:28.900Be nice to talk to you again at some point.
01:27:30.860I'd like to delve into the issue of fundamentals.
01:27:37.420Like your take is something like, as far as I can tell, that there's still enough centrist consensus so that we can adopt this stance of neutrality and use that as a—what would you say?
01:27:49.920As a conceptual structure to push back against the woke nonsense.
01:27:54.100And, you know, that seems plausible to me, possibly.
01:27:59.660There might be enough trust left for that.
01:28:01.180I'd like to have a conversation with you at some point about what the sacred fundamentals perhaps actually have to be.
01:28:08.520You know, what are the ones that are lurking underneath that residual consensus?
01:28:12.340Because I think you can be utilitarian when the implicit consensus still exists.
01:28:18.160But the question is, you know, are we so fractionated that that's not the case anymore?
01:28:24.520Yeah, you know, I think that we do have to sort of try and—just as we fought the Cold War, it was economic utilitarianism and well-being against economic socialism.
01:28:36.780What we have now is we've got cultural socialism, and we need that sort of cultural wealth perspective.
01:28:44.240It's a bit like the economists always talk about the pie.
01:28:47.840The more equally you cut it up, the more it shrinks or the less it grows.
01:28:51.280So you need an optimal balance between equality, redistribution, and growth.
01:28:56.020I think likewise with the culture, we have to have a conversation about the more we push equal outcomes by race and gender and other things, the more that cultural pie isn't going to grow.
01:29:05.360So you may—and maybe a white man can't write about a black woman, and that impoverishes literature.