506. The Insanity of Woke Psychologists | Lee Jussim
Summary
Lee Jossam is a distinguished professor of psychology at Rutgers University, and he s been the chair of the Department of Psychology and separately of Anthropology, which is a peculiar happenstance. Lee is one of the rarer social psychologists who s actually a scientist, and his work is core to the culture war that is tearing us apart.
Transcript
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So the podcast today took a turn back to the psychological, which is an improvement over
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the political, as far as I'm concerned, generally speaking. Likely because the topic of
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concentration has more long-lasting significance, all things considered. So in any case, I spoke
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today with Lee Jossam. And Lee is a distinguished professor of psychology at Rutgers. And he's been
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the chair there of the Department of Psychology and separately of anthropology, which is a peculiar
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happenstance that we discuss in the podcast. I was interested in Lee's work because there's a lot of
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trouble in the field of social psychology. A lot of the claims of the field are not true. Now,
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you got to expect that in scientific inquiry because a lot of the things we believe are false. And the
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whole reason that we practice as scientists is to correct those falsehoods. And it's also the case
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that much of what's published is not going to be true because the alternative would be that everything
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that was published was a discovery that was true. And we'd be overwhelmed by novelty so fast
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that it would be untenable if that ever happened. Lee is one of the rarer social psychologists who's
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actually a scientist. And he's done a lot of interesting and also controversial work. That's
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partly how you can tell it's interesting and valid because it also is controversial. One of the things
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he's established, which is of cardinal importance, is that our perceptions of other people are not
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mostly biased, right? The contrary claim is rather preposterous, which is that all of the categories
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that we use to structure our interactions with other people are based on the power distortion of
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our perceptions, let's say, which is essentially a Marxist and postmodern claim. And Lee became
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infamous, at least in part, because he showed that our perceptions, our stereotypes, if you will,
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are mostly accurate. There are sources of bias and they do enter into the process and they're relevant,
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but that's a very different claim than that the foundations of our perceptions themselves
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are indistinguishable from the biases we hold as motivated agents. And so his work is extremely
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important. It's core to the culture war that is tearing us apart. So if you're interested in the
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definition of perception, the relationship between perception and reality, and the analysis of bias
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in a manner that's credible, then pay attention to this podcast and get things cleared up.
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So I guess we might as well get right to the point. And the first thing I'm curious about is,
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and this is something I think that can be like fairly definitively laid at the feet of social
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psychologists, was that there was an absolute denial that anything like left-wing authoritarianism
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existed, even conceptually, literally until 2016. Yeah, that's right. For 60 years. I came across
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that and I thought, well, what do you mean there's no such thing as left-wing authoritarianism? We know
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that. It's like, that's insane. It's insane. It's insane. And then there were a couple of papers
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published in 2016 on left-wing authoritarianism in the Soviet Union. That was the first breaking of
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that. Damn, I did a master's. I supervised a master's thesis at that time. It was a very good
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thesis on left-wing authoritarianism. And because we showed that there were statistical clumps of
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reliably characterizable left-wing authoritarian beliefs that did in fact associate statistically
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and that identifiable groups of people with identifiable temperamental proclivities did hold.
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So I really wanted to follow up on that because it was very rich potential source of new
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information. But my academic career exploded at that point. It became impossible.
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So people have taken that, have taken that ball and run with it.
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Yeah, yeah. So, well, tell us about it. What have you found?
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How do you, let's, let's start with some definitions. Like what constitutes left-wing
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as opposed to right-wing authoritarianism, let's say.
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Right. So there are measurement, there are measurement issues across the board, but they,
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that is on both, with respect to both left and right-wing authoritarianism. They're both,
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there are questionnaires, commonly used questionnaires to assess right, assess right-wing
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authoritarianism and to assess left-wing authoritarianism. They're different. The
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reason, let me give a little context. For a long time, people tried to develop a non-partisan
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authoritarianism scale. So if authoritarianism was a psychological construct rather than a political
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one. And they couldn't really do it because one of the core toxic elements of authoritarianism
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is a motivation to crush, deprive of humanity and human rights, one's political opponents.
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So you need to assess either right- or left-wing authoritarianism vis-a-vis the attitudes towards
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one's opponents in order to measure the construct.
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Okay. So that's the, okay. That's a very interesting, that's a very interesting definition
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though, because you're pointing to the fact that arguably, and tell me if you think this is right,
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the core of authoritarianism, which as you said, can't be measured outside the political,
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isn't precisely political. It's your attitude towards those who don't agree with you.
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But you have to have some beliefs for that to be.
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I didn't say can't. I say they have not succeeded. Actually, one of my current graduate students,
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is for her master's thesis, in the process of trying to develop a non-partisan authoritarianism
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Yes, based on that idea. I don't know if she's going to succeed.
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Okay, so I'm thinking about that clinically. It's like, well, that's where you'd start to
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look at overlap between cluster B personality psychopathology, narcissism, borderline personality
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disorder, histrionic, because those are the people who are very likely to elevate their own
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status at the cost of other people, including their children, and those they purport to love.
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So the first step to do that is to develop scales that adequate, survey questions that
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adequately get at left or right-wing authoritarianism, and then correlate them with things measuring
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narcissism or sadism or whatever. People have done that on the left, and it does correlate
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with left-wing authoritarianism. I don't know, you know, you never know for sure the limits
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of your own knowledge. So I don't know if anyone has even tried to do this on the right,
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or maybe they have, and it doesn't actually correspond with narcissism on the right.
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You know, it corresponds with other things on the right, but not so much with, well, if there's
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evidence on narcissism correlating with right-wing authoritarianism, I don't know it.
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Nothing at the moment comes to mind. I have a memory of a memory of something associated with
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that, because I've tried to follow the literature, but I've definitely seen it emerge on the left.
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Correlations on the right. Well, from what I remember, and I'm vague about this because I can't
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give you sources, is that dark tetrad traits stand out quite markedly as associated with
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authoritarianism. And I thought that was somewhat independent of whether it was left or right,
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but I can't provide the sources out there. I review them in this new book I wrote on
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We Who Wrestle With God. There's a lot of reference to the dark tetrad personality constellations and
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the political manifestations. But okay, but you've been studying it. Okay, so when we looked at
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the way we developed our measure, because I'd like to know how you developed yours, is we took
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we took a very large sample of political opinions and then factor analyzed them to find out if we
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could identify first clumps of left-wing and clumps of right-wing belief, which you can clearly
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identify. And then to look within the left-wing constellation to see if there is a reliable
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subcategory of clearly authoritarian proclivities. And we found, you know, we found the biggest predictor
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of left-wing authoritarianism was low verb like you. It was a walloping predictor, negative 0.40.
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Immense predictor. Yeah. So that's something to, because you know, one of the things we talked
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about at the beginning of the podcast was that some of these ideas sound good in the absence of further
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critical evaluation. So that you might say, well, if you lack the capacity for deep verbal critical
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evaluation, what apparently moral ideas would appeal to you? And, well, you can imagine that
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there might be a set of them, and one of them would be, well, don't be mean to people who aren't
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like you. You know, which is a perfectly good rule of thumb. Yes, absolutely. That doesn't mean it's the,
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it doesn't mean that everyone who says that's what they're for are, in fact, agitating on behalf of
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that principle. Absolutely. Absolutely. Okay, so back to your research. Yeah, yeah, okay. So first of all,
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let me be clear. Other than my student Sonia, who is trying to develop a nonpartisan authoritarianism
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scale, the work that we have done using either left-wing or right-wing authoritarianism scales
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are scales developed by other people. We haven't developed the scales. So for left- And do you think
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there are good scales now for left and right-wing authoritarianism? Adequate scales?
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Adequate for right, yes. And pretty good for left. Even though left, the research on left
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is much more recent, you might think it would be therefore less well-established. There's two
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teams, one led by Luke Conway and a different one led by Tom Costello, have done a lot of very good,
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both psychometric, sort of statistical assessment of how things hang together, and also validity
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assessment of their two slightly different, somewhat different scales. You can tell if someone's
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belief is part of a set of identifiable beliefs. If they hold that belief, the fact they hold that
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belief predicts reliably that they hold another belief, right? And then you want to see a pattern
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like that emerge across a lot of people. Then you see that there are associations of ideas, right?
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Those would be something like the manifestation of an ideology. You want to see if that's identifiable,
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what its boundaries are, that it can be distinguished from other clumps of ideas. So left could be
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distinguished from right. This can all be done statistically and very reliably, right? Now,
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it wasn't done by social psychologists from the end of World War II till 2016, right? Shameful
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lacuna in the history of political analysis within the psychological community. It shocked me when I
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first discovered it. Me too. Me too. It was shocking. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Really?
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Talk about blind spots. Oh my God. I mean, I know. It's like, oh, do you guys miss Mao
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and Stalin? I know, right? How do you miss that? I don't know. How do you miss that? It's fairly
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obvious. You're a social psychologist. The biggest pathological social movements of the 20th century
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had their existence denied for 70 years. Right, right.
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Mind-boggling. It's mind-boggling. It's mind-boggling. It just, I've never recovered from
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discovery. Yes. It took me like a year to even believe it was true. Okay, so you're using other
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people's questions. Yes. So what's your approach? What are you, how are you? Well, it does depend on
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the study. So this is one good one that I think I can describe shortly, quickly. We administered
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cartoons, like political cartoons, as if they were memes, like social media memes, to an online
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sample, about 1,000 people, and asked them how much they liked the cartoons and memes, and
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which, and we told them to vote for the one, for one, their favorite, because the one that received
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the most votes, we would actually post on social media. Now, that was a lie. It was a deception,
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and we explained that at the end. But we wanted them to believe that when they were selecting
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something, that this was as close as we could get to a behavior. It was close to them posting it.
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They believed their vote could influence what would be posted. Right, right. So it was a real
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world outcome. A real world quasi-behavioral. Of something that would be promoted. Rather than
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just like liking or disliking. Right, right. Okay. Or self-report that they believe something.
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That's right. So two of the, I'm going to describe two of the cartoons, which were quite a contrast to
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each other. We actually had a set kind of like the first and a set like the second. Okay. But I can
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describe the two quickly enough. The first was actually a political propaganda cartoon from the
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Soviet Union. We didn't tell them that from the 1930s, 1940s, anti-American propaganda. But we
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didn't tell them that. We just presented the cartoon, which showed a long-distance shot of this.
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In the top panel was a long-distance shot of the Statue of Liberty. The bottom panel was a close-up
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of her head and her crown. And the spires of the crown were KKK members. People dressed in KKK,
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whatever. Right, right, right. So the true nature of American liberty. Right, right. American liberty is just...
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So that's a power, right? It's typical Marxist rule.
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Yes, right. Okay. That was one. Yeah. And then the second was an image of a diverse group of people.
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People, different racial and ethnic groups, wearing clothes for different professions.
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So it might be a bus driver or a businessman or a secretary or a teacher or whatever. There were a whole bunch
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of different kinds of people in obviously different roles, kind of in a crowd with their arms around
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each other under an American flag. Sort of pluralistic diversity. That's kind of a humanistic
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form of diversity. And then we simply asked people, you know, we asked them, which ones do you like
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the most? Which ones do you want to share on social media? And... So is that a benevolent left view?
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Yeah, sort of a benevolent left view. Yes, exactly. Right, right. That's right.
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We did find in our analysis that there were, there's a liberal left that's clear and there's
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an authoritarian left. And the liberal left, this is part of our investigation, the liberal left
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isn't... How did we figure that out? The liberal left doesn't partake of the attitudes of the
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radical authoritarian leftists. Yes. But they're the ones that I also think that they're...
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Sort of oblivious. ...denied. Yes. They're oblivious.
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Yes, I think that's true. And that is what we found. That's what we found in the study.
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That's relevant to this. Well, with regards to these questionnaires, it's something that I wanted
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to do. You know, the large language models track statistical probability. So you can take those
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left-wing questionnaire sets and you can ask ChatGPT, here's an item or here's three items,
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generate 30 more. And it does it. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Right? So if you wanted to improve the
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statistical reliability of the measures, so you can imagine, take the measures that already exist,
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put them in clumps of three in ChatGPT, have it expanded out to like 300 items, administer it to
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1,000 people and distill it. Because the thing... That's a great idea.
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This will speed things up radically. Because the thing about the large language models is
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they already have the statistical correlations built in. When you ask ChatGP to generate
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40 items that are conceptually like these four, that's what it does. Yeah. It's not an opinion.
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This is great. So you can use ChatGPT to purify the
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questionnaires. And you can do that on the left and on the right. And you can... It takes like 10
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minutes instead of two years. I'm going to bring this back to Sonia. This is great.
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Sonia is a fan of your podcast. I'm sure she's going to see this.
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Okay. I'll probably talk to her before, but... Hi, Sonia.
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Yeah, you should be doing this with all the questionnaires. Like, it's the same with
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narcissism. Yeah, yeah. If you put... See, the other thing you could do with ChatGPT is you could
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say, here's 20 items significant of narcissism. Okay. Which is the central item? And can you generate
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20 items that are better markers of that central tendency? And the thing is, it can do it because
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it's mapped the linguistic representations. Yeah, yeah.
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So all the factor structure is already built into the ChatGPT systems.
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Yeah, that's great. That's great. Yeah. So, okay. So let... This is one of the things I would
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pursue if I still had a research lab, right? These things are hard to pursue without having that
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structure in place. Yeah, yeah, yeah. But I think this would radically speed up the...
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Yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. Radically speed up the process of...
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I totally see that. And also make it much more reliable and valid.
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We'll have to try it. We'll have to try it. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. Try it out.
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All right. So now you've got people voting for one comic or the other.
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And it was exactly as you described before we went down the large language model path
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that liberals who are not... So we use statistical regression. We can separate out
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being liberal but not authoritarian from being a left-wing authoritarian but not liberal.
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Like, liberalism predicted endorsement of the sort of humanistic diversity image.
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The people together are under an American flag. We're all, you know, we're all different
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but we're all in it together. We love America. Blah, blah, blah.
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It was left-wing authoritarianism, powerfully predicted endorsement of the Soviet propaganda.
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Another thing you might want to do is take that questionnaire, do an item analysis with
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regards to preference, and rank order the items in terms of their predictive validity
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in relationship to the cartoon, because you might be able to see which of the items are
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Yeah, especially if you saw that pattern across multiple cartoons.
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Well, how many studies have you done now on left-wing authoritarianism?
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Well, it's a lot, I mean, it's a lot, and we include it in almost everything, and we
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include measures of left- and right-wing authoritarianism in most of the studies we've
00:20:59.240
So, the most recent splash, and I think that's what got your staff member interested in having
00:21:07.720
me on here, were three experimental studies assessing the psychological impacts of common
00:21:22.080
And we did it with three types of, three different kinds of DEI rhetoric.
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Yeah, those are probably studies that I'd run across of years.
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Yeah, yeah, that's well, it's fairly recent, and they've made more of a splash than I would
00:21:36.680
Well, it's one thing to say that DEI programs work.
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It's another thing to say they don't work, and it's a completely different thing to say
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they do the opposite of what, yeah, that's not good, and it seems to me highly probable.
00:21:49.260
So, you know, suicide prevention programs, the kind the government's always running, they
00:21:57.160
Well, you're advertising and normalizing suicide, right?
00:22:03.080
And you think, well, we're going to put up a prevention program.
00:22:12.760
Third, did you ever stop to consider that your conceptualization of the problem might be
00:22:20.080
There's so many things like this that happen, clinicians have become, the research-oriented
00:22:24.560
clinicians have become very, very sensitive to such things, because it's frequently the
00:22:28.840
case that a well-meaning intervention will make things worse.
00:22:35.460
It's like, well, there's 50,000 ways something could be worse, and like one way it could be
00:22:40.920
And so just, it's an overwhelmingly high probability that whatever you do to change something that
00:22:49.760
So now, so do you, what was your evidence that the DEI interventions made?
00:22:58.620
What interventions and what was your evidence linking them?
00:23:02.220
So let me walk through, let me qualify this a little bit.
00:23:10.380
We examined the rhetoric that is common to many DEI interventions.
00:23:18.320
ChatGPD could do a very good job of that, by the way.
00:23:21.860
The problem is a lot of the materials used in DEI trainings aren't publicly available.
00:23:28.880
So it's actually hard, and we can say they're common to things we had access to, but we
00:23:38.640
And that's an important limitation, well, hold on, that's an important limitation that
00:23:44.700
It's not like we evaluated the effectiveness of the DEI training program instituted by the
00:23:54.260
We took the intellectual ideas from three different kinds of sources, anti-racism rhetoric, anti-Islamophobia
00:24:02.980
rhetoric, and anti-caste, the Hindu caste system, anti-caste oppression rhetoric.
00:24:09.400
And there are, for race, we used passages from Kendi's How to Be an Anti-Racist and from
00:24:21.440
These books were widely required for our colleges.
00:24:25.400
You know, there's sometimes, she is paid $40,000 a session to come in and give her training.
00:24:34.100
So we also actually used this sort of large language model, this sort of language network
00:24:41.780
analysis to examine the extent to which this type of rhetoric was common throughout the
00:24:58.060
So let me give an example from the race, and this is just a short excerpt.
00:25:07.140
So people would read, so they would read, say, an anti-racist passage or a control passage.
00:25:14.180
The control passage in these studies, in two out of the three, was about how to grow corn
00:25:20.920
And this is only a short excerpt of a longer passage.
00:25:26.800
White people raised in Western society are conditioned into a white supremacist worldview.
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And it was quotes smooth together with a little writing by us of Kendi and D'Angelo.
00:25:43.520
Okay, all right, so they then were presented with a very brief scenario in which a college
00:25:54.780
admissions officer interviews an applicant, and ultimately the applicant is rejected from
00:26:05.460
I mean, the words are slightly different because I'm doing that piece from memory, but that's
00:26:11.580
They were then asked a series of questions assessing how much perceived racism and bias
00:26:21.380
You know, on the part of the admissions officer.
00:26:24.520
And what we found is when they got the Kendi-D'Angelo essay, they claimed to have seen or observed
00:26:35.820
the admissions officer committing more microaggressions, treating the applicant more unfairly, and that
00:26:49.780
Okay, so I'm going to put on my devil's advocate hat.
00:26:53.800
And I'm going to play Robin D'Angelo, despite wearing this Trump badge, and I'm going to
00:27:02.760
say, well, the effects of institutional racism are so pervasive that they even invaded your
00:27:12.140
And the consequence of being exposed to the contents of my writing, speaking as Robin D'Angelo,
00:27:17.920
was that the scales fell from the eyes of your experimental subjects, and they were able
00:27:22.740
to perceive the racism that we claimed was there in a manner they couldn't before.
00:27:32.460
Actually, I can tell you a little bit what Kendi did say, because he was asked about it.
00:27:38.260
If someone said that, I would say, well, in our scenario, none of that was evident.
00:27:45.700
How do you know that your own implicit bias didn't stop you from seeing the bias that
00:27:55.660
People didn't even have racial information about the admissions officer and the applicant.
00:28:01.980
Okay, so you regarded it as highly improbable that what they were reading into the situation,
00:28:07.980
that what they were, you regarded as highly probable that they were reading into the situation.
00:28:12.960
Okay, let me ask you a couple more technical questions, okay?
00:28:16.760
How much of this material were they exposed to before they did the evaluation?
00:28:25.820
Okay, do you have any idea what the lag time, like if you did a dose response study, so to
00:28:36.700
I know I couldn't expect you to do all that in one study, but it's germane, right?
00:28:44.440
So on the narrow issue of how long do the effects we observed in the study last, we didn't study
00:28:55.140
But given that we observed the effects that we did, the sort of people concocting racism
00:29:04.740
where there was no evidence of it, on the basis of a very minor intervention, that's like
00:29:11.720
reading a single paragraph, it at least raises the possibility that when people are in a culture
00:29:20.760
or organizational context in which this type of rhetoric is pervasive, that they are constantly
00:29:28.400
being exposed or primed to think about race in these terms.
00:29:35.380
And because of the steady diet of this kind of rhetoric, the effects are likely to be
00:29:42.000
more enduring than anything we could possibly observe.
00:29:46.720
Well, I would also say probably you evaluated some of the weaker systemic effects of that
00:29:53.500
kind of rhetoric because it isn't merely exposure to the rhetoric.
00:29:56.960
It's the fact that post hoc detection of such things as microaggressions, let's say, are
00:30:03.760
radically rewarded by the participants in those ideological systems.
00:30:08.220
That being even more, that's a more powerful effect.
00:30:10.820
So you got it with weak exposure fundamentally.
00:30:19.440
So I would say, the weakness of your intervention demonstrated the power of the rhetoric.
00:30:34.960
Okay, well, that pretty much covers the territory.
00:30:45.100
My sense is that he was particularly good at that.
00:30:47.720
So, yeah, university money, counterproductively.
00:30:51.220
Well, I think most of his was from actually, what's his name?
00:31:11.180
Including enhanced probability of being on this podcast, for example.
00:31:15.000
So I'd followed your work for a long time before coming across that.
00:31:28.040
So it's essentially the same structure for an anti-Islamophobia intervention and an anti-caste oppression.
00:31:39.280
But it's essentially the same pattern of results.
00:31:43.140
So these studies I conducted in collaboration with the NCRI.
00:31:49.400
NCRI is the Network Contagion Research Institute.
00:31:52.740
They are a freestanding research institute that started out mostly doing research along the lines of this sort of large language model stuff that you were talking about earlier.
00:32:03.680
They're analysis of social media, an analysis of radicalism, conspiracy theories, hate, sort of groups and individuals mobilizing online.
00:32:28.180
They were the first group of any kind, as far as I know, in the summer of 2020, the height of the George Floyd social justice protests, which, as you remember, the rhetoric on the left, this is sort of consistent with what you were talking about earlier, about how the reasonable left is in complete denial of the far left.
00:32:52.980
It is literally true that most of the protests were peaceful.
00:32:56.800
Whenever someone would present evidence of some protests not being peaceful at all, like firebombing a police station or capturing downtown Seattle or all sorts of, you know, setting – by creating – sort of setting the stage for lawlessness, you would have looting and robberies that weren't really part of the protests.
00:33:22.740
But people were taking advantage of the sort of police-free zones and stuff.
00:33:27.700
When you would talk about that, the response was, this is all just right-wing.
00:33:33.520
I talked to moderate Democrats who told me that Antifa was a figment of the right-wing imagination.
00:33:40.420
I thought – but, you know, there's something weird about that that's very much worth pointing out, I believe, is that we radically underestimate the effect a very small minority of people who are organized can have in destabilizing a society.
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So, in summer of 2020, when this was all the record, most of the protests on people, complete denial, mainstream media, that there was violence and bombings and all sorts of other stuff.
00:35:58.900
The NCRI, this is the first project I did with them, produces an analysis finding that the far-left groups, not conventional liberals or Democrats, but these far-left radical groups,
00:36:18.580
were exploiting the earnest commitment to anti-racism or the social justice on the part of people justifiably upset about George Floyd's murder and the implications about that for racism beyond that.
00:36:37.720
But these far-left groups were exploiting that to both gin up supporters and to mobilize online, this is all occurring on social media, to capture protests, to ratchet up and inspire more aggressive violence at the protests.
00:37:07.500
So, and then—so, and NCRI would, in this report, would then link the increased online activity.
00:37:18.300
You know, there would be memes like ACAB, All Cops Are Bastards.
00:37:24.680
And some of the groups were actually using social media to coordinate their, you know, the sort of violent protest activities.
00:37:33.960
So, live, I'm making this up, but it was this kind of thing.
00:37:41.200
People would be, you know, at these protests on their phones.
00:37:44.580
They would get instructions from some sort of central place that the cops were over here, so everybody needs to go over there.
00:37:53.780
And that's how they would have—so, they were getting tactical instructions live via social media in addition to sort of ginning up the rhetoric to garner support and adherence.
00:38:07.120
So, before they brought me on, maybe two or three months before, the NCRI had posted a report on how far-right groups do essentially the same thing.
00:38:18.700
You know, sort of mobilize online using memes and catchphrases and, you know, garner adherence, you know, gain adherence and stuff.
00:38:27.840
So, they bring me on, we do this thing, and this paper on the far-left, which really looks to me—it looked to me like the far-left groups were seeking to ignite an actual revolution.
00:38:51.580
The real criminal psychopaths, the short-term guys, the narcissists, they thrive in chaos.
00:39:03.860
I was kind of new to that at the time, but in hindsight, yes, absolutely.
00:39:10.420
So, the NCRI, to no credit to me, I'm an academic, I'm a professor, I don't do this kind of thing, had access to journalists at the New York Times and Washington Post who ran stories on this report.
00:39:26.780
And it was the first time there was any acknowledgment in the mainstream media that there was any level of violence and danger in the protests.
00:39:43.700
The thing came—but that report is not published in a peer-reviewed journal.
00:39:50.640
And they publish these reports kind of like old times—
00:40:03.580
It was a bunch of—well, it was—so, it was me, two of my grad students.
00:40:09.840
Although, one of my—both of my grad students also work closely with the NCRI.
00:40:15.140
And then there were a series of analysts at the NCRI, including their head researcher.
00:40:20.940
We have this—so, I've not been working with them for several years.
00:40:25.080
And it took a while for us to get used to each other.
00:40:27.740
You know, their strength is this online, social media, large language model, topic network stuff.
00:40:35.160
You know, with an eye towards threats and conspiracy theories and hate.
00:40:39.620
And my strength is conventional social science surveys.
00:40:49.720
So, why that approach with regards to the dissemination of this information, this particular experiment
00:40:55.500
of information, rather than the more standard journal approach?
00:40:59.260
So, one of the things—first, let me give context.
00:41:05.540
So, our rhythm is first we post stuff essentially as a white paper, as a report on the NCRI site.
00:41:11.820
It gets some attention, some public vetting, we get some feedback on it, and then we scale it up for peer review.
00:41:17.520
Well, that's not unlike doing a pre-release on it in a convention.
00:41:26.260
It is like a—I have taken to calling it a homespun preprint.
00:41:33.080
It's like a preprint in that it's a report of empirical studies that is posted online that
00:41:40.520
It is unlike a conventional preprint in that it is—and this is the answer to your question,
00:41:46.340
why did we do it this way rather than make it for peer review?
00:41:50.180
It is—even though some of it is highly technical, a lot of the worst of the technical stuff is
00:41:58.000
stripped down so that it is comprehensible to the lay-intelligent audience.
00:42:04.600
And that has a value in and of its own right because the problem with peer review is that
00:42:12.340
it could easily—well, there are many problems with peer review, especially now.
00:42:16.800
Okay, but one of them is that it could take a year and a few years.
00:42:27.320
It needs to be that whole system I've been thinking about.
00:42:32.400
It's like in this day and age, a two-year lagged publication—
00:42:39.800
You spend 30% of your time writing grant applications that go nowhere, and two years to
00:42:45.260
lag to publication that almost no one is likely—
00:42:55.920
There have been repeat attempts to cancel me that have failed.
00:43:00.280
Well, so why don't you tell me and everybody else, first of all, why you're—what would
00:43:12.240
And then the next issue, which is of equal importance, is how you've managed to not have
00:43:17.800
that happen, because that's actually really hard.
00:43:21.060
So, because if people try to cancel you, especially given the things that you've researched and have
00:43:27.440
insisted upon and said, if people try to cancel you, there's an overwhelming probability in academia
00:43:38.140
So, let's start by talking about the sorts of things that you've been pointing to in, well,
00:43:44.080
in academia in general, and then more specifically in psychology and social psychology.
00:43:52.360
There are probably too many of these attempts for me to go through, so I'm going to pick
00:44:01.900
It is—I refer to—so I have a very active Substack site, Unsafe Science, and I have several
00:44:13.040
You can find it under the POPs Fiasco Racist Mule Trope.
00:44:24.620
One of the very prestigious journals within the field of psychology for publishing reviews
00:44:32.980
The short version is that I was invited by the editor to do a commentary on a main paper
00:44:47.960
Well, the main paper by a psychologist named Hamel, Bernard Hamel, was critical of prior
00:44:56.760
work in psychology advocating for diversity in a variety of ways.
00:45:01.220
The nature of his critique was that much of the rhetoric in psychological scholarship around
00:45:11.180
diversity was narrowly focused on—and the terms are constantly changing—underrepresented,
00:45:19.120
minority, minoritized, disadvantaged, oppressed groups.
00:45:33.700
And there was a recent article which argued that on scientific grounds, we need to do exactly
00:45:41.340
Hamel's critique was that—was really multiple.
00:45:44.920
But two of his key points were that, well, there are some types of things we—it's irrelevant.
00:45:50.080
Diversity is irrelevant for certain kind of theoretical scientific tests.
00:45:53.620
And then the other point is that if diversity matters, it matters for scientific purposes.
00:46:00.140
It matters extremely broadly, and it's not restricted to underrepresented groups.
00:46:05.660
And a very simple example would be if you could—would compare a study based on undergraduate
00:46:11.560
psychology students versus one based on a nationally representative sample, the research based
00:46:16.740
on the nationally representative sample is going to be broader and more generalizable
00:46:22.620
A nationally representative sample represents the population.
00:46:27.520
It's not focused entirely on any subset of the population.
00:46:30.480
That would be a very simple example of Hamel's point.
00:46:37.260
And there's—okay, there's a distinction there, too, that we should draw.
00:46:39.940
Now, clearly, it's the case that if you want to draw generalizable conclusions about human
00:46:45.580
beings from a study, that the study participants should be a randomly selected and representative
00:46:51.720
sample of the population to whom you're attempting to generalize, obviously, because otherwise
00:46:59.460
That's very different than making the case that underrepresented groups should be preferentially
00:47:11.460
Yes, completely different, completely different, completely different.
00:47:17.000
But I guess so, again, the editor invited me to publish a commentary on this exchange.
00:47:22.960
And the title of my commentary was—it eventually got published—is Diversity is Diverse.
00:47:32.020
Because there's lots of different kinds of diversity.
00:47:33.740
And if we're arguing for diversity on scientific grounds, then what the science needs to be
00:47:39.480
is fully representative of the—whether it's the participants or the topics, or it goes way
00:47:50.080
I mean, oppression is a part of that and shouldn't be excluded, but it's only one piece of that.
00:47:55.820
So I basically was in agreement with Hamel's critique and augmented it.
00:48:00.040
As part of that, I critiqued progressive academic rhetoric around diversity as disingenuous and
00:48:14.440
And the way I framed that, the way I captured it, was using a quote from Fiddler on the Roof.
00:48:21.080
So in Fiddler on the Roof, which is what, early 20th century Jewish life in the—
00:48:30.280
And probably its most famous song is Tradition, which is about the importance of tradition and
00:48:38.860
So there's an interlude in the song Tradition where the—whatever—the villagers get into
00:48:48.400
an argument because one chimes in, there was the time he sold him a horse but delivered
00:48:55.640
And I use that to frame my discussion of progressive disingenuousness around—
00:49:04.660
He's arguing in the middle of this song about unity to know when that comes up.
00:49:11.520
And I argued in this paper that the way and the reason that's a good metaphor for progressive
00:49:18.120
rhetoric around diversity is that diversity sound—you know, superficially, it sounds good
00:49:26.480
No matter what group you're a member of, the idea that someone is advocating for diversity,
00:49:37.360
Yes, with two seconds of thought, it's a positive thing.
00:49:40.040
Yes, with two seconds of thought, it's a positive thing.
00:49:41.880
Or that people should be free of arbitrary exclusion.
00:49:47.720
And, for example, one thing you might think—one might think if one had a little bit of knowledge
00:49:52.980
is that, especially in the social sciences and humanities, but really in academia writ
00:49:57.960
large, there's hardly anyone who is not left of center.
00:50:01.740
I mean, the range goes from sort of center-left to the far, far left.
00:50:12.920
Well, so, Nate Honeycutt, my former student, he's now a research scientist at FIRE, the
00:50:18.480
Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, did a dissertation on this, surveyed almost
00:50:23.660
2,000 faculty nationwide at top colleges and universities, and found that 40% self-identified—not
00:50:36.540
just as on the left, that not on the left was about 90, 95%, but 40% self-identified as
00:50:50.260
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00:51:59.080
Now, how many faculty members at colleges and universities do you suppose there are in
00:52:17.080
So that means there's 80,000 academic activists who are being employed full-time in the United
00:52:22.460
I don't know if you could go that far because he looked at the top colleges and universities.
00:52:26.920
If you wanted to generalize to all colleges and universities, you would have to include
00:52:31.660
community colleges and, you know, primarily liberal arts.
00:52:41.560
Okay, so it's not 80,000, but it could easily be 50,000.
00:52:51.460
So one might think for if someone is advocating for diversity, given the extreme political skew
00:52:56.900
and given the extent to which academia deals with politicized topics, that there would
00:53:01.400
be an embrace of people, an attempt to bring into academia professors, researchers, scholars,
00:53:11.780
That has never gotten any traction in academia.
00:53:14.460
And in fact, it's gone in the complete opposite direction.
00:53:16.960
If you go back 50, 60 years, I think it's fair to describe the way academia has functioned
00:53:22.040
is to produce a slow-moving purge of conservatives and even people center and libertarians from
00:53:29.740
So my point in this commentary was using things like that as examples of the disingenuousness
00:53:38.640
of progressive rhetoric around diversity, that it wasn't really diversity in the broadest
00:53:47.220
See, that's actually the fundamental flaw of intersectionality, is intersectionality
00:53:52.020
intersectionality devolves into combinatorial explosion almost immediately, right?
00:53:56.920
Because once you start combining the categories of oppression, you don't have to make...
00:54:03.340
Your list of combinations, black, women, gay, etc., every time you add another variable
00:54:11.380
to that multiplicative list, you decrease the pool of people that occupy that list radically,
00:54:21.560
An indefinite number of potentially relevant group categories.
00:54:28.640
So how in the world are you going to ensure that every possible combination of every possible
00:54:35.840
You can't even measure it, much less ensure it.
00:54:39.660
So there's this underlying insistence, which you're pointing to, I believe, that there are
00:54:43.720
privileged categories of oppressed people, right?
00:54:54.500
And you might think, well, those are the most obvious differences between people, and maybe
00:54:59.620
But then it's also gender, which is a very weird insistence because whether the idea of
00:55:07.220
I don't think the idea of gender is a valid idea at all.
00:55:12.520
It's a warped misconceptualization of everything that's captured by temperament much more accurately
00:55:21.180
But also, sexual orientation, I can't see at all why that would emerge as a privileged
00:55:26.980
category of oppression alongside something like sex, like it could, but it's not obvious
00:55:34.540
And then you said, well, there's important elements of diversity, especially intellectually,
00:55:40.080
like adequate distribution of political or ethical views across the spectrum that's
00:55:56.160
And there's more to the story than this, but to keep this succinct, eventually what happened
00:56:06.360
was almost 1,400 academics, probably mostly psychologists, signed an open letter denouncing...
00:56:22.560
All of the commentaries were critical of this oppression framing of diversity.
00:56:31.640
It was in, yeah, Perspectives on Psych Science.
00:56:33.660
Okay, so I just want to provide people some background on this, and correct me if I get any of this
00:56:38.760
So, scientists publish in research journals, and they generally publish articles of two
00:56:45.920
One type would be a research study, an actual experiment, let's say, or a sequence of experiments,
00:56:52.340
and the other, I guess there's two other types.
00:56:57.680
And so, and then there's a variety of different journals that scientists publish in, and some
00:57:02.900
of those cover all scientific topics, science and nature.
00:57:08.020
The world's premier scientific journals used to do that before they became woke institutions.
00:57:12.700
And then there are specialized journals that cover fields like psychology, and then there
00:57:20.140
And the less specialized the journal, all things considered, the more prestigious it is.
00:57:29.400
And they do publish commentaries on each other's material, especially if it's a review of something
00:57:34.940
contentious or something that's emerging in a field.
00:57:37.380
And now, this journal, Perspectives on Psychological Science, there's also an interesting
00:57:42.140
backstory here, because that's an American Psychological Society journal.
00:57:47.320
Okay, so there's two major organizations for psychologists, especially research-oriented
00:57:56.360
There's the American Psychological Association, which has its journals, and then a newer organization,
00:58:02.620
which is now a couple of decades old, American Psychological Society.
00:58:06.260
And the American Psychological Society was actually set up, at least in part, because the
00:58:11.900
American Psychological Association had started to become ideologically dominated, particularly
00:58:18.420
in the leftist and progressive direction, and that that was having an arguably negative effect
00:58:24.940
on research, reliability, accuracy, and probability of publication.
00:58:36.000
So, in first place, APS started out as the American Psychological Society.
00:58:40.800
They changed their name to the Association for Psychological Science in an attempt to be broader.
00:58:45.860
And what triggered the breakaway of APS from APA in the 90s, maybe?
00:58:59.300
It was the scientists who formed APS believed that APA was too focused on clinical practice
00:59:08.960
and practitioner issues, and it was becoming unscientific, but not because of the politics.
00:59:17.700
But, see, I was watching that happen because I knew some of the people who were setting up
00:59:24.560
And my sense, though, also was that part of the reason that the APA was tilting in a more
00:59:30.240
and more clinical direction was because there was an underlying political ethos that was
00:59:36.100
increasingly skeptical of science as the privileged mode of obtaining valid information.
00:59:44.780
Okay, okay, so the proximal cause was the overemphasis on the clinical.
00:59:50.780
But, you know, it's also the case that, as you've seen, is that certainly the clinical psychology
00:59:57.800
has, and the whole therapeutic enterprise, has taken a cataclysmic turn towards the woke
01:00:03.980
direction in the last, especially in the last 10 years.
01:00:09.160
And, I don't know, is social psychology, I think you could probably say the same thing
01:00:18.860
Well, it's probably worse politically, but it's probably not worse practically because
01:00:22.480
social psychologists don't really, aren't responsible for helping anybody get on with
01:00:27.260
I mean, they're responsible for teaching and students and things.
01:00:35.740
You're going to get me, you are going to get me distracted.
01:00:38.360
You started by asking me to tell the story of my cancellation attack.
01:00:42.980
Okay, so now you're, there's 1,400 people who write a letter.
01:00:47.040
Yes, declaring all of us, me as well as the other commentators, we're all racists.
01:00:54.840
The editor should be fired and our articles should be taken down.
01:00:59.540
Right, so I presume that these 1,400 are a subset of the 50,000 activists that-
01:01:05.980
Now, I'm curious about the 1,400 too, because you often see legacy media headline news that
01:01:16.600
But then when you look into it, you know, it's often, I know the distinction between
01:01:21.980
graduate student and, let's say, full-fledged scientist is murky.
01:01:26.740
But part of the issue is always, well, exactly, who were these 1,400 people, right?
01:01:31.780
And out from under, which rocks did they climb?
01:01:37.100
Like, roughly speaking, who were these people that signed them?
01:01:40.460
So, 1,400, I mean, I didn't recognize many of the names.
01:01:42.960
But if you assume the first five or 10 names are the likely organizers, those were all well-established
01:01:51.260
psychologists, especially social psychologists.
01:01:58.980
And part of the accusation, for me in particular, was that by using this line from Fiddler on
01:02:06.440
the Roof, there was the time he sold him a horse but delivered a mule, as a frame for
01:02:11.160
progressive disingenuousness around diversity, I was comparing black people to mules.
01:02:38.500
Actually, part of this backstory is very interesting.
01:02:40.520
The editor of the journal at the time is a European psychologist named Klaus Fiedler.
01:02:52.360
Hundreds of journal articles, multiple editorships and awards.
01:03:00.260
And my and the other commentaries that he eventually accepted started out as simple reviews.
01:03:09.380
So, when Hommel submitted his paper, it was subjected to peer review.
01:03:17.880
Fiedler so liked the reviews that he asked all of us to scale them up to full-length articles.
01:03:24.620
Scientists publish their research findings and their reviews of the literature in scientific journals.
01:03:32.640
And it's one of the ways that the quality of these articles is vetted is by submitting the manuscripts before they're published to, well, first of all, the editor reviews them to see if they're even vaguely possibly suitable for publication in that particular journal on the basis of, let's say, topic and quality.
01:03:57.280
Then they're sent out to experts in that area, multiple experts for analysis.
01:04:05.320
And that's part of the quality control process.
01:04:08.600
That worked pretty well up until about 2015, I would say.
01:04:12.680
Or maybe even spectacularly well, all things considered.
01:04:19.080
And what happened in this case was the reviews of this, the peer reviews of this particular article were of sufficient quality so that the editor decided that they might.
01:04:31.000
They might turn into standalone pieces with some development.
01:04:34.620
But I warned Fiedler, the editor, in my review, before anyone had the idea that a version of my review would get published, that if he accepted Hamill's critique of the way in which psychologists write and think about diversity, what they've been advocating with respect to diversity, that he would be at heightened risk of people coming after him, demanding the papers be retracted, and coming after his job.
01:05:04.840
Was that part of—was that included when it was published, or was that—
01:05:08.800
I'd have to go by—I don't—I think I may have taken it out because it wasn't really appropriate because the commentary wasn't—it was about the exchange.
01:05:20.820
I mean, it's not necessarily the case that it would stick.
01:05:23.960
So, so, Firestorm, APS, like, executive director.
01:05:30.840
The director, committee of APS, whatever that group is, of committee, put an immediate kibosh on this.
01:05:38.920
The—it was going to be all published as a discussion forum.
01:05:45.580
It's a discussion forum about diversity issues.
01:05:52.560
It's the officers of the American—of the Association for Psychological Psychologists.
01:05:58.300
Okay, so now they're broadly overseeing the group of journals that publish under their ages.
01:06:04.320
Okay, but they generally don't have an editorial say.
01:06:18.020
Right, but it's still the case that generally they don't do such things.
01:06:21.980
Partly because often, well, they don't have the specialized expertise, at least in part.
01:06:28.320
Which is partly why they hire the editors to begin with, who then they give pretty much carte blanche.
01:06:38.100
Okay, but they decided that they were not going to proceed with the publication.
01:06:48.200
That Fiedler be fired and the papers be retracted.
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01:07:24.020
They conducted what looks to me—what looked to me, and really to all of us involved, like a kangaroo court, you know, into what happened.
01:07:33.640
They concluded that Fiedler had somehow violated editorial ethics and norms and—
01:07:47.660
Well, he's had a very nice career since, so it did not succeed—
01:07:51.440
Well, that's good, but that doesn't detract from the seriousness of the allegation.
01:07:58.480
The fact that he was able to successfully wend his way through the thicket.
01:08:03.920
So, he was ousted almost immediately, and then the papers, mine included, that were part of Fiedler's discussion forum—
01:08:18.600
So, how the hell did the complainants get access to the papers?
01:08:23.720
Like, how did they know what the papers were if they hadn't been published?
01:08:26.300
Well, someone must have, you know, maybe through the—the editorial process is largely online, so I'm sure they could have accessed the papers through the online editorial process.
01:08:38.400
I'm sure they could have asked Fiedler for the papers.
01:08:40.240
Had they asked us for the papers, I would have—
01:08:45.540
They were publishing their papers so that people would read them.
01:08:47.900
I was just curious because it's strange that a brouhaha of that sort would emerge prior to publication.
01:09:02.320
And then the papers—they brought in two special editors to figure out what to do with the papers accepted as part of the discussion forum.
01:09:13.940
And who were these special editors and what made them special?
01:09:17.420
Well, there was Samin Vazir and E.J. Wagenmacher.
01:09:20.860
And both of them—I think Samin is now the head editor at Psychological Science.
01:09:27.620
So, they both have had long careers advocating with some success for upgrading the quality and credibility and rigor of Psychological Science.
01:09:40.840
They both have made important contributions that way.
01:09:43.700
And so, I think that's why they were brought in.
01:09:46.100
They had a certain cachet as able to figure out what to do.
01:09:50.120
I think that's what the APS directory believed.
01:09:53.860
On what grounds do you think this investigation was—how was the progression of this investigation justified?
01:10:03.880
I mean, there's no established precedent in the scientific community for re-evaluating an editorial decision based on political objection, right?
01:10:14.340
Like, there's no—we'll re-evaluate if 500 people sign a petition.
01:10:18.560
Like, this isn't the domain of rule or principle or tradition, right?
01:10:27.860
These 1,400 people signed this petition, which is something that takes like two seconds and costs you nothing and has no risk to you whatsoever.
01:10:35.380
And so, it's not an ethical statement of any profundity unless you're an activist.
01:10:39.520
So, what was it, do you think, that raised people's hackles about the mere fact that these complaints had been raised?
01:10:56.840
The main object of Hummel's critique was a black or biracial social psychologist at Stanford, Stephen Roberts.
01:11:15.880
And Roberts denounced the whole process as racist.
01:11:29.780
The mere fact of questioning the diversity agenda constitutes racism.
01:11:43.640
The racism that is pervasive throughout psychology.
01:11:47.720
Second ground was my use of this, me comparing blacks to mules with the, you know, there was the time he sold them a horse and delivered a mule.
01:11:56.720
And then the third was there was a considerable—so, Fiedler offered—
01:12:04.200
Fiedler offered Roberts the opportunity to respond to the full set of papers which were supporting—were generally supporting Hummel's critique, which was really about diversity in general.
01:12:18.680
But its jumping-off point was a prior paper by Roberts.
01:12:24.620
But it gave Roberts a chance to reply to the critiques.
01:12:27.460
But that—there was a considerable back and forth between Roberts and Fiedler about whether, when, and how to publish Roberts' response.
01:12:42.340
Fiedler was probably kind of a pain in the ass.
01:12:44.240
But, I don't know, in my experience, editors—I don't know how many times—I don't have enough fingers and toes to count the number of times I have subjectively experienced editors' comments as pains in the ass.
01:13:05.220
So—but those were his grounds for denouncing all of us as racists.
01:13:12.080
This whole critique of diversity is a testament to white supremacy, pervasive in psychology, and me comparing black people to mules.
01:13:25.060
I have no—I don't have—I have at best very circumstantial evidence.
01:13:30.860
I strongly suspect—I would really like to test this in the lab or in surveys—that liberals, especially white liberals, are so wracked with guilt and shame over the bona fide history of white supremacy and discrimination and oppression in the United States, in Europe, and especially in the UK, it's more about colonialism, right?
01:13:52.140
I'm so wracked with guilt that there is a vulnerability to just believing anything a person from one of these oppressed, stigmatized groups says, denouncing others.
01:14:06.440
Yeah, well, it's a very quick and easy way to signify the fact that you're not part of the oppressor camp.
01:14:11.820
Yes, well, that—has no one—has that not been formally tested as a hypothesis?
01:14:20.120
It's something like, from more broadly speaking, is that are there—it's a mechanism of gaming the reputation domain, right?
01:14:32.480
Because obviously our reputations are probably, arguably, the most valuable commodity, so to speak, that we possess.
01:14:40.640
And every system of value is susceptible to gaming in a variety of ways.
01:14:47.800
And one way of gaming the reputational game is to make claims of reputational virtue that are risk-free, broad, immediate, and cost-free, right?
01:15:00.180
And for me, if you're accused of something, and I can say—and accused of transgressing against a group towards whom I feel guilt, I can signify my valor as a moral agent by also denouncing you.
01:15:15.760
And it costs me nothing, right, which is a big problem, right?
01:15:24.760
Well, especially now, because there's something else that's happened, right, is that groups of denunciators can get together with much greater ease than they ever could.
01:15:35.380
And the effort necessary to make a denunciation has plummeted to zero.
01:15:42.100
And the consequences of making a false denunciation are also zero.
01:15:57.740
Certainly in the short term, the personal consequences of engaging in this sort of denunciation behavior are non-existent.
01:16:10.040
So the credibility and trust and faith in academia has been in decline for a very long time.
01:16:21.920
Yeah, well, just because something's advantageous for some people in the short run does not mean that it's good for the whole game in the medium to long run.
01:16:32.140
Well, that's actually, I think, in some ways, the definition of an impulsive moral error.
01:16:36.440
Like, if it accrues benefit to you in the short run but does you in in the medium run, that's not a very wise strategy.
01:16:43.800
And that's what impulsive people do all the time.
01:16:48.000
That's even the definition of what constitutes a temptation.
01:16:51.580
I was recently listening to your interview for this podcast with Keith Campbell on narcissism.
01:17:00.740
And that was one of the things you talked about, this sort of impulse control and short-term benefits versus long-term benefits, especially regarding social relations.
01:17:14.520
And there has been emerging evidence that people high in left-wing authoritarianism, sort of extreme—
01:17:34.580
And that this pleasure that people—that people on this sort of cancel culture that has emerged—I mean, the right is not immune to cancel culture-type activities, but it emerged primarily, originally, on the left.
01:17:48.740
Any place infiltrated by narcissists is going to be susceptible to exactly—
01:17:53.900
Narcissists will use whatever political stance gains them the most immediate credibility.
01:17:59.180
Completely independent of the validity of the ideological stance.
01:18:02.100
See, one of the things I—we'll get back to the story right away.
01:18:05.260
See, one of the things I've observed—this is very interesting, eh?
01:18:08.060
Because I've talked to—I've talked to a lot of moderate progressives, let's say, or moderate—or actually even genuine liberals within the Democrat.
01:18:21.300
And I've been struck by one thing, and I'm curious about what you think about this.
01:18:26.180
We know that a tilt towards empathy—so agreeableness, trade agreeableness—a tilt tilts you in a liberal direction and maybe in a progressive direction.
01:18:34.660
And there are concomitants of being more agreeable on the personality side.
01:18:39.260
But I think one of them is that the moderates that I've talked to always denied the existence of the pathological radicals on the left.
01:18:49.900
And I've really thought—I mean, this is to a man or a woman.
01:18:54.660
And I think what it is, I think it has something to do with the unwillingness or inability of the more liberal types to have imagination for evil.
01:19:04.900
Like, I would make the case that most criminals—you could validly interpret most criminals whose criminal history is sporadic and short as victims.
01:19:20.920
They're—they've come from abusive families, alcoholic families, often multigenerationally antisocial families, etc.
01:19:36.660
There's a subset of criminals who are not victims.
01:19:40.320
And I don't think there's any imagination for the monstrous among the compassionate left.
01:19:51.100
Now, I would have—that's something I would have tested as a social psychologist if I still had an active research lab, which I don't.
01:19:58.060
But the problem with what we know that—we know from simulations that networks of cooperators can establish themselves in a way that's mutually beneficial and productive.
01:20:08.880
But that if a shark is dropped into a tank of cooperators, then the shark takes everything.
01:20:14.800
So the problem with being agreeable and cooperative is that the monsters can get you.
01:20:20.020
And if you're temperamentally tilted towards denying the existence of the monster, so much the worse.
01:20:27.560
Now, I made that case because you talked about the relationship between narcissism and left-wing authoritarianism.
01:20:37.400
And so this is a—this is a very big problem, especially with online denunciation.
01:20:47.160
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Now there's debate about whether these papers are going to proceed to publication.
01:21:44.800
And there's allegations made against the people who—
01:21:47.540
We're all racist, and the whole thing is racist, and an abuse of editorial power, and all these accusations—
01:21:55.280
He loses his position, and these two special editors are brought in.
01:22:05.620
So part of Robert's denunciation, public denunciation of all of us, was he posted the draft of his commentary response that was headed for the discussion forum,
01:22:24.020
and the full set of emails he exchanged with Fiedler.
01:22:30.720
And those are—you know, those are typically confidential communications between an editor and an author, and so—
01:22:42.060
So that added to the difficulty on the part of the special editors to decide what to do, because they didn't want to just publish those.
01:23:01.760
Fiedler—they wanted Fiedler's permission to publish the correspondence.
01:23:11.300
So why did Smith have such an outsized say in all this?
01:23:15.100
Like, that isn't how the scientific process generally works.
01:23:27.040
Right, right, which is like an admission of fault.
01:23:28.860
So—and about two-thirds of the editorial board resigned when he was ousted.
01:23:41.080
We know they resigned, whether it was protest or not.
01:23:46.020
Maybe they also thought it was trouble they didn't need.
01:23:51.440
When you're working for a scientific journal, you're not doing it for the money, right?
01:24:00.940
It was not his full-time job, and I don't know whether he was paid.
01:24:03.640
Okay, so that just illustrates the point, is that people are doing this because that's
01:24:10.000
There's not a lot of—you know, it's a prestigious position, and you meet people.
01:24:14.980
You have a certain say over the direction the field might go, and those are perks.
01:24:19.880
But generally, people do this like they do peer review because it's part of the tradition
01:24:29.720
And so you can see why people might bail out if it was going to just be nothing but
01:24:36.480
Because they'd be thinking, why the hell am I going to expose myself to, like, this
01:24:40.300
dismal risk when there's, like—it's already hard, and there's very little upside.
01:24:46.760
So the journal was a mess for a long time, and these editors—and there was this exchange
01:24:55.480
between the editors, Roberts, Fiedler, and the other contributors, myself and the other
01:25:00.620
contributors—about whether and when to publish it.
01:25:07.420
So there was, like, first a discussion, we're going to publish it.
01:25:14.520
Can we resolve—and it just went on for almost two years.
01:25:18.160
Eventually, that was resolved, and it was all published.
01:25:22.140
Right, and, you know, your original question was framed as, you can't believe I haven't
01:25:37.020
At the time that all this was happening, my immediate associate dean—so I was chair of
01:25:44.860
the psychology department at Rutgers, and Rutgers is in the School of Arts and Sciences.
01:25:54.240
Under the—but the School of Arts and Sciences at Rutgers is gigantic.
01:25:57.760
Even as chair, I had very little direct contact with the dean.
01:26:03.480
But the department chairs have a lot of contact with an associate chair.
01:26:07.480
So there might be an associate chair for the sciences.
01:26:14.640
So there'd be an associate dean for math and for STEM, associate dean for social science
01:26:22.200
I had a lot to do with the associate dean for social sciences, who was a psychologist
01:26:29.540
So I never actually had this conversation exactly with him, but I'm pretty sure he knew about
01:26:35.240
So a year—so at the end of my term, so this is now 2023, I go on sabbatical.
01:26:42.740
Remember, this event occurred—the POPs event occurred in 2022.
01:26:47.060
It's not until almost two years later that this stuff was published.
01:26:50.140
So I complete my term as department chair 2022.
01:26:57.180
Um, and then at the end of that sabbatical term, the associate dean approaches me with
01:27:14.760
There was an internal political snafu, which is beyond the scope of this discussion, and
01:27:20.000
they couldn't appoint an internal chair, and they wanted an external—you know, the department
01:27:27.600
The dean's office had a lot of faith and confidence in my ability because—
01:27:36.180
One of the things they said to me was, you know, this is going to be a difficult situation
01:27:41.660
because the department is not going to be happy about having an outside chair imposed
01:27:53.440
Jordan, it was one of the best things I've ever done.
01:27:57.300
So not only did I escape cancellation, I parlayed it into an improvement in the quality of—
01:28:05.060
Well, this is a good thing for people to know, too.
01:28:07.380
You know, if you've watched my podcast, you know, because I say this all the time, that
01:28:12.440
mythologically speaking, that every treasure has a dragon, right?
01:28:17.480
And that's a representation of the world because the world is full of threat and opportunity.
01:28:23.300
And the co-association of the dragon and the treasure is a mythological trope indicating
01:28:34.240
But there's a corollary to that, which is a very interesting one, which is where there's
01:28:40.620
And so you might think when something negative happens to you, let's say on the social side,
01:28:46.740
that you become the brunt of a cancellation attempt, you might think, oh my God, my life's
01:28:54.060
That's the same outcome as, you know, ending up as dragon toast, let's say.
01:28:58.900
But the other outcome is that you find the treasure that's associated with the dragon, and that
01:29:04.980
And that's a good thing to know, because it means that when things become shaky around
01:29:10.000
you, one of the things you can validly ask yourself is, there's something positive lurking
01:29:15.100
here if I had the wisdom to see it and the, what would you say, the capacity for transformation
01:29:28.180
Jordan, I wouldn't wish that, at the time that was happening, it was horrible.
01:29:35.900
In hindsight, it has made me a better person, and I would not, I wouldn't undo it now if
01:29:44.620
Well, you know what Nietzsche said, if it doesn't kill you, it makes you stronger.
01:29:57.800
Well, no, FIRE, the same outfit, Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, keeps
01:30:02.680
a faculty under fire database of faculty who have been subject, usually to mobs, sometimes
01:30:09.640
administrative investigations, seeking to punish them for what should have been legitimate
01:30:14.380
academic speech protected by academic freedom or even free speech.
01:30:18.440
At U.S. state colleges, they're subject to the First Amendment, which means they shouldn't
01:30:27.440
But they have documented that hundreds of faculty have been fired for what should have been
01:30:34.920
So your point about the whole thing, conservatives, well, I will, so your metaphor about the dragon
01:30:41.800
is dead on, that there's no guarantee, you know, people have lost their livelihoods running
01:30:50.620
So there's some concrete recommendations that can be brought out of that, too.
01:30:53.620
I would say, like, if you find yourself in serious trouble, this is one of the things
01:30:57.780
I learned about, I learned from dealing with, like, very dangerous people in my clinical
01:31:02.540
practice, let's say, dangerous and unstable people, it's a very bad idea to lie when you're
01:31:11.220
And so if the mob or the monster comes for you, your best defense is extremely cautious,
01:31:21.940
Now, that's very different than trying to, what would you say, strategize and manipulate
01:31:31.720
And my experience on the woke mob cancellation side is, if you lie in your own defense or
01:31:39.780
falsify your speech, you're in serious trouble.
01:31:42.580
And if you apologize, a different mob will just come for you.
01:31:46.460
That'll be the post-apology mob that comes for you.
01:31:50.800
So, you know, what we've been outlining here is the fact that if you're in serious social
01:31:58.100
One is that, perversely enough, in retrospect, it might turn out to be an opportunity and
01:32:05.560
one you wouldn't forego now that you know the consequences.
01:32:14.700
And so then the question is, what can you do to maximize the possibility of the former
01:32:28.680
We still haven't exactly described why the cancellation attempts weren't successful for
01:32:37.200
Now, you said you demonstrated your ability to keep a calm head under fire and that you
01:32:44.060
So the university actually recognized that and that turned out to be of substantive benefit
01:32:49.160
But we don't know why it was that you maintained a calm head under fire or how you did that
01:32:55.040
without, well, having the reputation damage that was certainly directly implied by the
01:33:11.820
So that was not my first, as I mentioned at the beginning, I, this was not my first go
01:33:21.580
It helps to have done some reading that people have addressed.
01:33:25.640
There's some good articles and essays out there about what to do when you're subject to
01:33:30.540
Some of them have very good, make very good points.
01:33:33.220
Um, and so, so, get, get, um, uh, about six months ago, I, again, I posted an essay on
01:33:51.260
And it's called my Vita of denunciation because I've been, it goes through several of these
01:33:56.900
sorts of attacks that I have been through and how, first place, it also goes through the
01:34:04.320
I have a longer version in a different place, but it goes through a short version of how
01:34:09.560
So the very first piece is that if you're, if you find yourself in the midst of such
01:34:18.380
attack, such an attack, go silent, go silent, do not engage, do not engage with your attacker
01:34:26.740
us because nearly all of these cancellation type attacks are massive, brutal, and short.
01:34:50.360
Yeah, because people, they might be interested in you today, but they weren't interested
01:34:56.340
They probably won't be interested in you tomorrow.
01:34:58.540
And it's just like, as a kid, we used to go to the beach and body surf, and occasionally
01:35:03.120
like a wave that was way bigger than you could handle would, and there was nothing you could
01:35:07.260
do except let it wash over you and knock you around, and you come out, and it washes
01:35:11.820
As long as you don't do anything to make it worse.
01:35:16.360
Well, you know, I would add this, if you genuinely, in your heart of hearts, believe
01:35:22.280
you have done something wrong, then maybe you should apologize.
01:35:29.720
No, not if you genuinely believe it, because you might not be your own best defender.
01:35:39.360
Conscientious, guilt-prone people will accuse themselves.
01:35:43.760
It's very, so then I would say, if you feel that you've done something wrong, remember
01:35:49.140
the presumption of innocence before provable guilt.
01:35:54.320
And then go talk to five or six people that you trust, and lay out the argument on both
01:35:59.200
sides, and see if they think you're the bad guy.
01:36:07.040
So don't assume that you're morally obligated to apologize.
01:36:12.920
Because your guilt feelings are not an unerring indication of your guilt.
01:36:18.020
And may distort how you think about your culpability.
01:36:22.580
That is, see, this is why I think, too, the council mob is particularly effective against
01:36:27.420
genuine conservatives, because genuine conservatives tilt towards higher conscientiousness, and
01:36:33.040
it's very easy to make conscientious people feel guilty.
01:36:41.840
Including, you can always apologize in a month after you've thought it through.
01:37:01.980
You may use it to defend yourself going forward, depending on how things unfold.
01:37:08.060
You may decide, after the wave of the attack passes, that you want to counterattack.
01:37:21.080
And by recording everything, you have the raw material to damn your attackers.
01:37:30.180
Yeah, that's especially true if someone's interviewing you.
01:37:45.160
Mobs are very good at coming after somebody who seems alone.
01:37:49.500
But if you can—if you have networks, support networks, activate those networks.
01:37:56.480
If you don't have them, and, you know, if you're in the intellectual type of professions,
01:38:00.340
whether it's academia or mainstream media, could be in something else, you probably have
01:38:07.580
But most—my experience has been, at least the kind of networks that I have, they will—people
01:38:14.760
I mean, I had numbers of people writing essays that got posted in some pretty good places.
01:38:27.200
So, actually, of all places, the Chronicle of Higher Ed did a great—some great reporting
01:38:35.320
And it really kind of damned the mob and the—
01:38:38.280
That's also why you need that time of silence, is to muster your resources.
01:38:43.240
And you could also assume, even if people are nervous in the aftermath of the accusations
01:38:49.460
for two or three days or a week, even, they may come to their senses as the temperature
01:39:01.440
So, go silent, record everything, activate your support networks.
01:39:06.460
And then, if—again, it depends on the situation.
01:39:09.740
It's going to be—it's going to vary from person to person and situation to situation.
01:39:14.300
It depends in part on what your skills and resources are, but then you are ready to either
01:39:24.760
And I don't—Jordan, I don't know how many essays I posted on unsafe science surrounding
01:39:31.520
One of them is titled, There Is No Racist Mule Trope.
01:39:35.140
So, the argument—the grounds for denouncing me as a racist for comparing black people to
01:39:40.400
mules was that there was a historical trope of making an equivalence between black people
01:39:49.780
This—Roberts was the—presented this, and he had one reference to support this.
01:40:00.920
Let's see what the—let's see what the article actually says.
01:40:03.940
So, this article was a really good article, and what it documented was that there was
01:40:12.440
a historical linkage between black people and mules because originally American blacks
01:40:18.760
were overwhelmingly in the American South, in the agrarian South.
01:40:22.640
And so, the mule was a symbol of both the kind of work that was done in the South, this agricultural
01:40:32.980
work, and it was a symbol of the, you know, flawed liberation of black people from slavery
01:40:40.960
because one of the promises that they never delivered on was 40 acres and a mule.
01:40:45.640
And even though that was never delivered on for a very long time until you had the mass
01:40:51.400
migration into the North, the black people living in the American South, you know, aspired
01:40:58.040
to be successful farmers, and getting a mule was one way to have a successful farm.
01:41:03.560
And so, you would see images, paintings, even, you know, if you go to southern museums, there's
01:41:12.240
some very famous paintings of black people in fields with a mule pulling a wagon or a,
01:41:25.640
And in fact, the mule figures fairly largely in African-American folk stories from the American
01:41:37.620
So much so that the mule really became a symbol of people who were oppressed and part of the
01:41:48.020
So that when, after Martin Luther King's assassination, his casket was pulled in a wagon, pulled by mules.
01:42:00.740
Oh, so it's, okay, so given all that, it's less surprising that that speculation might
01:42:13.580
So, but it is ironic because the, you know, mule is the symbol of the liberation from the
01:42:23.860
Okay, so let me ask you a question about strategy there, too.
01:42:26.580
You know, like, I've spent a lot of time strategizing with people because that was a big part of
01:42:34.200
But in terms of silence and then mustering your support network, right, and then you said,
01:42:49.240
It's like, my sense is that a good offense is a very strong defense.
01:42:57.500
Right, because you can, if you're careful, now, you know, you can defend yourself or you can turn
01:43:03.860
And I would say, if you're turning the tables because you're angry, that's not a good idea
01:43:09.400
because you're going to make mistakes and you're strategizing, right?
01:43:12.040
I think you can distinguish the search for justice and truth from the search for revenge
01:43:18.280
by the intermediating role of especially resentment.
01:43:22.540
If you're resentfully angry, your head isn't clear.
01:43:25.900
But if you can quell that and you want to establish the truth and you can do that with a certain
01:43:33.380
amount of detachment, then a good defensive strategy is offense.
01:43:37.720
It's like, what's actually, you can flip the table, so to speak.
01:43:42.140
And the problem with a defense is there's something, well, there's something defensive.
01:43:56.960
And in a manner that's actually detrimental to the cause you purport to be putting forward.
01:44:02.760
Yeah, well, so that and some of the prior experiences fueled what my, what was then very
01:44:14.240
early interests in left-wing authoritarianism and far-left radicalization and its consequences.
01:44:25.500
And so I've been doing all sorts of studies on that.
01:44:29.720
All right, look, we have to stop this part of the discussion, even though there's like
01:44:34.620
50 other things I want to talk to you about, but we'll continue.
01:44:38.160
I'm going to, I think, focus the discussion on the Daily Wire side.
01:44:42.000
You guys listening on YouTube know about this, that we do another half an hour there.
01:44:46.000
I think I'm going to talk about categorization and implicit bias and delve a little bit more
01:44:52.980
into social psychology's role for better or worse in promoting many of the policies, the
01:45:01.300
DEI policies, for example, and justifying them hypothetically on scientific grounds.
01:45:06.300
I want to delve into that because it's definitely been social psychologists who've been particularly
01:45:12.280
interested in the issue of implicit bias, even though to some degree that notion came from
01:45:18.920
the clinical world, including from people like Carl Jung, who were very interested in
01:45:23.360
the idea of complex and implicit association back in the 1920s.
01:45:28.140
Anyways, there's a veneer of scientific respectability that's been laid over the diversity,
01:45:34.660
inclusivity, and equity claims, the notion of implicit and systemic bias.
01:45:38.960
And that's always bothered me because I think the social psychologists have done a terrible
01:45:43.620
job distinguishing between categorization, which is like the basis of perception itself,
01:45:50.100
bias, because you can't consider categorization bias.
01:45:57.600
Even though the postmodernists really do make that claim.
01:46:00.820
And Lee's done work too, looking at the accuracy of such things as so-called stereotypes, because
01:46:07.420
what's the difference between a stereotype and a category?
01:46:13.060
You could spend a thousand years trying to figure that out.
01:46:16.280
Anyways, I think that's what we'll delve into if you want to join us on the Daily Wire side.
01:46:20.480
And so thank you very much, sir, for, well, for offering what you know and also your story
01:46:27.840
And join us on the Daily Wire side if you want to continue with the discussion.