Ep. 393 - The Myth Of Fiscal Conservatism
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Summary
Impeachment Day is here. Impeachment day has arrived, and the left is very excited about it. Is it a good thing or a bad thing? Is it something we should be worried about? And what does it mean for the future of the country?
Transcript
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Impeachment Day. Impeachment Day is here. The left's very excited about Impeachment Day.
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There's no reason to even point this out anymore, but I will anyway, that, you know,
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you're not supposed to be excited about a president getting impeached. I'm not saying
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you have to be opposed to it every time. Obviously, that's not my point. I'm saying that if you
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support it, the fact that in your mind a president must be impeached deserves to be impeached in your
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mind should, I would think, engender in you a more of a somber feeling, okay, not a celebratory one.
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But this is a pointless thing for me to say, I realize. We're long past the point of that kind
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of maturity, of that kind of sober-mindedness. The mask has long been torn off. The left
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wants Trump out because they hate his guts. They just don't like him. And they said from day one
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that they want him impeached. And now they're actually doing it. It's as simple as that.
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They were looking for an excuse. They've been searching for an excuse for three years. They
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finally found one, and they went with it. I do worry, I have to say, I do worry about where all
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of this heads. And I don't talk about impeachment much on this show for reasons I've already
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explained. It's talked about plenty elsewhere, plenty of great analysis. I don't feel like I
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have to add to it. Also, I think there are things that, for me, are more important and deserve our
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focus more. But I will say, on one of the rare occasions that I talk about the impeachment
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mess, I will say that I do worry about it. As I've always said, I worry about the bigger picture,
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I mean. Now, as I've always said, I don't see America descending into a civil war. I don't see
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that happening. Because at the end of the day, all anybody really wants to do in this country is
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binge Netflix. They want to sit on their couch and binge Netflix. That's all anybody wants to do.
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And having a full-on civil war will very much interfere with that. And then also, I think our
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ideological divide in this country does not have the same geographic character as it did in the past,
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at least not quite to the same extent where you had that clear dividing line north and south.
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We don't exactly have that now, which would make a civil war less logistically feasible.
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But I am concerned at any rate about the trajectory we're on. If you think about it,
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impeachment has historically been a very, very, very rare thing. It was viewed historically as a
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step taken only in the extremist of circumstances. There have been many corrupt presidents in the
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past. There have been many presidents who have done a lot of bad and stupid things.
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Almost all of them were not impeached. Because impeachment is last resort, the most extreme thing
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that you can do to a president. Now, this impeachment, motivated plainly by the Democrat
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Party's overall revulsion to Trump, this impeachment comes only 20 years after the last impeachment.
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And previously, before the Clinton impeachment, there had only been two in history. Well,
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really, actually one, I guess, because Nixon resigned before he was impeached. But we'll call
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that an impeachment. So there have been two in history, in over two centuries of American history.
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And then, and then you had, and then you had Clinton. And now we've got another one 20 years
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later. So what happens now? If Republicans take control of the house and a Democrat wins in 2020,
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or in 2024, or whenever it happens, will Republicans impeach that person out of revenge? I know there's
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going to be, there will be among conservatives. I don't think it's right. I don't think that this is
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what we should do. But I think there's going to be, in fact, I've already seen it. I've already seen a
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lot of conservatives online saying, next time we get a chance, we're impeaching one of yours.
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And I think there's going to be a groundswell of conservative voters calling for that.
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Because now, now a lot of people are in revenge mode. So Democrat gets in, you got a Republican house,
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they're impeached. Does impeachment become, I guess this is my concern, does impeachment become a
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standard political tool? Just something that you do? Where does it lead when the opposing party
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always tries to remove the president democratically elected by the country?
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Are we, are we getting to a point where that's just the way it goes? You, you, it's, it's not just
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that you, if you're the opposing party, you oppose the president. That's always, but now you,
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you try to remove him. You try to get him out of office. Um, I worry about that. And speaking of
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worries, in case you wanted stuff to worry about this holiday season, it's a great theme for a show
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heading into Christmas, all the stuff to worry about. There is a $1.4 trillion spending bill
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currently making its way through Congress. And also speaking of other things that are important
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besides impeachment, here's one. And I want to talk about this. I'll have more to say about it in
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while everybody is talking about impeachment, both Republicans and Democrats are hoping that we don't
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notice $1.4 trillion, this boondoggle that they're ramming down the public's throat. Let me read a
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little bit from the Washington post. The house on Tuesday approved a $1.4 trillion spending package
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that would stave off a looming shutdown and fund the federal government through September,
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acting in a burst of bipartisanship just a day before Democrats plan to impeach president Trump.
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Uh, the legislation would also remove three controversial taxes from the affordable care
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act. The package passed in two pieces, one focused on GOP national security priorities,
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including the Pentagon, the other on domestic agencies, dear to Democrats, such as the department
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of health and human services. The vote of the national security package was two 80 to one 38.
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The vote on the domestic agencies was two 97 to two or to one 20. Um, the legislation would add
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almost $50 billion in new spending, even though the white house and Republicans called for major
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budget reductions earlier in the year, the package would also strip back parts of the ACA legislation
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that many Democrats say serves as a defining moment of the Obama administration. All told the legislation
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could add more than $500 billion to deficits over the next decade. The deficits or annual gap between
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government spending and tax revenue is expected to eclipse $1 trillion this year, $1 trillion and grow
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in subsequent years, subsequent subsequent. That's the way I pronounce it. Every time I say
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subsequent, I get emails. You say subsequent, it's subsequent. No, I say subsequent and that's
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perfectly valid. Look it up. Um, anyway, $1 trillion and it's going to grow in, in subsequent years,
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unless changes are made. Okay. All I can say is I hope that we all understand now.
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I'm sure we've all understood this for a while, right? That fiscal conservatism
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is a myth, doesn't exist. It just doesn't exist. There is no fiscally conservative party. There is
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no movement of fiscal conservatism. It, it, it, it's, it's not there. It's been a myth for at least 30
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years. Every Republican president in that span has run huge deficits. And I want you to think about
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what a deficit is. The Washington Post explained it if you didn't know, but to reiterate, that means
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that the government is spending more than it collects in revenue. All right. Basic economics.
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But here's, here's why that's significant. At this point, the government collects almost $4 trillion
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in revenue. I think 2020, it was about 3.7 or it will be about 3.7 trillion for 2020. So we're,
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we're getting to the 4 trillion mark. We're getting very close to it. Let's round up and call it 4
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trillion just for the sake of argument. So, um, that means they're spending more than 4 trillion
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dollars and that's not enough. Okay. Somehow they can't get everything they want accomplished
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with a measly 4 trillion. Collecting $4 trillion. That's not enough. They, they, they, they need to
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spend even more than that. $4 trillion. I mean, think about what $4 trillion is. We're dealing with
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numbers that are beyond human comprehension. I think that's one of the reasons why fiscal
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conservatism died. It was sort of overwhelmed. It died by overdose because now we're dealing with
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numbers that no, no one can even a trillion. What is a trillion? What is a trillion? I have no,
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I, you can't conceptualize that. It's such a massive number that we, I think we, we tune it out
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because we can't wrap our heads around it. Well, here's one way to conceptualize it.
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Collecting $4 trillion in revenue is the equivalent. So the government collecting $4 trillion in revenue
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is the equivalent of the equivalent of the government confiscating all of the wealth of half of the
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world's billionaires. If they were to line up half of the billionaires in the world, take everything
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that each one of them is worth, that's about $4 trillion. And it's not enough. So they're doing
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that every year now. Every year, the government is spending the equivalent of all of the wealth of
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half of the world's billionaires. And they need to spend even more. So there isn't any party in
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Washington and hardly any individual voices in Washington that care about fiscal conservatism.
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That's dead. That doesn't exist. Nobody cares about it. There was a movement of conservatives of,
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there was a conservative movement for a little while. I think the Tea Party, this was one of the
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big focuses of the Tea Party. What happened to that? What happened? What happened to the Tea Party
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Republicans concerned about that? They got bored with it. That's why I'm often skeptical of these kinds
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of movements that pop up. People are out holding signs. And I went to some of the Tea Party rallies
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back in, what was it, 2009 or whenever that was. And I quickly grew weary of it. I even went to some
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Tea Party meetings. Because it started to seem to me that people just had fun. They just wanted to go
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out and hold a sign and feel like they were doing something. Then you go to a meeting and everyone takes
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turns getting up and complaining. But that's it. It just, that's what it seemed like. It seemed like
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people were having fun. It was something to do. It was a hobby. And sure enough, within 10 years,
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nobody cares anymore. No one talks about any of that stuff anymore. Meanwhile, lawmakers have
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stuffed into this spending bill a provision. Tell me if you can see how this has anything to do with
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spending. They've stuffed into the bill a provision that would raise the age to buy, to buy tobacco to
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21. As part of a spending bill, they're going to make it so that you have to be 21 to buy any tobacco
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product, including e-cigarettes. What does it have to do with spending? Why wouldn't this be a separate
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piece of legislation that they, that they take out and debate specifically? If you want to do that,
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make it a separate bill, debate that, pass that. Well, probably they don't want to debate it because
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it's impossible to justify something like this. So let's just think about this now. You have to be
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21 to buy a pack of cigarettes or once this law passes, this bill, this spending bill passes, which it
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will, you have to be 21 to buy a pack of cigarettes or a vape cartridge. If that's what, is that what it is?
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It's a cartridge when you vape. I don't know what, whatever it is, whatever the kids are doing these
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days, you have to be 21. Um, you, you are not, according to the government. Now you are not old
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enough or mature enough to make the decision to buy a pack of cigarettes or to vape before the age of 21,
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but you are old enough to drive at 16. So at 16, we're going to trust you to pilot a 4,000 pound
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chunk of metal down the highway at 75 miles an hour. We're going to trust you to do that.
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You're competent enough for that, but it's going to be another five years before you're mature enough
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to pilot that five, that 4,000 pound chunk of metal to Rite Aid to buy cigarettes.
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If Rite Aid even still sells cigarettes, which I'm not sure if they do at 18. So that's, that's 16,
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16, you're already old enough for that. At 18, at 18, we're going to trust you to open a bank account.
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We're going to trust you to get a tattoo, which is permanently marking your body. We're going to
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trust you to enlist in the military. We're going to trust you to go skydiving. We're going to trust
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you to serve on a jury. We're going to trust you to buy fireworks. We're going to trust you to buy a
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shotgun. We're going to trust you to sign contracts. We're going to trust you to sign a
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mortgage. We're going to trust you to get married. We're going to trust you to vote.
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But you won't be old enough to vape for another three years. So you're old enough to do all that
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stuff. You're not old enough to vape. No, no, that's where we draw the line. Oh, and you can
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also be executed by the state. So you're so competent, and we expect you to be so competent
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that if you commit a serious crime, you can be executed, or at a minimum, you can go to federal
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prison. Not old enough, though, to smoke a cigar. Not old enough to smoke a black and mild.
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Or to drink a Bud Light, for that matter. Oh, and you're also old enough to kill your baby in an
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abortion. So you're old enough to make that decision. And you're old enough to get plastic
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surgery, permanently mutilating your body. Speaking of which, you're old enough to permanently
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transition into another gender. Well, you could do that before 18 now. So all of that, everything,
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I mean, every responsibility and power and right imaginable, you have, and a bunch, some of which
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you should not ever have, like the ability to kill your baby, but we're throwing that in too.
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You could do all of that before 21, most of it at 18, some of it before that.
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But you're still not old enough to buy a cigarette. The only thing left, I think at what, 25 is when
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you can rent a car. So that's the only thing left. That's the last thing. That's the last thing
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you're old enough to do, is rent, is go to Enterprise and rent a Toyota. Does any of this make any sense?
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Is there any theory of human psychological and emotional development that can lend any coherence
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or credibility to this? I'd like to hear from some psychologist to explain to me exactly how it is
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that the human mind has matured enough at 18 to do all of that stuff, but still it cannot be trusted.
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The person with that mind cannot be trusted to stand at the gas station and have the ability to
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now you can't, when I've talked about this in the past, people will say,
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oh, well, nobody should be smoking anyway. It's poison.
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banning it outright. That's not an argument for raising the age limit.
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And if you think that tobacco should be banned, well, then make that argument.
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I don't think that anyone has a God-given right to
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Those are not arguments for raising the age limit
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Now, I know I'm going to get a million emails that say,
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but my position is at least intellectually consistent.
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I mean, why are we drawing these lines exactly?
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I'm not saying that there's no reason to draw a line.