Why won't Pierre Poilevre touch Equalization? (Political capital explained)
Episode Stats
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Summary
In this episode, I discuss the concept of political capital and why Pierre Polyev is unlikely to tackle equalization reform when he becomes Prime Minister of Canada in the next election. I also talk about why it's a good thing we don't have to wait for another election cycle to get the issue addressed.
Transcript
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Hey guys, Wyatt Claypool here. There's a good issue floating around out there in Canadian
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politics right now that gives me the opportunity to talk about the issues of how politics works
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as well as the concept of political capital. Since I'm from Alberta, I naturally saw a lot
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of Albertan conservatives annoyed that they saw that federal conservative party leader
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Pierre Polyev says he's not going to be touching equalization when he becomes prime minister.
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I know many of them are saying, well, it's so unfair, how could he not touch it? And I agree,
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equalization is absolutely unfair. The problem is that Pierre Polyev, even when he becomes prime
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minister, even if he has a majority government of like 240 seats, even he is hemmed in by how much
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political capital he has. Donald Trump has a big mandate in the US after winning his second
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non-consecutive term for president. But even he isn't going to be touching entitlement reform
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because there's so much energy, so much rhetoric that you have to put towards that issue to bring
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people on side to get anything done on it, that it is going to operationally exhaust you in tackling
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other issues. That is the same thing that Polyev is having to deal with in Canada, looking forward
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to his future prime ministership. And he's probably going to be prime minister at this point. It's
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basically guaranteed, unless you believe Frank Graves and Ecos, who now think the liberals and
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conservatives are within five points of each other, and the liberals are having a big surge.
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Frank Graves is a liberal hack. He obviously hates Pierre Polyev personally, and I think that's what's
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motivating his terrible polling right now. But I digress. Polyev wants to get things done like bail
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reform, or at least ending the liberals' bail reform, actually having real justice in this country again.
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He wants to reduce overall taxes. He wants to get rid of the carbon tax. That's an easy one to do
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because so many people are against it at this point. He wants to do heavy regulation cuts. He wants to get
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pipelines built. He wants to rebuild the military. He wants to do a lot of things. There's probably more
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than two dozen major pieces of policy that the conservatives need to get done in four years.
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And while the parliamentary system in Canada allows you to move faster than the president usually can in
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the U.S., even Polyev, if he tried to tackle something like equalization, immediately all the
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media's attention, all of his time in terms of talking about policy and justifying his government's
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stances and agenda is going to be eaten up by talking about equalization. Because as much as we
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hate equalization, rightfully so here in Alberta, and now the Newfoundlanders are also growing to hate it
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really bad. I guarantee probably people in Saskatchewan and British Columbia don't care as much because
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they don't pay as much into it in terms of the net loss they have on their tax dollars when they
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give them to the federal government. The problem is that I would rather wait until a second Polyev term
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when people are making median another $4,000 a year. People are better off. We have more social
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stability in the country. We've reduced immigration. We've made sure that temporary foreign workers and
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students aren't just hanging out after their visas expire. At that time where people are better off,
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they're happier, that is when you can get the mandate to reform equalization. Because if more of
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the provinces are have provinces because our top marginal income tax rate has fallen to this 25%,
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not 33%, our business tax rate has gone from 18 to 13 or 18 to 14, there will be way more bandwidth,
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way more political capital for Polyev to spend on something like equalization. In fact, as Canadians
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are happier, the amount of price he has to pay in order to actually get equalization reform done
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is going to go down. Voters, depending on how they feel about an issue across the country, and sometimes
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it depends on the region, can kind of discount the amount that you actually have to push on an issue
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to get it done. Something like the carbon tax, something like reforming just like the bail,
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getting rid of same-day automatic bail, that's going to cost Polyev. Let's say he has 100 points
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of political capital when he enters office for his first term. Those two things are going to cost him
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like two or three points in this theoretical world. Getting something done like major regulation reform,
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getting a pipeline built between Alberta and Eastern Canada, Energy East, that's going to take
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like 25 points, because there's going to be a lot of political maneuvering, a lot of deal-making,
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a lot of the use of Polyev's bully pulpit, all coming to bear on making sure Francois Legault,
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or whoever the Quebec premier is at that point, is actually getting this deal done, is actually
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approving the pipeline. Getting rid of a lot, like making better land deals with indigenous,
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indigenous groups, indigenous like tribal councils, that is going to take a lot of political capital
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from the Polyev government to reform the way they work with indigenous groups to actually get
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pipelines built. Getting the military spending increased, that is going to take a lot of political
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capital, because at the same time as Polyev's trying to reduce taxes and spending, increasing that
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spending is going to take a little bit more justification, because he's going to get a lot of fire from
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the media. Why are you spending more money on the military at the same time you're cutting universal
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dental? That's another thing. Cutting a lot of the liberal programs is probably going to take 30 points
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of political capital, because as much as these programs are useless, we don't need them at all.
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People don't like spending being cut naturally, even though polls show 62%, 63% of Canadians think we
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spend too much. When you start cutting, everyone starts becoming a critic. Well, why are you cutting
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that? Why aren't you cutting this? Every piece of spending that you cut is going to affect somebody.
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That doesn't mean we shouldn't cut. I think we should aggressively cut. In fact, if you move faster,
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it makes it so that the public reaction, the media reaction, is more truncated, and they don't have time
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to sort of fear monger over every single dollar being reduced. If you just get in and you say,
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okay, we're restricting universal dental to seniors, we're restricting pharma care to like people living
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below the poverty line, and we're just getting rid of the housing accelerator program, immediately you
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have saved billions of dollars, and all the anger is going to be within like two weeks, and you can
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move on. Oftentimes, politicians are just not good at sticking through negative press. The one thing
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that somebody like Ralph Klein was amazing at was that he understood that he would have to be hated for a
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year, for two years, for three years to get certain things done, to get the balance of the budget
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balance to get into a surplus to pay down the debt. He was going to have to have a lot of protesters on
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his lawn. He was going to have to have a lot of negative reports in the media. But if he kept
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pressing on the average middle class voting taxpayer was going to say, you know what, I get it. I get
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why he did that. Good. Thank you, Ralph. That's why Ralph was unbeatable. He understood the political
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capital he would need to spend to get something done that would then on the other side make people
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like him more. If you overspend your political capital, that's where I would say you become like
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Blaine Higgs. He was doing great things for the New Brunswick economy. Probably was moving too fast or
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didn't have enough, you know, I guess in this theoretical world, he didn't have enough pillows
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around the floor to cushion people's fall when he was cutting useless services and the fear-mongering
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was going to hit him. He probably should have also cut taxes because then people would see the
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benefits right away to themselves and they would better understand the fiscal conservative
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program that Blaine Higgs was running. He ended up losing it. I think it was because he did a really
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good job on public finance, but people were criticizing for that, but he never made people's
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personal finances catch up at the same speed. So people looked at it like, look at this cruel man
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cutting the provincial budget while I'm not getting ahead. Probably should have done the same
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two things, those two things at the same time. I thought he was a great premier. Really sad that
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he's no longer the premier of that province. He was great on parental rights, social issues, fiscal
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issues, just should have cut the HST, should have cut income taxes a year before the election. You don't
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wait until the election to say that you'll do it if they re-elect you. You gotta do it beforehand.
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This is the same thing I say about Premier Smith. And I know people are like annoyed with me when I
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say I went to the AGM and I voted no on her leadership review. I voted no because there's
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no way of me saying she's doing a six out of 10, seven out of 10 job, room for improvement. And
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because I know so many people are going to vote yes, certain people need to vote no to show there is
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room for improvement. You don't deserve 100%. You don't deserve like 100% mandate from your base.
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You need to cut taxes. You need to cut spending. The problem for Smith right now in Alberta is I find
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that she's using a lot of her political capital to get big spending projects done, to spend on like
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building a train or building an arena or doing something like that. And I find that she's going to
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run out of room in the next couple of years where she can't cut taxes. She can't cut spending to be able
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to cut taxes. She can't balance the budget if oil prices go down. And then we're going to be in a bit
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of a conundrum when we're running against Nahid Nenshi as the Alberta NDP leader who the UCP has been
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labeling as a tax and spend liberal. But on the other side, we look like hypocrites. We've been
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spending too much. We've not actually cut people's taxes. So how are we supposed to call Nenshi a tax
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and spend liberal when we're basically maintaining the same tax rates that the NDP had brought in back
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in 2015? You know what? It kind of looks bad. And so that's where Pierre Polyev, I understand
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why in a first term, he wants to get a lot of these small and medium sized issues dealt with that he can
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do a lot with rather than tackle equalization right away in which only certain people in Alberta really
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rank that as like one of their top five issues. People in Alberta are still going to name just federal
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taxes, federal spending, you know, inflation, crime, all that sort of thing. Those are going to be their
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top issues. Equalization is not going to hit like high for many people outside of rural Alberta.
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And so right now, if Polyev entered government in my theoretical model where he has 100 points of
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political capital to spend, I would say equalization would cost him 75 of those points. It would basically
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be the thing he would be having to deal with for two years, getting it done. And even then,
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there would probably be court challenges. Maybe the Supreme Court packed with liberals would say,
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no, equalization is actually the law of the land. It's actually charter, like we are bound by the
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charter to equalize the provinces. And by the way, I really knocked the desk there. By the way,
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equalization isn't in theory bad. In the US, Arkansas tends to get more federal dollars per capita
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than somewhere like New York City, or just New York in general, or Texas. Big states tend to get fewer
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federal dollars per capita than somewhere like Wyoming, than somewhere like Idaho, like states
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with smaller economies, with less powerful economies tend to get a bit more money. Equalization in Canada
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is terrible, because the formula basically makes it so that provinces like Quebec, provinces like many of
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the Maritimes, except for Newfoundland are all incentivized to be broke. They're incentivized not
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to grow their economies to keep their taxes and regulations high. And they get more federal transfer
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payments if they do that. That's the main thing in equalization that needs to be changed. Equalization
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doesn't even need to necessarily go away, because I understand none of us never going to be able to
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actually pay for its own healthcare system unless the rest of Canada pitches in. Same thing in PEI,
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it's hard to justify having a higher social service spending in those provinces with low populations,
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with specifically older populations. I get it. It's just the current system is making it so that
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the populations keep getting older because younger people in PEI keep going elsewhere because the
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economy sucks because the government makes it that way because they get more money to make it that way.
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That's the real thing we need to reform. And I get it. It's unfair, but we might have to wait a
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little bit. We might have to build up our political capital and make the case for people on why
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equalization needs to go after we've made them better off first. But anyways, that should be it
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for me today, guys. Let me know your thoughts on how Polyev should conduct himself in his first term.
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Remember to like this video, subscribe to the channel, and to all my Alberta viewers, my fellow
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Albertans, equalization sucks. But sadly, we'll probably have to suck it up for at least four
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more years. At least we'll all be better off if Polyev does the right things on federal policy first
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and then moves on to it. But anyways, see you guys later.