The Peter Attia Drive - October 26, 2026


#413 ‒ The neuroscience of emotion: challenging conventional theories of emotion, how the brain predicts and constructs our experiences, and gaining greater control over how we feel | Lisa Feldman Barrett, Ph.D.

#412 ‒ The evolving science of cancer: emerging approaches to prevention and early detection, and the advances reshaping treatment | Siddhartha Mukherjee, M.D., Ph.D.

Episode Stats


Length

2 hours and 34 minutes

Words per minute

156.4

Word count

24,085

Sentence count

1,430

Harmful content

Misogyny

1

sentences flagged

Toxicity

15

sentences flagged

Hate speech

13

sentences flagged


Transcript

Transcript generated with Whisper (turbo).
Misogyny classifications generated with MilaNLProc/bert-base-uncased-ear-misogyny .
Toxicity classifications generated with s-nlp/roberta_toxicity_classifier .
Hate speech classifications generated with facebook/roberta-hate-speech-dynabench-r4-target .
00:00:00.000 Hey, everyone. Welcome to the Drive podcast. I'm your host, Peter Atiyah. This podcast,
00:00:16.540 my website, and my weekly newsletter all focus on the goal of translating the science of longevity
00:00:21.520 into something accessible for everyone. Our goal is to provide the best content in health and
00:00:26.720 wellness. And we've established a great team of analysts to make this happen. It is extremely
00:00:31.660 important to me to provide all of this content without relying on paid ads to do this. Our work
00:00:36.960 is made entirely possible by our members. And in return, we offer exclusive member only content
00:00:42.720 and benefits above and beyond what is available for free. If you want to take your knowledge of
00:00:47.940 this space to the next level, it's our goal to ensure members get back much more than the price
00:00:53.200 of a subscription. If you want to learn more about the benefits of our premium membership,
00:00:58.040 head over to peteratiamd.com forward slash subscribe. My guest this week is Dr. Lisa
00:01:06.120 Feldman Barrett, a psychologist and neuroscientist who has spent more than two decades studying
00:01:11.400 emotion, the brain, and how our experiences are connected by the mind. Lisa is a university
00:01:18.060 distinguished professor of psychology at Northeastern University with additional appointments
00:01:22.940 at Mass General Hospital and Harvard Medical School, where she co-directs the interdisciplinary
00:01:27.980 effective science laboratory. She's best known for her theory of constructed emotion, and she's
00:01:33.960 the author of How Emotions Are Made and Seven and a Half Lessons About the Brain. I wanted to have
00:01:40.560 Lisa on because her work challenges some of the most basic assumptions we make about emotions 1.00
00:01:45.520 and the brain. Namely, her work challenges the idea that emotions like fear, anger, and sadness
00:01:51.260 are hardwired neurologic states, as well as the idea that the brain primarily reacts to the world
00:01:58.480 around us. Instead, she argues that variation in emotional states both within and between people
00:02:05.700 is the norm, and that the brain is fundamentally predictive in nature, and that the things we
00:02:11.980 experience as emotions emerge from the brain's constant assessment and prediction of the body's
00:02:18.700 future metabolic needs. In this episode, we talk specifically about how scientific averages can
00:02:24.420 obscure meaningful differences between individuals and why emotions don't have universal biomarkers
00:02:31.140 and why the variation in these emotions matters, why the brain is better understood as a predictive
00:02:38.700 system rather than a reactive one, how memories and past experience fundamentally shape what we
00:02:44.540 perceive, feel, and do in the present, why changing behavior can change emotion, and how deliberate
00:02:50.860 practice can train and build new patterns of response, how the brain predicts and regulates
00:02:58.260 the body's energy needs through allostasis and why that matters for stress, the relationship
00:03:03.620 between chronic stress, uncertainty, social connectivity, and physical health, and how
00:03:08.640 losing someone you love in a very literal sense is like losing a part of your body's
00:03:14.260 regulatory system, and how this framework can give us more agency over our emotional
00:03:19.880 lives without pretending we have complete control.
00:03:23.580 So without further delay, please enjoy my conversation with Dr. Lisa Feldman Barrett.
00:03:33.620 Lisa, it's so great to see you. And I know how busy you are. So I'm incredibly appreciative of
00:03:40.540 you making the time to sit down with me today. I'm delighted to be here. So thank you for the
00:03:45.740 invitation. So as we just discovered a few minutes ago, we both have this thing in common, having
00:03:51.640 grown up in the same city. But it sounds like we've both lived in our current home longer than
00:03:57.540 our previous home. Indeed. Indeed. I want to kind of understand when the first time you
00:04:07.120 appreciated the idea of emotions as a, as a topic for study. Well, when I was in graduate school,
00:04:15.760 I, so I, I went to graduate school to, I decided not to go to medical school and like all my other
00:04:21.080 friends, and I decided to go to graduate school to be a clinical psychologist. And so obviously
00:04:26.880 right away. You're starting to learn about emotion and how they work and what they are and so on.
00:04:33.660 And so I thought I had a pretty good idea. And I was doing research for my PhD, actually on a topic
00:04:41.440 that was something other than emotion, but I had to measure emotion. And I did it in a pretty
00:04:47.420 standard way, which is to ask people how they feel. What I realized was that I wasn't able to
00:04:56.780 replicate the experiment. So usually in graduate school, what you do is you take a published
00:05:01.480 research study that's been published in a peer-reviewed journal. You try to replicate it
00:05:06.460 just so that you can show that you know how to do an experiment. And then you go on and you do
00:05:10.800 your own stuff. So I was preparing for my own line of work and I tried to replicate this experiment
00:05:15.760 and I realized pretty early on into it that the findings were not replicating. So I'll spare you
00:05:23.600 all the gruesome details, but over a three-year period, I tried to replicate eight different
00:05:28.920 times. I tried to replicate experiments, probably a total of three or four experiments multiple times
00:05:34.480 and wasn't able to do it. And my first response to that was, well, obviously I'm not cut out to be
00:05:42.040 a scientist. Good thing I'll train to be a therapist. And then I took a closer look at my
00:05:50.580 data. And I realized that while I was not replicating the published work, I was replicating
00:05:57.980 myself over and over and over again, which to me was an indication that something interesting was
00:06:05.460 happening. And luckily, I was working with research advisors who were willing to be persuaded by
00:06:13.200 my observations. So I just can't resist pulling on this thread, though, in that I want to hear
00:06:20.340 some of the details of this, because this was clearly such a pivotal moment in your career
00:06:24.820 that it would be helpful, I think, for me and I think the listeners to understand the nature of
00:06:29.340 these experiments, what was published and why you couldn't reproduce it, and perhaps more importantly,
00:06:34.860 what it is that you kept reproducing that was distinct from the published findings.
00:06:38.720 So usually when you ask people how they feel, you give them a set of adjectives or sometimes it's a set of statements, but some usually set of adjectives, which are labels for emotion categories, angry, sad, happy, whatever.
00:06:55.100 And you ask people, you know, how frequently have you felt this in the last week or how intensely do you feel this now?
00:07:03.680 And in particular, I was really interested in anxiety and depression.
00:07:08.140 And so I was also using clinical scales.
00:07:11.040 In this case, I was using a number of clinical scales, but including the back depression inventory and the back anxiety inventory,
00:07:18.760 where you're asking you're giving people statements about symptoms like I feel sad I feel tired I have
00:07:27.320 no appetite and you're asking people to rate the extent to which those symptoms describe their
00:07:34.340 experience and in the the studies I was trying to replicate were basically this was a these were a
00:07:43.880 set of experiments about the self, about your self-concept, where if you compare your beliefs
00:07:50.720 about who you are right now in relation to, say, who you ideally would like to be or who you think
00:07:57.160 you ought to be, maybe because your parents told you this or there's some, you know, standard that
00:08:02.380 you think you have to meet, that if you fail, if you compare your experience of yourself as you are
00:08:08.820 to who you ideally would like to be, you would feel depressed. And if you were failing to live
00:08:16.080 up to the shoulds, the aughts, then you would feel anxious. This, of course, requires that people can
00:08:21.760 distinguish between anxiety and depression as feeling states. I wasn't really dealing with
00:08:28.600 clinical samples at this point. But one thing that I found was that I wasn't able to replicate
00:08:37.960 this effect because when people reported feeling anxious, they also reported feeling sad or
00:08:44.060 depressed. And when they reported feeling happy, they reported an absence of anxiety and they
00:08:50.080 would report feeling calm. So they were basically reporting, I feel like shit or I feel okay, 0.98
00:08:56.540 even though the instruments I was using gave them the opportunity to be much more granular, 0.95
00:09:02.080 are much more specific. Now, here what I was doing was what most scientists do, which is to test a
00:09:10.580 group of people and then look at the averages, right, of the group and make inferences about
00:09:16.500 it, about, you know, what you think is true based on what you observe at the group level. And the
00:09:23.300 way that I phrased the question at that time was very much dictated by what I had learned up till
00:09:30.220 that point, which is that, you know, anger, sadness, fear, depression, anxiety, you name
00:09:37.420 it, emotions are biological categories that are distinct and that people were having trouble
00:09:44.620 identifying what emotion they were experiencing.
00:09:50.680 And so my first way of phrasing the question was, well, I wonder what features of emotion
00:09:59.680 they're ignoring that is causing them to fail to recognize the emotional state they're in.
00:10:07.520 And very quickly, once I actually started, I did more than just dip my toe into the emotion
00:10:15.700 literature and read other people's summaries. I actually started digging into the papers myself.
00:10:21.220 I realized actually that the phrasing of that question was in error, which meant something
00:10:27.380 really interesting was going on that an entire field seemed to be missing.
00:10:33.720 So, Lisa, I want to just recap something there to make sure I'm understanding it correctly.
00:10:37.340 What you just said actually answers a question I was about to ask, so I'll ask it only to
00:10:41.660 make sure I understood.
00:10:43.560 It seems to me that part of the difference was in the way you posed the question.
00:10:47.420 Is that a fair statement?
00:10:49.880 Well, at first I posed the question the way that I had been taught to pose the question,
00:10:56.200 which is this assumption that there's an assumption, right? That this assumption is
00:11:02.020 still very much with us in certain circles that, you know, human infants are born with circuits
00:11:07.660 embedded in some ancient part of their brain for sadness, for fear, for anger, for, you know,
00:11:15.980 there are a handful of categories. And that if you could find objective ways, meaning not self
00:11:24.100 report. So, and we can come back to what this means, objective, because I think this is actually
00:11:29.540 a big, this is a big issue. It's a huge question. Yeah. It's a huge question. But the assumption
00:11:34.140 was that objective meant not the experience of the subject. That you could measure something
00:11:39.140 else about the subject, maybe their blood pressure or their heart rate, or you could look inside their
00:11:43.480 brain, or you could look at how their face moves or whatever. But that you could in some way
00:11:48.260 determine because these are biologically distinct categories with separate psychological features
00:11:56.140 that you should be able to diagnose what emotional state a person is in. And if they don't report
00:12:04.400 that state, then that speaks to the fallibility of it suggests that self-reports are very fallible
00:12:11.740 because, you know, there are these objective states. So the assumption is there are these
00:12:16.040 objective states. They're biologically distinct. That is, that the boundaries between these
00:12:20.280 categories are in nature, right? They've been discovered by humans, not placed there by humans.
00:12:26.280 And that there's some, all instances of fear or anger or sadness, any category, but let's just
00:12:32.820 take fear. All instances of fear should have some set of features that make it fear and make a
00:12:40.200 response fear, and not something else like anger or sadness. That is, that all instances of that
00:12:47.800 category should have an essence. So, of course, I wasn't phrasing the question with that degree
00:12:53.160 of specificity, but basically I was like, well, we know that these are universal inborn states,
00:12:58.600 so if people aren't identifying them distinctly, there's something wrong with the identification
00:13:04.260 process. And that's where I started. And in the process of trying to look for an objective
00:13:10.540 measure to diagnose someone's emotional state, I realized there are no actually objective measures
00:13:17.700 and that scientists have been debating this for 150 years. And I think at that point it would be
00:13:23.420 more like 100 years since I've been at this for a while. And in science, it's often the case
00:13:30.700 that when a debate persists for a very long time, and even before, you know, even really,
00:13:41.180 I would say even before the scientific revolution, there were philosophers who were debating this.
00:13:46.140 When a question has been debated for a really long time, it often means the question's wrong.
00:13:52.460 And that something else is going on. And because I hadn't been educated,
00:13:58.480 schooled in theories of emotion and in the research i came to it with like a blank slate
00:14:04.880 you know i and i also came to it with clinical training and this turns out to be i think maybe
00:14:12.060 important to the story because one of the things you learn to do when you're a therapist
00:14:19.300 is identify when people are lying to themselves in your presence that is when they're telling
00:14:27.320 themselves a story that just doesn't quite add up. And what I found was a massive story,
00:14:36.580 a massive case of a story not quite adding up, that there was a, I think at the time I would
00:14:44.620 have said the dominant view, but I think at this point I might say a dogma, a set of beliefs about
00:14:51.500 emotion that were in the research literature. So what I discovered was that, you know, if you read
00:15:00.280 the introduction sections of a paper and the discussion sections, they say one thing. But when
00:15:05.820 I looked at the evidence in the results section, to me, it said something entirely different.
00:15:13.920 And this set me on the path to where I am really today.
00:15:21.420 I've changed my dissertation topic.
00:15:23.460 I took an extra year to finish my dissertation because I completely changed my entire trajectory
00:15:30.320 and did not become a therapist for very long.
00:15:35.100 I was so enraptured really by the research process and the discovery that I just focused
00:15:41.500 exclusively on that.
00:15:43.920 So how did the previous scientists explain variants in response?
00:15:51.180 They do a couple of things with variants.
00:15:54.540 So, I mean, think about.
00:15:57.560 Like you alluded to it earlier.
00:15:59.260 You said basically they just took an average.
00:16:01.220 When you're angry, when you're angry, what do you do when you're angry?
00:16:04.240 Do you make a scowl when you're angry?
00:16:07.040 Sometimes.
00:16:07.700 I mean, yeah, right, exactly.
00:16:09.420 actually research meta-analyses, you know, statistical summaries of many, many studies
00:16:15.020 of thousands and thousands of people show that in Western cultures, people, adults in urban settings
00:16:21.680 scowl about 35% of the time when they're angry. That's more than chance. So it gets you a
00:16:28.100 publication in a good journal, right? But that means 65% of the time people are doing something
00:16:32.620 else with their face. And half the time when people scowl, they're not angry. So if you used
00:16:38.840 scowling as an objective measure of anger. Horrible predictive value. Yeah. And I might
00:16:44.160 just add, that's a lot of what AI, uh, emotion AI is doing right now, but you know, that may be
00:16:49.780 another topic, but you know, you'd miss, you'd, you'd miss 65% of the cases and half the time
00:16:56.320 you'd over call it. Yeah. Yeah. Actually I would, I would say is, yeah, that's right. Yeah. You'd,
00:17:00.800 you'd have both false positives and false negatives and every category works that way
00:17:05.100 of emotion. And it doesn't matter what measure you're using. It doesn't matter, you know,
00:17:09.400 does the amygdala show an increase in activity during fear? Yeah. More than chance? Yeah,
00:17:14.980 about 30% of the time it does. But it often doesn't. And you see amygdala activation in
00:17:23.640 many, many, many instances of emotion that are not fear and also across a slew of other phenomena.
00:17:30.620 So the way that people deal with variants, right, what do you do when you're angry?
00:17:40.360 Well, sometimes you scowl, but probably sometimes you frown and sometimes you might even smile or laugh.
00:17:46.840 Sometimes you might remain silent, you know, and plot the demise of your enemy.
00:17:52.200 You know, what does your blood pressure go up, go down, stay the same?
00:17:56.220 yeah, it all depends on what you're about to do next, which depends on the situation that you're
00:18:01.040 in. So emotions, when it comes to emotions, variation is the norm. People do a lot of
00:18:09.060 different things in the same category. They feel anger can sometimes feel pleasant. It's not always
00:18:14.260 unpleasant. Anger sometimes distances people from one another, but other times it brings people
00:18:20.300 together. And then there are cultural, massive cultural differences that we haven't even,
00:18:25.920 This is just like within one person over situations. Right. So I think part of what scientists do, the way to think about it, I would say, is that science, the world is complex. Reality is super complex. And scientists simplify in order to study things. And this is normal.
00:18:45.400 And one of the things that they simplify is variance. They try to often control variance as opposed to measure it. So one thing you can do in an experiment is try to capture as much variance as possible and try to model that variance, try to figure out its structure and how to predict it.
00:19:08.860 Another thing you can do is you can try to limit variability. And that's what experiments typically in emotion up to that point had tried to do. So they would limit the number of categories being studied. They would limit the number of instances being studied.
00:19:25.200 So the sampling of people, the sampling of the stimuli, the triggers to provoke emotion would be limited.
00:19:35.960 The modeling, the specifications of the statistical modeling would be designed in such a way as to remove variants or to get rid of variants as error variants.
00:19:47.520 And when you start to look a little more closely at the evidence, you can uncover that variance.
00:19:54.700 And you can even design studies to cultivate that variance, actually, to try to observe it.
00:20:01.420 And in the end, that's, you know, that's what I turn to were methods like that.
00:20:08.360 So, Lisa, I'm hearing two things that are related in question, but they seem distinct to me.
00:20:13.520 And I want to make sure that I'm understanding this because it seems to be the foundation of what was the widely held view at the time you were doing these experiments.
00:20:21.920 The two things are, we should be able to objectively measure an emotion. And again, I think that's a very straightforward proposition based on people's understandings of what's subjective versus what's subjective. We should be able to know your emotion without you telling us. Is that a fair way to say that?
00:20:40.640 Yeah, what I would, yes, it is. But I just want to point out that always objectivity is within relation to the subject, meaning you should be able to measure something in a subject that the subject doesn't tell you.
00:20:53.520 But I think it's important to also realize that measurements are never objective because scientists, a scientist, there's the synonym for a scientist's observation is the scientist's experience.
00:21:11.600 I mean, sure, you know, you can quantify numbers.
00:21:14.680 Well, that's why we have to, that's why we do blinding.
00:21:16.820 That's why we want double-blinded studies whenever appropriate.
00:21:20.140 Yeah, but you know what?
00:21:21.340 You can have double-blinded studies, but if you think that a double-blinded study actually removes your theoretical view from your study, you're deluding yourself because all experiments are theory-laden.
00:21:33.980 They're theory-laden in the way they're designed.
00:21:36.380 That's not a bad thing.
00:21:38.000 It just means if you recognize it's that you can never have an experiment that samples in a theory-neutral way.
00:21:46.720 You can never have an experiment that runs statistical analyses in a theory-neutral way.
00:21:52.560 This is a mistake.
00:21:53.860 It's a mistake that scientists often make.
00:21:56.940 Once you realize that you yourself have a point of view, and even though you try really hard, you can double-blind things, you can, you know, there are a lot of things you can do to try to control the influence of your own point of view.
00:22:10.500 You can't remove it.
00:22:11.860 And as a consequence of that, you can take other steps, additional steps to try to control it that maybe aren't necessarily the norm.
00:22:23.420 Can you give me an example?
00:22:24.340 So let's take something, let's take the following experiment.
00:22:27.320 I have a hypothesis that I give you, if I give you this pill, it will lower your cholesterol.
00:22:31.600 So I'm going to take 100 people and without knowing which ones are which, half of them are going to get the pill that I think will lower their cholesterol.
00:22:39.500 Half of them will get a placebo pill.
00:22:41.860 They'll take the pill for three months, and before and after they start, we will measure their blood level of this cholesterol.
00:22:48.580 So what steps would one have to take to remove as much bias as possible from that, besides the blinding, et cetera?
00:22:57.840 What color is the placebo?
00:23:00.820 How big is the pill?
00:23:02.580 What are the other factors that are involved?
00:23:06.820 You know, are your subjects, what are you controlling?
00:23:09.660 Are you controlling how much they sleep?
00:23:11.860 Are you controlling what they eat?
00:23:13.760 Are you controlling...
00:23:15.280 But does randomization take care of that
00:23:17.260 if I have a large enough sample?
00:23:18.320 It doesn't take care.
00:23:18.780 No.
00:23:19.360 So here's the thing.
00:23:20.460 This is the thing that...
00:23:21.880 This is now, you know, fast forward 30 years now, okay?
00:23:24.940 But does randomization take care of it?
00:23:27.600 No.
00:23:29.140 Randomization takes certain variants off the table
00:23:33.040 for you to model,
00:23:34.600 but that doesn't mean that it removes the variants
00:23:37.360 from the causal complexity
00:23:39.360 that is causing the phenomenon.
00:23:41.860 And as a consequence of this, you can randomly sample 100 people, you can run a study, you
00:23:51.560 can get an effect.
00:23:54.320 That effect will not predict anything about any individual subject in your sample.
00:24:01.560 The way that we get rid of variability by sampling large samples and large numbers
00:24:09.120 of people and modeling them. And then we try to replicate the average or the summary. An average
00:24:15.660 or a summary is a statistical fiction. It doesn't actually let you predict anything about any
00:24:22.540 individual. And this, I think, is a super important point that, of course, people are
00:24:29.360 discovering this, you know, in personalized medicine and so on. But, you know, this knowledge
00:24:34.460 has been around for a good hundred years for sure. And there are reasons why scientists appeal to
00:24:42.400 averages and summaries when what's real is variation. And what you, so what you're doing
00:24:48.240 when you randomize is you're removing variation as opposed to taking a hundred people and following
00:24:54.900 them over some period of time in their own lives. And then you see whether the effect you get this,
00:25:01.400 whether the pill works, you know, by doing, you can do a set of experiments where you can still
00:25:08.000 have control. Or I would say you can run your hundred subjects, but you can quantify the levels
00:25:17.100 of the other factors that you think matter to whether the drug will work. And then you realize
00:25:25.500 What you're learning in that case is how the drug works in a situation where those factors are held at that value.
00:25:34.200 And then you run another experiment where you set them at a different value.
00:25:37.660 So in this make-believe study, maybe taking the pill on an empty stomach versus a full stomach matters to its effectiveness.
00:25:47.300 Or maybe, you know.
00:25:50.580 Well, maybe there are genetic differences within the subjects that are not captured.
00:25:53.620 You know, maybe it matters how much you've slept or maybe it matters.
00:25:56.440 So let me give you an example.
00:25:58.120 To me, this is like a great example.
00:26:00.220 So there were these very, very clever studies that were done maybe 15, 20 years ago, looking
00:26:06.760 at the response of people to viruses.
00:26:10.820 And so these scientists, they were immunologists, they were psychologists, they were physiologists,
00:26:15.720 that they did is they took samples of people and each person, they stuck them in a hotel
00:26:20.560 room. And then they quantified everything about that, how much they slept, what they ate, you know,
00:26:26.540 basically how much, you know, mucus they blew out of their nose. Like really they were quantifying
00:26:30.840 everything. And then they took the same amount of virus, viral load was identical, and they just
00:26:37.900 placed it in each person's nose. And then they watched what happened. And they observed that
00:26:44.940 depending on the experiment, there were about five, I think, five of these experiments done
00:26:49.580 or something like that, between 20 and 40 percent of people showed symptoms of respiratory
00:26:55.440 illness. That means the majority of people did not get sick from being exposed to a virus.
00:27:02.940 That means a virus is a necessary cause of a respiratory illness, but it is not a sufficient
00:27:09.240 cause. But that's most of biology, right?
00:27:15.120 Yes, it is. But if you stand up in a medical school or at Grand Rounds and you say to a bunch of physicians, as I have, do you think a virus is the cause of respiratory illness? Like 90% of people will put their hands up. Why does that matter? And it's not physicians only. I mean, it's like people. It doesn't really even matter.
00:27:38.100 unless you are somebody who studies complexity theory, you probably think in terms of these
00:27:44.180 simple causes. But in fact, you can't develop the symptoms without the virus, okay? But the
00:27:50.880 virus is, if you're controlling viral load, the virus is not a sufficient cause. There are other
00:27:57.040 factors that are causal. And those factors are also necessary, but they're also not sufficient.
00:28:03.500 But here's where it's relevant.
00:28:04.460 So what you have is a complex cause.
00:28:05.340 Yes, for sure. So there's two things there. Maybe the virus example is a bit tough because there's immunity, but maybe they normalized for previous immunity or previous exposure in the 60% that didn't get it. But I still think this line of inquiry around causality is relevant. Because if you can establish that the virus is necessary but not sufficient, and that it plays a causal role, then the removal of the virus removes the condition. Correct?
00:28:29.880 For sure. But here's what I would say. In a large clinical trial, you do a large clinical trial and you find that, let's say, I'm going to make up some numbers, but let's say 30% of people show improvement on a placebo.
00:28:47.400 And so that means that you need some other much larger number in your treatment group to show an effect.
00:28:55.060 And let's say you only find, like, 40% of the people that the drug worked for 40% of people, and it's not statistically different from the placebo, your conclusion would be that the drug is ineffective.
00:29:11.040 But that could be wrong.
00:29:13.340 Yeah.
00:29:13.560 It could be that the drug is effective for 35% of the people.
00:29:18.220 Yeah.
00:29:18.440 And it's not effective for other people because there's complex causation and there are multiple factors. So I do think that there is a problem when you're reasoning about the outcomes of individual people based on group or averages. Yes. And this is, you asked me, you know, how do people manage, how do scientists manage variants? One way we manage variants is we ignore it.
00:29:45.120 Yeah, we collapse it. Yeah. And instead, we should be modeling it. And you give me any example of, you know, I mean, I think there are lots and lots and lots of examples where, you know, I have my own personal examples that I've talked about on other podcasts, you know, where, you know, which I could go in, you know, but where it matters.
00:30:08.560 Yeah, feel free to share one. I mean, this is a fascinating discussion.
00:30:11.700 Yeah, so, I mean, you know, a number of years ago, I was diagnosed, as many people are, with Hashimoto's disease.
00:30:19.180 And I went to see an endocrinologist. So that's like, you know, where your immune system is destroying your thyroid.
00:30:23.960 And I went to an endocrinologist who was a great endocrinologist who's super, super knowledgeable.
00:30:28.660 And he said, I said, so what's the treatment? And he said, well, we just wait for your immune system to destroy your thyroid.
00:30:35.160 I mean, he wasn't being flippant about it, but he said, well, wait till your thyroid is destroyed and then you start taking synthetic hormones. And I thought, yeah, no, I don't think so. And so I did something that I often do when I'm dealing with my own physicians.
00:30:49.280 I went to PubMed and I just started to read about thyroid diseases.
00:30:53.940 And admittedly, I'm not an expert, but, you know, I have some ability to read papers.
00:30:59.540 And I found a series of studies which showed really clearly that if you give low doses of levothyroxine, which is a synthetic thyroid, you can arrest the progress.
00:31:12.080 These aren't clinical trials.
00:31:13.820 They're not large.
00:31:14.840 And it doesn't work for everybody.
00:31:17.120 So I took, I went back to him and I went, look at these studies.
00:31:20.000 And he said, as you would expect, as I expected, yeah, but there are no clinical trials.
00:31:24.620 And so then I explained the thing about averages.
00:31:26.940 And then I said, yeah, but it seems like it works for some people.
00:31:30.020 And maybe I'm one of those people.
00:31:31.500 So let's do a little experiment.
00:31:35.380 And he was game because, you know, I mean, it's not terribly dangerous to take a low.
00:31:42.040 I mean, there are some things you have to work out, watch out for.
00:31:44.180 But we did it together because, you know, he was very, we were, we had an open dialogue. And sure enough, not only did it arrest the disease, it actually reversed some of the damage.
00:31:59.320 Now, and sorry, just to make sure, does that mean that your antibodies went from positive to negative?
00:32:05.020 it means no it means that like nodules disappeared from my thyroid and you know so what it means is
00:32:13.980 that the damage was that the the antibodies went down the damage was actually first arrested and
00:32:22.160 then eventually started to reduce a little bit and now you know i'm kind of like a borderline case
00:32:28.640 i was not a borderline case to begin with it should have progressed but it didn't
00:32:32.740 And I'm not saying it's magic. What I'm saying is that this is not something that everybody who has thyroid disease should do. It's not going to work for everybody. Studies already show that. But it will work for some people and it worked for me.
00:32:46.080 And this is one example in many, many cases where when you set aside the averages, what the averages tell you, and you look for variation and you look for meaning.
00:32:59.660 I mean, it could have happened that it did nothing, but that's not what happened in this case.
00:33:04.320 That doesn't necessarily mean that, like I said, that this will work for everybody and it won't.
00:33:09.580 And it might not work for me forever either.
00:33:12.120 But the thing is, so now I'm on a low dose of levothyroxine and I'll be on that low dose
00:33:16.600 for the rest of my life.
00:33:17.580 But that's better, I think, to still have a thyroid and be on this low dose than to
00:33:22.060 be on a much larger dose and not have one for the rest of my life.
00:33:26.780 I guess I just would, to me, this is just an example, doesn't prove anything, but there
00:33:32.240 are many, many, many, many published studies which do make the point that averages hide
00:33:38.980 meaningful variance. And this is the case. This is absolutely the case when it comes to
00:33:45.800 the science of emotion. Averages or statistical summaries hide meaningful variance that is
00:33:56.380 important in everyday life. So if you construct your experiment in a way, in a lab, in a way
00:34:02.460 to get rid of variants, you are creating a fiction that will not predict anything in the real world.
00:34:13.220 Yeah, I couldn't agree with you more.
00:34:14.880 Let alone replicate. Let alone replicate.
00:34:16.680 No, no. I mean, I agree with everything you're saying, Lisa. I probably, on a personal level,
00:34:22.460 frame it a little bit differently. And I'll frame it back to you. But I completely agree.
00:34:28.100 I have sort of a way that I talk about this in the context of my world, right? So I talk about
00:34:32.840 this thing called Medicine 3.0, and I contrast it with Medicine 2.0. And I say one of the
00:34:38.240 limitations of Medicine 2.0 is it homogenizes data, which is just basically saying what you're
00:34:43.540 saying, right? The bedrock of Medicine 2.0 is the randomized control trial, where we take a very
00:34:49.740 heterogeneous group of individuals, we apply a clean, homogeneous treatment, and then we homogenize
00:34:56.220 what comes out and that becomes the recommendation. And on average, that is an excellent way to
00:35:01.800 practice medicine. Well, I would say on average, it's a better way to practice medicine than the
00:35:07.420 other ways for sure. Yes, yes. And then where I think we would agree is the challenge with that
00:35:13.680 is the variability gets lost. There's nuance that gets lost. So I'll give you one example
00:35:18.720 from my world. There's a drug called Zetia or ezetimibe. It is a cholesterol-lowering drug
00:35:24.780 And it has a very specific mechanism of action. It works by blocking one of the transporters on the cells of the gut and the liver that reabsorb cholesterol. Now, when you look at the clinical trials of Zetia, given as monotherapy, it is rather underwhelming.
00:35:44.920 and we could, without getting into the nuances of it, there was a huge debate as to whether
00:35:50.500 anyone should ever receive Zetia and monotherapy. And it was viewed as not an evidence-based approach
00:35:55.880 because it didn't have the hard outcome trial that said, if you give Zetia and monotherapy,
00:36:00.120 you will save lives. But once you understand the mechanism of how ezetimibe works and you
00:36:05.880 understand that we can measure a person's cholesterol absorption using other biomarkers,
00:36:11.660 We could selectively target people who are very high cholesterol absorbers, and those are the people that would do very well in monotherapy. And lo and behold, we do this now. This is what I would call precision medicine or evidence-informed medicine, right? And I think there's still a lot of pushback to that approach.
00:36:29.500 And I would argue that what you've pointed out is another example of that, which is to say, on average, giving Zetia as monotherapy probably doesn't save lives. But if you could target the people who are super responders.
00:36:42.000 Yeah, for sure. For sure. For sure. So let me just be really clear. I'm not saying we should throw out clinical trials.
00:36:47.580 No, no. And I want to make sure that the listeners hearing, you and I are on the same page. I think what you're saying is very important. And to me, this is exactly where AI could make an improvement in how we interpret clinical trials. Because we wouldn't have to hide, we wouldn't have to try to compress variability. We could actually explore it more fully.
00:37:09.660 Well, I think, so you're talking, you know, there are two things that you're talking about now. You're talking about how science should be conducted and then what AI can do or not do. And those to me are somewhat separate because it all matters how you, it matters a lot how you use AI.
00:37:27.480 Well, let's put a pin in the AI. Let's come back to it because I want to talk about it in the context of your work as well.
00:37:32.440 Yeah. But what I will say is this, that in the science of emotion, there are no biomarkers.
00:37:38.120 Okay.
00:37:38.640 There are no biomarkers. There's nothing analogous to the example that you gave.
00:37:44.540 Yeah.
00:37:44.920 But I would also say that, and maybe this is what, you know, medicine 3.0 is. I don't know. But, you know, but I would say there are a lot of very brilliant people who, if they put their minds to it, could figure out other ways to do science.
00:38:02.440 that didn't require using group averages.
00:38:07.240 So what you describe here with this example
00:38:10.500 is a great innovation
00:38:13.320 to patch up what is wrong with a clinical trial
00:38:18.280 or use a clinical trial in a way
00:38:19.980 that minimizes the problems with it or the costs.
00:38:25.800 And I think that's great.
00:38:27.760 And again, I would say I wouldn't throw out clinical trials
00:38:30.620 just now, but I do think it would be worth thinking about other ways to do science.
00:38:37.320 We do have opportunities and options to do things differently if we decided to put our
00:38:45.120 minds to that technology and the money that it would cost.
00:38:49.300 You know, what I often say to people is, listen, do you think that, what did it cost to build
00:38:54.980 the Hadron Collider?
00:38:56.540 Like, how many billions of dollars did it cost?
00:38:59.560 Yeah.
00:38:59.920 Okay.
00:39:00.180 How many countries participated to discover the Higgs boson? It's because they thought it was important. Do you think, I mean, I would love to see what a bunch of, what medical science could do with that kind of cooperation and that kind of money focused on one problem.
00:39:19.300 I mean, they built this. I mean, I'm not saying it's good what they did. It's just that that kind of ingenuity and cooperation and financing is not available. Maybe it's available in some circles in medicine. It's certainly not available in behavioral science or in neuroscience, frankly.
00:39:39.900 And so they did something very clever. I think there are other clever things that we could do now. There is the technology that's available now to start doing experiments differently. You just have to have the ideas, the will, and the money to do it.
00:39:59.260 okay i want to go back to one other thing that you said at the outset that i i think is important
00:40:06.580 for us to ground ourselves in which is part of what maybe we would call this foundational belief
00:40:11.160 you came into so one of them we've just talked about which is the objective measurement of
00:40:15.480 emotion but then there's something else you talked about which is a belief that emotions are
00:40:21.020 universal, that emotions are hardwired into our nervous system. And it sounds like you were saying,
00:40:30.620 no, I don't think that's the case. These two observations, that emotions are not hardwired
00:40:36.940 into our nervous system, and that we don't have an objective way to measure them with a biomarker,
00:40:43.660 those don't require each other to be correct. Those are independent observations, right?
00:40:47.660 No, exactly. And also, I mean, I think it took me, oh, geez, probably a good 20 years before I was willing to say that there was no biomarker.
00:41:04.140 I mean, you know, because I had to learn a bunch of literature.
00:41:11.600 I had to retrain basically three times in order to be able to make that claim.
00:41:17.440 You know, I think one of the things that I became very clear in my own mind about was that I wasn't going to be able to rely on the summaries of other scientists.
00:41:28.940 I wanted to be able to collect the data and observe myself, and I also wanted to be able
00:41:37.100 to dig into their studies and understand for myself. So basically, I was taking a very empirical
00:41:44.140 stance towards published studies. When graduate students sometimes ask me, well, what do you do
00:41:51.280 when you read a paper? I say, well, I read the few sentences in the introduction that outline
00:41:57.800 the hypothesis. I read the methods and the results and I throw the rest away. I don't read the
00:42:02.240 introduction. I don't read the discussion. I don't care. I want to make my own judgment about what I
00:42:08.700 think that shows. And then I will go back and, you know, maybe read or maybe ask colleagues who I,
00:42:18.080 you know, trust. Because I'm very aware of how theory-laden publications can be. And so it's
00:42:28.200 not something, it's not like I ran a couple of studies in graduate school and came to this
00:42:31.860 conclusion. I ran some studies in graduate school and discovered I had to learn how to measure facial
00:42:37.780 movements objectively. And then when that didn't pan out, I had to learn physiology so I could
00:42:45.340 measure physiological patterns to see if there were objective biomarkers. And then when that
00:42:50.700 didn't pan out, I had to retrain in neuroscience to be able to do brain imaging to check that.
00:42:58.060 Right. I mean, so I'm not, these are not conclusions. Same thing about universality.
00:43:03.760 We didn't, I didn't just read a bunch of papers and test a bunch of college students. Our lab
00:43:07.780 went to Namibia and we tested the Himba, you know, who live in Northwestern Namibia. 1.00
00:43:14.360 We went to Tanzania and tested the Hadza hunter-gatherers. We went to rural China. So, of course, we used other people's experiments, too. We used their data. We used their studies to draw conclusions. But we didn't only do that. We also went and did our own studies where we used multiple methods. 0.99
00:43:34.900 And it's very, very clear what you find.
00:43:38.440 The findings are really, really clear, and they're clear across domains.
00:43:42.480 It doesn't matter what you measure.
00:43:45.280 Variation is the norm.
00:43:46.800 There's structure in that variation.
00:43:49.200 It's meaningful.
00:43:50.920 It's not that it's random.
00:43:53.060 It's not that we can't say anything important about emotion.
00:43:56.220 And also, I didn't come up with my own views on what emotions were or how they work right away.
00:44:03.340 I really spent really many years trying just to figure out the simple answer to the question of, are there biomarkers and is there universality?
00:44:15.940 Like, and what is it that, you know, infants actually can do or can't do?
00:44:21.520 And then I started to think about, well, we have a real paradox here, right?
00:44:28.300 I experience emotion and I'm pretty certain about what I experience and I'm sure you do too. And
00:44:34.300 you and I could be, you know, at a coffee shop having a conversation and I would feel like I
00:44:40.580 was reading your emotions and you would feel the same. So how is it that this is the case and then
00:44:46.300 there are no biomarkers? Like this just felt like a really big puzzle. If it makes you feel any
00:44:51.640 better, Lisa. In the world where I spend all of my time, we don't have a biomarker for aging.
00:45:00.620 Now think about that for a moment. Is there anyone listening to us that disputes that we age?
00:45:05.860 No, of course not. We are aging. Do we all have a gestalt of how somebody is aging? Sure. I can
00:45:12.360 look at a person who tells me that they're 60 and I say, gosh, they don't look a day over 45.
00:45:16.720 Okay. They're probably aging slower, at least in some dimensions. Of course, I can't see what
00:45:21.620 happening inside their body. And yes, on average, we can measure things that are changing as a
00:45:27.840 person ages, their bone density goes down, their muscle mass goes down, they become a little bit
00:45:31.620 more insulin resistant, et cetera. But to actually suggest that at the individual level, I could
00:45:37.340 measure anything in you, Lisa, and then do an intervention and then measure it again in a year
00:45:43.360 and definitively conclude I have slowed your rate of aging. Absolutely not. Now, there are a lot of
00:45:49.640 people that tell you they can do that it is sure absolute nonsense i mean this is challenge i mean
00:45:55.980 this is brutal it's a it's a brutal reality i don't i don't think it's a brutal reality i think
00:46:02.100 it's a reality and i think that that reductionist science isn't the method to get at that brutal
00:46:10.280 reality so so does that mean you've given up on the biomarker do you believe that in 10 years we
00:46:16.140 will have biomarkers for emotions no i don't think it works like that okay what i will say is
00:46:24.040 if i measure you personally peter many many many times over many many many situations and i used a
00:46:33.280 personalized ai for you i could probably learn to reasonably predict the vocabulary of angers and
00:46:45.760 sadnesses and fears and so on that you experience that's what i think is plausible um so but that
00:46:55.780 but that won't you you can't use that in a in an experiment you do with a hundred college students
00:47:00.280 right that wouldn't help you well you well you what you would have to do is my guess is that
00:47:06.880 that there would be some you could assess the degree of similarity between people
00:47:13.980 So you and I grew up in Toronto, probably approximately around the same time.
00:47:20.280 And that means we're similar, at least on that dimension.
00:47:24.180 We both grew up around horrible Toronto Maple Leafs.
00:47:27.260 Harold Ballard owned the Leafs, like literally the worst team in the league.
00:47:30.740 Okay, yes, that's right.
00:47:31.700 We share a number of things in common.
00:47:33.140 We share a number of things in common.
00:47:35.100 You know, there are other aspects, you know, that we share.
00:47:38.860 Like we're both melanin challenged, right?
00:47:40.900 We don't have dark skin.
00:47:42.080 with our differences, obviously, you know, you're a man, I'm a woman, you know, so, but the point is
00:47:48.020 that there are some features on which we're similar, and there are some features on which
00:47:51.460 we're different. And it's an empirical question as to which features matter, to be able to use,
00:47:58.040 to be able to generalize, to find, you know, well, you know, you can look for similarities
00:48:04.340 in the algorithms that predict individual people and potentially inductively discover
00:48:12.860 how, whether that similarity exists and how to capture it and model it. So what I'm saying is
00:48:19.940 that it's possible that there could be more generalized algorithms, but you would not start
00:48:26.300 with the simplification. You don't start with the simplification of getting rid of individual
00:48:32.740 variability. You start by modeling individual variability, and then you look for places where
00:48:37.800 you can reduce it on the basis of empirical evidence. That is a justified way, I think.
00:48:45.020 It's just a much more cumbersome and expensive way to do the research. And it has huge implications
00:48:53.400 for the incentive structure and science would have to change. And a lot of things would have
00:48:59.840 to change if we did research that way on a large scale. But it all comes down to what people care
00:49:06.660 about and what they want to invest their research dollars in. And, you know, that's not for me to
00:49:12.840 say. That's above my pay grade. So what can we say about an emotion? If you were now trying to
00:49:22.280 explain to somebody what emotions are, we've said two things that we know on the negative. We know
00:49:29.780 that they can't be measured objectively. And we know that they are not necessarily hardwired into
00:49:35.860 each of us as identical states. Fear is not universal. Let me ask this question, Peter,
00:49:41.660 what is hardwired into the brain? What is hardwired? Yeah, it's a great, I mean, I think
00:49:46.400 certain reflexes are clearly hardwired, right? So for example, if I shine a bright light into your
00:49:53.080 eye, I think it is hardwired that your pupil will constrict, right? It will, but how much will it
00:49:59.320 constrict and you know even reflexes which are hardwired are are not hard they don't always look
00:50:05.180 the degree to which sure yeah yeah no well but that matters i think so what i would say is that
00:50:11.160 there is very little in it's just like genetics right i mean they're sure there are some cases
00:50:18.080 where a single gene predicts a single characteristic you know with a single allele
00:50:24.060 Right. I mean, but those are really rare. Most of genetics doesn't work like that. And I'm certainly not the first person to point out that, you know, NIH spent a tremendous amount of money trying to map the human genome on the assumption that that, you know, would actually, if we just knew the genes, we'd be set.
00:50:51.360 a lot of the devil is in the details of how, of the mechanisms, right? Because of this complex
00:50:57.920 causation that happens. And I would say the same is true in the case of emotion and pretty much
00:51:03.620 the case of anything a brain does. So first of all, I would not, when someone asks me,
00:51:08.760 how do you define emotion? I say, I don't. You can't. How do I define, I could, the way I would
00:51:15.820 define it would be generic. It would be like, well, any mental event basically could, you know,
00:51:22.660 your brain's most important job is regulating your body, coordinating and regulating your body
00:51:28.020 in the most efficient way. That's why brains evolved. They evolved for, they evolved at the
00:51:34.960 same time as invertebrates. I'm only speaking about vertebrates. I don't know anything about
00:51:39.180 invertebrates, but invertebrates, they evolve around the same time as you get visceral organs
00:51:43.720 and, you know, a head and distant senses and eyes and ears and so on.
00:51:50.560 Let's probe that a little bit more.
00:51:52.200 So I think you said something in passing that is a pretty big idea, right?
00:51:57.840 You said that the purpose of the brain is to support the body.
00:52:02.220 Can you double click on that a bit more?
00:52:04.040 Yeah.
00:52:04.400 So I wouldn't, I'm trying not to be, I mean, I was a little sloppy and a little teleological
00:52:08.940 about it.
00:52:09.540 So I would prefer to back up and say, like, the brain's most important job.
00:52:13.340 I'm not saying that's its sole purpose, but I think that its most important job is regulating and coordinating the systems of the body.
00:52:22.660 And I think everything it does, psychologically speaking, it's doing in the service of that.
00:52:29.760 And that means that metabolism writ large is important to things like feeling and thinking and remembering and so on and so forth.
00:52:38.700 So that's a key assumption in our lab that we use when we're designing experiments now.
00:52:47.080 So what I would say is the brain is always receiving signals from the sensory surfaces of its body.
00:52:53.400 Your brain isn't running a model of the world.
00:52:55.880 It's running a model of your body and the sensory surfaces of your body.
00:52:59.940 And of course, some of those sensory surfaces take in signals from the world, some of the signals from the world.
00:53:06.000 But it only knows the world through the body.
00:53:08.480 There's no other way to know a world than through your own body.
00:53:13.360 So your brain is running a model, basically, of signals from the sensory surfaces.
00:53:19.040 It's attempting to predict those signals and give them meaning.
00:53:23.880 Because those signals that it's receiving are the outcomes of some set of changes that the brain doesn't have access to.
00:53:30.540 It only has access to the outcomes, the signals themselves.
00:53:34.140 And that's an inverse problem.
00:53:35.560 It means the brain has to infer what caused that loud bang, what caused that flash of light, what caused that tug, what caused that change in glucose.
00:53:45.080 It has to make inferences about that.
00:53:47.580 And sometimes those inferences are emotions.
00:53:53.160 And sometimes they're not.
00:53:55.960 Okay, I'm going to ask a question that I never, yeah, this is a question I personally struggle with,
00:54:03.460 which is how do we define consciousness and how does consciousness overlap with emotion?
00:54:10.600 So, yeah.
00:54:11.300 I could see the look in your face.
00:54:12.900 I intuited your emotion when I asked that question and the valence is negative.
00:54:17.800 Why?
00:54:23.920 Well, what I would say is that why is it?
00:54:28.120 because I think that there are a lot of questions that you could answer about emotion without having
00:54:33.200 to take on the big question of consciousness. But I would say the following, I guess, that
00:54:40.200 I don't know if it's that we're asking the wrong questions or asking questions in the wrong way,
00:54:46.600 but a lot of people have a lot to say about the nature of consciousness, none of which
00:54:52.600 actually explains how it is that we are sentient and how it is that we have content, that there's
00:55:02.920 content, that we get content out of electrical and chemical changes. And I just prefer not to
00:55:11.860 speculate. It doesn't mean that I'm not interested. It doesn't mean that I'm not curious. I'm very
00:55:18.880 interested and curious, but I also, I'm not a fan of talking out of my ass, you know, like I just, 0.98
00:55:26.740 I think that we don't know enough maybe yet to ask the right questions or whatever. So we should 0.97
00:55:35.180 continue to explore and debate and whatever, but you know, like people publish books and they make
00:55:42.620 claims about consciousness. So here's what I have to say. Are there aspects of emotion that you're
00:55:49.040 not conscious of? For sure. That has to be the case. You're not conscious of most of what goes
00:55:55.600 on inside your own body, thank God. Because if you were, you'd never pay attention to anything
00:56:01.140 outside ever again. Just think about the last time you ever had, like, gastric distress. I mean,
00:56:06.260 you just can't, you know, you can't focus. There's so much going on in there, right? And
00:56:12.140 we don't have access to most of it. Most of the details are compressed out of the signals
00:56:17.280 before they reach the brain. What the brain is receiving about metabolic and interoceptive
00:56:25.560 signals from the body is more like a gist. It's not getting specific details about everything.
00:56:32.700 It might compute details, like it might infer those details, but like there's no visceral,
00:56:38.100 there's no visceral map of the body in the brain that anybody has found some people claim they
00:56:44.440 find it but when you look closely they don't it's not like a retina topic map right so your
00:56:51.620 your brain has v1 primary visual cortex has a map of the retina there's array to array mapping
00:57:00.080 meaning you have an array of cells in your retina you have an array in your brain they map
00:57:05.360 the mapping changes all the time right so uh what a like we would say the receptive field of a v1
00:57:14.240 neuron a neuron in primary visual cortex changes actually with the context of with the neural
00:57:19.940 context of the brain but it's always the it's always a map right but there is no map of the
00:57:26.520 body like that in your brain just like there is no map of your olfactory cyst there's you know
00:57:31.840 you have olfactory receptors in your nose, there's no map. It's no spatial map in your brain. That
00:57:38.360 information is compressed out of the signal before it ever reaches your brain. There's temporal
00:57:43.800 information, but not, not spatial information. In the body, the brain has, like, it can tell,
00:57:51.100 there's some spatial information, like, is, is a signal coming from the thorax, upper thorax? Is it
00:57:56.260 coming from the gut. It's not even gut so much as lower part of your abdomen, upper part. There's
00:58:03.000 a little bit more detail here. But it's nothing like a retina or a cochlea where you have array
00:58:08.380 to array mapping. This turns out to be super important. In science, people talk about
00:58:12.960 exteroceptive versus interoceptive, like signals that come from the world versus signals that come
00:58:18.840 from the body. That turns out not to be so important, I think. I think what's more important
00:58:23.020 is is it a proximal sense or a distance sense meaning the the distance senses the best examples
00:58:31.760 are vision and audition they're processed the the signal processing the compression of those signals
00:58:38.020 is very different in the brain than say olfaction which is a proximal sense or gustatory or anything
00:58:44.740 interoceptive gustatory is usually considered um interoceptive taste is not but gustatory you know
00:58:51.780 signals from the gut are interoceptive. So, and then there are a bunch of signals that kind of
00:58:56.680 don't fit the exteroceptive, the internal-external distinction, like proprioception. Is that internal
00:59:03.000 or external? It's kind of both, right? So if you just look at the signal processing, the signal
00:59:08.700 processing properties, then other distinctions become important. And I would say it's the same
00:59:15.540 thing about cognition and emotion or thinking and feeling there are a lot of distinctions
00:59:21.880 that you can find in the brain or anywhere else to distinguish what is a thought and what is a
00:59:28.500 feeling but there if but if you look at the signal processing you know architecture and dynamics
00:59:39.760 Other distinctions become important for explaining how a thought arises or how a feeling arises.
00:59:48.340 None of those explain how you get from, you know, a very, very high dimensional set of chemical and electrical signals to a very low dimensional mental feature like pleasantness or unpleasantness.
01:00:05.820 Like nobody has that.
01:00:07.300 And if they're claiming to, which some people claim they do, then they're lying either to you or to themselves, probably to themselves in your presence.
01:00:19.340 So let's try to disentangle without defining an emotion some of the broad differences between, say, the positive and negatively valenced emotions.
01:00:32.780 So again, we'll go back to this idea that there's a belief that, God, some of these are really primal.
01:00:37.560 Like I'm going to anthropomorphize this as well, right?
01:00:39.880 So fear is so essential, right?
01:00:42.600 Without fear, we could not have evolved as a species.
01:00:46.120 We couldn't have figured out a way to avoid predators or things like that.
01:00:49.600 So let's just start with fear.
01:00:51.320 What is it that you could say today we know about that emotion?
01:00:55.980 i'm just gonna let the point go about we couldn't have evolved without fear it's a primal emotion
01:01:04.460 and by the way feel free to attack that point but by the way i don't think i want to attack that
01:01:07.980 point it's just i don't think that's going to take us down a productive avenue but here's what i'll
01:01:12.280 say about fear there are no pleasant or unpleasant emotions you think fear isn't pleasant people pay
01:01:17.480 money to go on a roller coaster they pay money to go to a horror movie i used to run a haunted 0.65
01:01:22.440 house in my basement for charity for 13 years, an auspicious number, where we scared the shit
01:01:29.620 out of people. We donated all the money, but we scared, we basically, I used to tell people,
01:01:36.540 I scare little children for, you know, I have their parents pay me and I scare little children
01:01:42.800 for money. And then I donated all to the Boston Food Bank, which is what we did for years and
01:01:47.080 years and years. And we had three levels of scary, you know, so people could choose. And
01:01:52.080 all of my graduate students... But is that a uniquely human feature? Is there any evidence
01:01:57.480 that anything else in the animal kingdom will voluntarily put themselves in a situation that
01:02:03.060 produces fear? Yeah, absolutely. I mean, there's a whole literature on how animals play.
01:02:11.520 And they're often playing in ways that would, you know, that could be considered practice. Like it's a way of foraging for information and for like innovation, basically. Whether they are feeling fear, I can't comment on that.
01:02:30.500 But what I would say is that you don't have access to whether an animal, what an animal feels. If you look at an animal and you say that animal is fearful, that's your experience of what those signals mean out of that animal. And that doesn't necessarily mean that it tells you anything about what's actually going on inside that animal from a feeling perspective.
01:02:49.440 However, I think you can say, like, if you watch an animal work hard to avoid certain stimuli that will cause it damage, right? Or if an animal is willing to, like, expose its—so there are these studies, you know, where they'll, like, damage an animal in some way, and then the animal will actually work hard and even expose itself to the possibility of a predator in order to get it.
01:03:19.440 an opioid. That's a pretty good indication, I think, that the animal is feeling something
01:03:25.740 like pain. Maybe not the way we feel pain, but it's definitely feeling something unpleasant
01:03:30.980 because it's willing to incur a cost, a significant cost, in order to get a drug that will
01:03:38.340 reduce, presumably, its awareness of the, maybe awareness of the, but, you know, its feeling
01:03:47.600 in relation to some kind of tissue damage that's very different than what like a fly will do
01:03:53.240 you know where it does you know you damage the leg of a fly or a wing of a fly and it will still
01:03:59.260 continue to behave in exactly the same way then you know you can sort of make inferences that way
01:04:05.140 which i i so i'm not talking about pleasure and pain i'm talking about the specific
01:04:08.880 the specific categories and distinctions that we make about humans that come from human experience
01:04:15.800 you have to be super careful when you impose those on other creatures to which for which we have no
01:04:23.880 access to what they experience and not so i'm not advocating to assume that they experience nothing
01:04:29.540 i'm saying that you just have to be careful and there are lots of reasons for being careful both
01:04:35.040 for them and for us but what i would say about fear is that you know what would you think is
01:04:40.000 the prototypic response in fear to freeze or to run away well you know i think it varies and by
01:04:49.340 the way well sure it does but i mean the theory is in the literature if you ask most people fight or
01:04:54.980 flight you know they're like flight flight they'll freeze an animal will freeze you will freeze or
01:05:00.880 you will flee but there's a you know a culture where what people do when they feel afraid is
01:05:09.340 they go to sleep that seems weird to us but you can look in the animal kingdom and you can find
01:05:16.300 out that in invertebrates in the water animals when there is a predator will play dead they will
01:05:27.460 slow their heart rate so sharks can't find them they will not move they're not freezing
01:05:36.320 they're reducing their detectable output so that the predator can't find them so I I think I guess
01:05:48.480 what I would say is when it comes to fear what we could say is that variation is the norm
01:05:52.780 and that that what you feel in fear what you do in fear depends on the situation that you're in
01:06:02.540 and what you're going to do next.
01:06:05.800 Because your brain doesn't react to things.
01:06:10.060 It predicts, and those predictions always begin,
01:06:14.420 always begin as motor predictions,
01:06:18.100 as visceral motor predictions,
01:06:19.840 predictions of what to do with the viscera
01:06:21.480 to support skeletal motor predictions,
01:06:24.540 whether it's to move your limbs
01:06:25.860 or just to move your eyes and your head
01:06:27.940 or to not move at all.
01:06:29.140 all predictions begin as motor predictions and copies of those motor predictions become
01:06:37.780 the expected sensory consequences of those movements so your brain is preemptively so
01:06:44.480 what is an emotion it's a a set of predictions that tells a story about what a set of sensory
01:06:53.000 signals mean to you in that situation but that's not a specific answer to emotion versus cognition
01:07:00.840 versus perception because that definition encompasses all of those i could say well
01:07:08.760 emotion is when there's some really big change and um it's it's what i just said plus there has
01:07:15.500 to be some really big change in, you know, your level of energy or arousal has to go up or down
01:07:24.920 a lot from where you are right now in order for you to experience something as an emotion. And
01:07:33.160 that would hold, that aspect would also hold for many, many people around the world, but not
01:07:39.700 everybody, because in some cultures, emotions and cognitions are not separate. In some cultures,
01:07:46.800 emotions and bodily states are not separate. They're considered to be a single set of categories.
01:07:54.320 Can you give me, can you double click on that a little bit so I understand what you mean?
01:07:58.240 The bodily state and the emotion for anger would be the same for every person?
01:08:03.280 No, no, no. What I'm saying is that in some cultures, so in our culture, we make a very
01:08:10.300 firm distinction between is this an emotion or is it a physical state? Like, is it, you know,
01:08:16.460 do you have a stomach ache or are you angry? Right. But when I'm angry, I can feel something
01:08:22.720 in the pit of my stomach. So what is the difference there? Sure. But you wouldn't look,
01:08:28.100 look, there's neurology, there's internal medicine, and there's psychiatry. And what's
01:08:32.980 the origin of those disciplines? The origin of those disciplines is where they think the cause
01:08:38.820 is of the problem. And there are diagnostic categories that you use when you can't figure
01:08:47.000 out medically what's wrong with someone, but they're having some difficulty with mental
01:08:53.400 features or what we would call psychological features, right? And the assumption is that
01:08:59.280 it's all in their head, meaning it's not in their body. I mean, I'm not making this up. This is how
01:09:04.880 things were for a very long time. So sure, it's the case that like when you're anxious, you might
01:09:12.260 have, you know, your heart might race or you might have gastric distress or whatever. But if you
01:09:20.220 think gastric distress is the problem, you'll go to an internist. And if you think that your mood
01:09:26.320 is the problem, you'll go to a psychiatrist when in fact they are related. So I'm not talking about
01:09:33.480 what I think is the case or what you think is the case. I'm talking about what a lot of people,
01:09:38.140 including a lot of physicians, think is the case. I've had physicians talk to me about how
01:09:43.520 depression causes heart disease and heart disease causes depression. Or another possibility is that
01:09:49.100 they're both rooted in some set of metabolic problems. And one is not causing the other in
01:09:54.560 the way that A causes B, like a mechanistic cause. It's that they have a common cause
01:09:59.260 that makes both of them more likely. That's a very different way of seeing things.
01:10:05.140 And so what I'm saying is that there are some cultures who wouldn't say,
01:10:09.040 like in our legal system, we have thoughts. You can be culpable because of what you feel,
01:10:14.180 or you could be culpable because of what you do.
01:10:16.800 And there are different punishments for that.
01:10:19.780 But there are some cultures where thinking and feeling are the same.
01:10:22.780 They are features of the same state.
01:10:25.540 So you wouldn't call something up.
01:10:27.360 You wouldn't distinguish between a thought and a feeling
01:10:29.680 because they're both.
01:10:31.480 It's like you have thought feelings.
01:10:33.540 There's just it's not one or the other.
01:10:35.460 They're both, you know, it's like blue and green together make turquoise.
01:10:41.200 You wouldn't say it's blue or it's green.
01:10:43.720 you would say it's turquoise it's both they're not distinct states similarly there are cultures
01:10:50.640 where there are somatic descriptions for emotion like that is the nature of emotion in those
01:10:59.120 cultures so we need to have a theory of how a brain and a body together in a world full of
01:11:12.360 other brains and bodies, create a mind. And that has to work for everybody on earth. It's not just
01:11:22.060 to explain Western categories. And that may mean that emotions and thoughts and perceptions are
01:11:30.560 things we have to explain, but they are not themselves explanatory categories. They're not
01:11:35.980 categories that explain anything. So are you saying then that the universal theory that is
01:11:46.600 culturally agnostic is that the goal of the brain is to, well, there's two things I've heard. One is
01:11:54.140 a main priority of the brain is to support the body physiologically, metabolically, et cetera.
01:12:01.620 And two, the brain is a predicting machine and emotions are arising out of predictions of physical sensations or the consequences thereof. Is that directionally what you're saying?
01:12:14.620 Yeah. I mean, I would never claim that it's culturally neutral because I, you know, can't claim that. I'm, I live in a, I was pickled in a culture just like you and there are other, but you know, I think, I think that it's a reasonable, it's a reasonable hypothesis.
01:12:32.120 But if it's biological, it should, I mean, it doesn't matter what culture you live in. There are certain biological things that are true across the board.
01:12:40.300 I'm just being, I'm being a little humble here, Peter.
01:12:44.780 Biology in Western science, I'm not immune to, I don't think, I'm just being, I don't think it's relevant to say, I wouldn't claim, I'm trying to think of how to say this without being too negative.
01:13:01.220 um i'm very aware of the fact that some of the beliefs that i hold as a scientist um come from
01:13:11.620 the fact that i was raised in a western culture and i use western concepts and methods of science
01:13:17.600 and not everybody you know adheres to that but i would say that i can defend that statement by
01:13:25.360 looking at anatomy, by looking at physiology, by looking at brain evolution, evolutionary biology.
01:13:32.780 I can defend it by looking at developmental neurobiology. I can defend it by looking at
01:13:39.200 signal processing and engineering. I think that when multiple fields come to the same conclusion
01:13:46.920 using completely different sources of evidence and they don't talk to each other all that much,
01:13:53.060 then you know that you're probably onto something. The idea that the brain predicts and doesn't react
01:14:00.440 is actually a concept that is in other cultures. And it's been in our culture for many, many,
01:14:07.080 many years, like centuries. But this is very counterintuitive. So I really want to spend
01:14:12.600 some time on this because I've always felt that my brain is just a reaction machine, right? Like
01:14:17.980 I'm riding a bull and that sometimes that bull is just walking along and everything is fine.
01:14:24.960 And sometimes it's bucking like crazy and my vertebrae are getting crunched. So let's maybe
01:14:32.320 in any way you like, let's go through the different lines of evidence as you've laid
01:14:37.120 them out from different sort of empirical disciplines to how we can say that the brain
01:14:42.360 is not reacting. Sure, sure. I mean, just before I do though, I just want to say two things. One
01:14:47.560 is, so for you, it's a bull. And for John Height, I think it was an elephant. And for Plato, it was
01:14:53.240 two horses and a charioteer. You know, like that idea that we have an inner beast that we have to
01:14:59.540 tame and kind of control is wrong. It feels that way. It feels that way to me. But it's not
01:15:08.060 defensible. It's not a great metaphor because it doesn't really reflect, doesn't really reflect
01:15:13.700 the evolution and anatomy of the brain, for one thing. So that's called the triune brain. And
01:15:19.620 it's just, you know, it's really, really popular. But the evidence against that has been in
01:15:24.140 molecular genetics for at least 50 years, if not more. So that's just, we just have to take that
01:15:30.540 off the table. I just finished doing a video, actually, with a videographer, just kind of do
01:15:35.520 like a, to explain why this is not the case and show for the first time, you know, a depiction
01:15:42.640 of how a common kind of manufacturing plan for a vertebrate brain
01:15:49.000 could produce all different kinds of brains in vertebrates.
01:15:52.300 Really, it's just mammals, but you could make inferences to vertebrates, I think, in general.
01:15:56.080 The data is just about mammals.
01:15:57.360 But you can get a mouse-looking brain and a human-looking brain
01:16:02.220 out of exactly the same manufacturing plant in an embryo.
01:16:08.160 That's not my work.
01:16:09.260 That's work by Barbara Finley and her colleagues.
01:16:11.920 So that's the first thing I want to say.
01:16:13.920 And I can't even remember what the second one is.
01:16:15.900 But tell me why my feeling of this, of riding the bull.
01:16:22.760 Well, that's a question.
01:16:23.440 That's a super interesting question.
01:16:24.820 Yeah, that was my second.
01:16:25.960 Thank you.
01:16:26.400 That was good.
01:16:27.420 Thanks for that assist.
01:16:28.760 Yeah, my second point is that your feeling isn't evidence of anything and neither is mine.
01:16:34.960 Yeah, couldn't agree more.
01:16:36.640 So I think brains are amazing, right?
01:16:39.540 Because they're like masters of deception.
01:16:42.560 They create experience kind of seamlessly.
01:16:46.020 And that experience reflects nothing about how they work.
01:16:50.680 But yet, you know, they're very tempted to use it that way.
01:16:56.880 I was like, so I think that why is it that we experience things that way?
01:17:01.600 That is a great question.
01:17:03.480 That is a great question for science.
01:17:06.420 Somebody should study that.
01:17:09.540 because it isn't really good evidence, but it is a phenomenon that is worth studying.
01:17:16.920 So some people study where does a memory come from and where does the certainty about memory
01:17:22.680 come from? Because they're not the same. They're not the same source. And I would say the same
01:17:27.680 thing about this. So why do we take our experience to be evidence of how things work? I don't know
01:17:37.140 why. It's an interesting question. But it is naive realism. It's naive realism in the sense
01:17:43.700 that your experience doesn't reveal to you how many things work. And all science, all scientific
01:17:51.300 progress is a slow march away from naive realism. And the same has to be true for neuroscience and
01:18:00.840 the brain. Same has to be true for neuroscience and the brain. So let's go deeper into this idea
01:18:08.240 that the brain is not a reacting machine. What are the threads of evidence? Well, I think first of
01:18:15.060 all, if you look at how a brain is structured, okay, so let's just go back to primary visual
01:18:23.240 cortex. I think this is a really good example. And I should say, I just published a paper that
01:18:28.680 summarizes a lot of this evidence in one place that I published with Earl Miller from MIT in
01:18:36.360 Nature Reviews Neuroscience. And most of this is not my own work. This is, you know, me summarizing
01:18:41.420 with Earl, other people's work, and also some of his electrophysiological work.
01:18:47.100 We'll link to that paper in the show notes.
01:18:48.860 Yeah. But so let's just take V1. I think this is really interesting. So if you look at the
01:18:56.440 synapses. So primary visual cortex is called primary visual cortex because fibers from the
01:19:05.180 retina pass. Basically, they run along the optic nerve. They pass. Some of them will terminate in
01:19:16.920 a subcortical area called the superior colliculus, but most of them proceed to the thalamus and then
01:19:24.380 to V1, to primary visual cortex. The assumption is that those signals are what drive the neural
01:19:33.700 activity in V1, drive those neurons to activate, to have action potentials, to produce electrochemical
01:19:42.200 changes. Except that 95% of the synapses in V1 neurons come from other places in the brain and
01:19:52.720 not from the thalamus other places like other cortical areas and not from the thalamus so most
01:20:01.540 of the signals are not bottom up from the retina to the brain they are from the brain to other
01:20:09.380 parts of the brain they're top down that's one interesting piece of evidence so just to make
01:20:17.820 sure i understand it the visual cortex is getting most of its input not from the optic nerve but
01:20:27.640 from other areas of the brain that presumably are not receiving light where are those areas
01:20:36.360 and what type of data are being transmitted here's one example so i'll just say you know
01:20:44.660 like trigger warning. If anyone is unhappy or upset by discussions or descriptions of
01:20:51.420 studies that harm animals, you know, they might not want to listen to this because it's kind of
01:20:56.240 a brutal experiment. But there was an experiment done where they took mice. I think it was mice.
01:21:02.720 It could have been rats, but I think it was mice, rodents. And they put them, they had them run on
01:21:07.640 wheel. And they recorded from all over the brain. They sunk electrodes into the rodent's brain and
01:21:15.660 they recorded the neural activity, the electrical activity in the neurons in many places, including
01:21:21.720 in V1. Okay. Then they ablated the retinas of those animals. They destroyed the retinas of
01:21:33.220 those animals. So no light now is getting into the brain. V1 neurons quietened down
01:21:40.760 for 24 hours. And then they ramp back up to a normal level of activity.
01:21:49.860 Sorry, let me make sure. But the animals are now blind.
01:21:53.740 Yeah, they are. But V1 is, the recordings are back to a normal level.
01:22:00.260 and what is driving those neurons and what is the output like what well those the animals can
01:22:09.380 still move around i mean they can smell things they can sure move around yeah because you just
01:22:13.740 you just destroyed their retina you just destroyed their retina so they're so look primary visual
01:22:18.040 cortex is supposed to be it's name i mean it's an occipital you know it's named as a visual cortex
01:22:25.360 That's its name. Presumably, it's supposed to be processing signals that are related to light from the retina.
01:22:36.460 But animals whose neurons, whose retinas have been ablated, have normal levels, normal patterns of activity in V1 after the brain adjusts.
01:22:50.700 and those are related to movement.
01:22:54.540 There are parts of the brain in the cortex,
01:22:57.180 like, for example, it's called anterior mid-cingulates,
01:23:00.920 and the mid-cingulate does many things,
01:23:04.700 but one of the things it is, visceromotor,
01:23:07.060 and it's a visceromotor regulator.
01:23:09.100 It regulates the viscera of the body,
01:23:10.740 and it also is an association area for the skeletal motor system,
01:23:15.540 and it projects directly to V1.
01:23:18.420 So does this lend credence to the idea that when a person loses a sense, they have a heightened sense elsewhere?
01:23:28.580 It lends credence to the idea that signals are predictive.
01:23:34.660 That most of the signals in the brain are actually intrinsic signals that are predicting things.
01:23:41.360 those signals so what's happening in that part of the in the cingulate is neurons are projecting
01:23:49.920 layer five in the cerebral cortex layer five neurons are projecting down to the subcortical
01:23:57.100 areas down to the brainstem to regulate the body and literal copies of those so so collaterals off
01:24:07.560 those axons go to other parts of the brain as sensory predictions, which are the expected
01:24:13.280 sensory consequences of those movements. What it means is that an action potential doesn't have an
01:24:19.320 intrinsic meaning. Its meaning is determined by which neuron sends it and which neuron receives
01:24:25.980 it. Exactly the same signal if it's received by the spinal cord is a motor signal. Exactly the
01:24:32.080 same signal if it's received by v1 is a sensory prediction signal it's exactly the same signal
01:24:39.500 its meaning however physically it's the same signal its meaning is different depending on
01:24:46.900 who receives it who sends it and who receives it it's relational so what this means i mean for
01:24:53.820 example there are very clever studies where they take humans and they put blindfolds on them for a
01:24:59.460 week. Okay. And they teach those humans to read Braille. And as they're reading Braille, V1 is,
01:25:07.020 you know, going nuts. It's like definitely processing signals. And so you think, aha,
01:25:12.300 but are those signals actually important for like reading Braille? Like, do they have any,
01:25:17.000 you know, any kind of spatial temporal meaning? Yes, they do. Because then the experimenters,
01:25:23.540 They use TMS to, they eject electromagnetic signals into the brain that disrupts V1 and their ability to read Braille is disrupted.
01:25:34.420 So you've got the causal link, right?
01:25:36.960 And then you, a week later, take the blindfold off.
01:25:41.320 V1 goes back to mostly processing visual signals.
01:25:44.700 So what I'm saying is that, first of all, that what we think of as, you know, brain regions that have very, very, very specific meanings from a psychological standpoint probably don't.
01:26:01.620 They certainly have specific signal processing capacities based on their architecture and what they're connected to and so on.
01:26:08.300 But a lot of the distinctions that we make, like I met a woman once who had no somatosensory system at all.
01:26:17.480 Like it was just congenitally not there.
01:26:20.980 But she was able to eat only by looking at herself in a mirror while she ate.
01:26:28.280 So she was using visual signals to control her motor movements.
01:26:34.600 Meaning if she tried to eat without a mirror, she wouldn't know how to move the spoon.
01:26:39.580 No, she wouldn't. Yeah, she wouldn't know how to swallow.
01:26:45.760 So sensory signals are not so that we know the world.
01:26:51.080 Sensory signals are in the service of controlling motor.
01:26:54.420 They're in the service of motor control.
01:26:56.620 They also let us know the world, which is relevant for motor control.
01:27:00.220 So I'm saying that, you know, when you start to look at the architecture of the brain, and we've only talked about architecture, we haven't talked about any of the other types of evidence yet, you start to see things differently. You start to realize, oh, well, actually, so most of the synapses are predictive synapses. And that's interesting. And that motor signals, copies of those signals are going everywhere. And they're beginning to construct experience before the sensory, other sensory signals arise.
01:27:28.580 like if this were a different format i could show you an image an illusion that you would
01:27:37.160 experience as red you would literally experience red and there would be no wavelengths of light
01:27:44.760 in that in that range that were hitting your retina but you would experience red so you would
01:27:51.300 be like predicting red remembering red how your experience of red what do you mean how how would
01:27:58.200 you make that happen what would you do you're saying i mean you could do that obviously by
01:28:03.240 stimulating my brain in the right areas no i don't have to stimulate your brain with electrodes i
01:28:07.440 could just stimulate it another way so what you do is you you show people well i'm gonna ruin it
01:28:13.120 now for everyone who hasn't seen it but you show people um a stop light like a like a traffic light
01:28:20.940 red orange green except the red one where red is supposed to be is gray
01:28:26.760 there's no there are no wavelengths of light there are no long wavelengths of light coming
01:28:33.020 from that spot but because you've had countless numbers of statistical like there's been a
01:28:41.580 countless numbers of statistical regularity for you you know facing this array of signals
01:28:47.800 your brain predicts that that's red and you see red you see red until i move in two gray
01:28:58.220 boxes and sit them right beside and then all of a sudden the light looks gray
01:29:04.520 and then i pull the boxes away and now it goes back to being red this is something i've never
01:29:11.460 had i've had anyone not experience this probably but they haven't told me i mean it's one of the
01:29:16.120 I have an illusion where I have that I got from somebody who made that where it's electrical towers are playing jump rope.
01:29:23.900 So these like electrical towers are playing jump rope.
01:29:26.360 It's just a video, but you can hear the towers hit the ground.
01:29:32.780 You feel the vibrations in your chest.
01:29:37.460 Those are all prediction signals.
01:29:40.020 Prediction signals are not like abstract things.
01:29:43.120 things. They are, it's literally your brain is using its own intrinsic signaling to change
01:29:49.840 the firing of its own sensory neurons in preparation for signals that it expects to
01:29:57.180 receive. It's acting, you're acting in the world that will generate certain sensory signals
01:30:03.520 and it's expecting those signals. And when those signals come, the neurons that are already firing
01:30:11.620 in a pattern to expect those incoming signals they stop firing and you have an experience
01:30:21.240 so the other interesting thing this is this is earl miller's work the only thing that's making
01:30:28.460 its way from say v1 to the middle of your brain or the front of your brain are signals visual
01:30:35.720 signals that the brain didn't expect. Because the ones it did expect, they've already kind of
01:30:43.440 canceled out the neurons, the prediction signals that were correct. So you don't react to shit in 0.99
01:30:50.060 the world. Stuff in the world is there to confirm your predictions or correct them. Not to react 0.98
01:30:57.660 for the most part. I'm still struggling to wrap my head around this, and I now realize why
01:31:04.340 you you said that sometimes you're still struggling to understand your own work
01:31:10.240 let's go from something not not to minimize the red light experiment but let's now take that to
01:31:16.800 an emotion okay before we do that why don't we take it to baseball or hockey or something like
01:31:22.800 that like every sport every sport would not exist if brains were not predictive like there's this
01:31:31.040 really great example that's been worked out for professional baseball. I wish I had a hockey
01:31:34.980 example in my pocket, Peter, but I don't. It's unfortunately, it's baseball. That's okay. We
01:31:39.260 love, we love, we love us baseball over here. Okay. So, you know. Hitting a baseball, presumably.
01:31:44.940 Hitting a baseball. Yeah. So if you look at a major league diamond, the size of a major league
01:31:49.440 diamond, and you look at the speed with which a major league pitcher usually pitches at like 90,
01:31:54.240 95 miles an hour there is absolutely no way that if a batter waited to see the ball he would ever
01:32:02.300 be able to hit it there's just literally not enough time what's happening is that based on
01:32:08.480 who that pitcher is where they are what the temperature is what the wind is how much he ate
01:32:16.680 earlier that day how much sleep he got based on all of these things based on a huge ensemble of
01:32:21.980 signals. His brain is making a prediction about where that ball is going to be in a moment from
01:32:26.120 now. And that is where he swings. He's not doing it consciously. Where do predictions come from?
01:32:32.940 They come from memory. Predictions are just memories. You don't experience yourself remembering
01:32:38.940 anything. But basically, your brain is re-implementing signal patterns from the past
01:32:45.280 for the purposes of doing something in the present.
01:32:49.860 That's what a prediction signal is.
01:32:52.460 So every experience you have, every action you take,
01:32:56.660 is a combination of your remembered past and your sensory present.
01:33:01.860 The sensory present is there to confirm the remembered past or to change it.
01:33:07.240 And we have a special word in science for changing the remembered past.
01:33:13.940 We call it learning. That's what learning is.
01:33:20.620 What accounts for the differences between individuals? Why are some people better at
01:33:26.300 prediction? So let's use baseball as an example because it's a very concrete example. So what
01:33:32.560 makes Shohei Otani or Aaron Judge better at hitting home runs? Like presumably they're not
01:33:40.140 aware of it but is it that they saw more reps is it that their eyes are better at picking up the
01:33:46.580 cue sooner as the as they see the hand of the pitcher like um what do you think so i i don't
01:33:53.480 think anyone knows the answer to that question but certainly it has something to do with experience
01:33:59.020 it probably doesn't only have things it's probably not only sure um experience but certainly lots and
01:34:05.800 lots and lots and lots of practice and repetition for sure that's how every skill is built like
01:34:10.700 think about exercising so this is another example that i find really interesting like
01:34:15.020 if you wanted to get faster at running a mile you would run that mile over and over and over again
01:34:22.440 you would you would train to to do the same thing and you would do it over again as many times
01:34:28.080 as you needed to to get to the speed that you physically could manifest basically that means
01:34:34.660 you're becoming more efficient, more metabolically efficient with practice. That's what athletes do.
01:34:40.180 But what if you're exercising to burn calories? Or what if you're exercising to remain healthy?
01:34:47.980 Then you do something like interval training, where somebody's calling out to you every 30
01:34:53.520 seconds. You don't know what they're going to say. It's changing things up every 30 seconds.
01:34:57.720 That's much more metabolically demanding way of exercising, because your brain can't predict
01:35:02.880 what's coming next so you're always adjusting adjusting adjusting adjusting learning processing
01:35:10.160 prediction errors is more metabolically expensive on all things considered than when your motor
01:35:17.440 actions arise from your predictions so every skill is built by practice you can't become skillful at
01:35:26.740 something without practice but that doesn't really account for why some people need more practice
01:35:31.240 than others. Like I, no matter how much practice I ever had, I will never play baseball like a
01:35:36.900 professional, you know, athlete would play baseball. So I think, again, I would say the value,
01:35:43.960 Peter, of a new theory is not that it explains everything. It's that it asks questions that
01:35:52.580 have never been asked before. And it sets aside some questions as, you know, sometimes progress
01:35:58.860 is asking better questions. It's not answering old questions. So I don't know the answer to your
01:36:04.460 question. But what I will say is that practice repetitive feed, you have to have practice and
01:36:10.960 you have to have concrete repetitive feedback. Practice alone without concrete repetitive
01:36:17.540 feedback is not usually useful for building a skill. And this is also true about emotion.
01:36:24.300 You know, if you want to become more granular in how you experience the world or how you experience other people, you can learn to do that just like you would build any other skill.
01:36:36.920 But it requires feedback.
01:36:39.520 And that feedback is very hard to get in an unambiguous way.
01:36:43.380 Who gives you unambiguous feedback?
01:36:46.260 Maybe your spouse.
01:36:48.200 Maybe your mother.
01:36:49.880 Maybe not.
01:36:51.260 Maybe your therapist, if they're good.
01:36:53.280 and you pay them enough you know it's that it's not like you know building other skills where
01:37:01.580 there's concrete unambiguous feedback to be had but it is it is a skill it's a skill like any
01:37:08.180 other skill that can be built and that's i think the thing that why people find this theory really
01:37:14.440 valuable they find it valuable because it gives them agency where they didn't think they had any
01:37:22.680 and it gives them hope. So how do we transition to that? So if you look at certain areas of
01:37:34.760 cognitive behavioral therapy, for example, we'll talk about the relationship between thought and
01:37:38.900 emotion and action. And I think those are attempts to also give agency, right? So...
01:37:44.560 Really? I think so. Let me just say that the treatment strategies work, but they don't work
01:37:51.000 for the reasons that cognitive behavioral therapists say they work because they couldn't
01:37:55.080 possibly work for that reason. So that's kind of where, let's go there because that's kind of what
01:37:59.560 I was trying to understand is how does this explain an observation of CBT or DBT's effectiveness?
01:38:08.320 Well, I think first of all, I mean, have you ever tried to not think a thought?
01:38:12.540 Well, it's impossible. We know that. Yeah, it's really hard. However, if you change your actions
01:38:19.060 or you change your circumstance like you get up go for a walk or you don't even have to physically
01:38:24.700 move you can just virtually like move meaning like change your attention yeah yeah just shift
01:38:31.080 actually move your eyes you could you don't have to move your the rest of your body you just move
01:38:34.600 your eyes shift your attention to something else that works sometimes um so what i would say is
01:38:41.640 so but let's let's pull on that thread so let's use the dbt example of opposite action this is one
01:38:45.980 of my favorite personal techniques, right? When I am really upset, I 100% isolate. This is my
01:38:54.920 default pattern when I am upset. I want to pull myself away from everything and everyone,
01:39:00.040 including my family. So cognitively, I know this is not a good thing to do, but I do it.
01:39:06.420 And when I'm able to, I can muster the energy to undergo opposite action. So I will say I'm
01:39:15.320 really stressed out. I'm really angry. I'm really upset. I'm going to isolate myself here. No,
01:39:19.040 Peter, get up off this chair and go and play baseball with your son or go and play soccer.
01:39:24.740 And it guarantees you're going to feel better, but it's like, it's so hard to get up and do it.
01:39:32.340 So for sure, but I do feel better. So why explain everything that's happening through the theory?
01:39:38.000 Well, I can't explain everything. Okay. But what I can say is that every mental event begins as a
01:39:44.080 motor plan. Every set of predictions begins as a motor plan. The remembered past begins as a motor
01:39:50.240 plan, a plan for, you know, an allostatic plan for your brain is anticipating the needs of the body
01:39:56.440 and attempting to meet those needs before they arise. It's a plan for your heart and your lungs
01:40:02.080 to coordinate and your gut to coordinate. It's a metabolic plan that will support the skeletal
01:40:08.900 motor plan, whatever it is you're going to do. And copies of those signals become your thoughts.
01:40:14.040 They create your thoughts. They create your feelings. They create your sensations. So
01:40:22.120 the reason or a reason or maybe a part of the reason why, you know, literally physically doing
01:40:31.320 something different works to change your thoughts and feelings is because thoughts and feelings
01:40:38.180 are the result result from motor the preparation for motor movement not the other way around
01:40:45.340 and actually if i were going to be sorry say that again it's not that you see something
01:40:51.460 then you think about it then you feel something then you move ah yes yeah it's that you start
01:40:58.860 with a movement you start right if we were to stop time right now what's happening is your brain has
01:41:05.440 some, there's some pattern of signals of what just happened, and it's making a set of motor
01:41:13.980 predictions. So it's starting, it's preparing to change what's going on in your viscera,
01:41:20.680 in your metabolism, the coordination of that. It's preparing to send signals.
01:41:27.480 And it's also preparing to receive signals that it expects to receive based on those motor changes.
01:41:35.440 that's it's you start with a motor plan then you think and feel actually i would say then you feel
01:41:44.640 and think and then you see or maybe seeing happens at the same time as feeling and thinking
01:41:52.100 but basically it's motor first mental second it's not mental first motor second that's we
01:41:58.880 experience the world that way that is not how it works under the hood and it can't work that way
01:42:05.200 i mean there's a beautiful book that was published by a couple of physiologists
01:42:10.440 called the is it called the principles no what's it called we're gonna find it we're gonna put it
01:42:16.460 it'll come to me this book is like this is this is a masterpiece this book is a masterpiece
01:42:21.860 because they basically i think they go over a fly um a mouse and a primate maybe no maybe it's a fly
01:42:28.520 a worm and i don't know they take three organisms and they go over basically like the the energetic
01:42:33.240 constraints on a nervous system. And they just show that if it didn't work by prediction,
01:42:36.920 it couldn't possibly work. Do you think this explains, by the way, why our brains,
01:42:44.880 you know, the famous statistic, right? It's 2% of our body weight and yet 20 to 25% of our
01:42:49.380 metabolic demand. Is that in your mind a further line of contribution to this?
01:42:55.960 um i don't know principles of neural design it's called the principles of neural design
01:43:04.520 i don't know i don't i certainly haven't ever treated that as evidence before and also i would
01:43:12.800 say the estimate that your brain takes 20 of your energy budget is based on the full cellular
01:43:24.400 respiration cycle. So it includes oxidative phosphorylation. And the brain neurons don't
01:43:30.220 always get ATP by the whole cycle. They sometimes, some neurons almost exclusively
01:43:41.780 get their ATP by glycolysis, but that doesn't require oxygen. So I think it's just more
01:43:49.020 complicated. But it is the case that the brain is a very, it is your most expensive organ.
01:43:57.020 So now let's think about that through the lens of other animals, other mammals even. Would you
01:44:03.700 agree with the statement that we as humans have the most developed brains relative to others?
01:44:09.820 No.
01:44:10.400 No.
01:44:11.060 No, no. So, I mean, our brains are not more developed. Our brains are differently developed.
01:44:17.160 You know, our brains are, we have exactly the size of a, you know, our cerebral cortex are not like larger than what you would expect for a primate of our size.
01:44:31.080 I mean, primates have a larger, larger proportion of the cerebral, larger proportion of the brain is the cerebral cortex than for other, for some other mammals.
01:44:40.880 That's an innovation that comes with primates.
01:44:43.780 It's not like human specific.
01:44:45.220 And there are other animals that have much larger cerebral cortexes than we do, like an elephant, right, or a whale.
01:44:51.740 So what is unique neurobiologically about humans relative to others?
01:44:56.360 Yeah, so I think one thing that's unique is, it's probably not the only thing, but one thing that's unique is our capacity for abstraction.
01:45:05.880 And that you can see the evidence for, or maybe not evidence, but the anatomical substrate for that you can see.
01:45:13.600 So if you were to take the cerebral cortex off the rest of the brain and lay it out flat
01:45:20.220 like a napkin, what you would see is that there's an architectural gradient there.
01:45:27.100 And the architectural gradient is mostly in the upper layers, and it kind of looks like
01:45:33.720 this, that like when you're at V1, so you have like at the outer part, you have V1,
01:45:40.900 A1, so primary visual cortex, primary auditory cortex, primary somatosensory cortex, sort of.
01:45:48.080 And there the neurons are very small and they have fewer connections to each other. So there are a
01:45:57.120 lot of neurons, but they're very tiny. I'm talking about pyramidal neurons mostly, and they're not
01:46:02.200 very well connected. So they're processing small details. And at the other end of the gradient,
01:46:07.460 And, you know, in the midline, in the areas that are closest to the subcortex, which we would call limbic, there are fewer neurons, but they're honking big, and they have a ton of connections.
01:46:17.700 So the thickness of the cortex is the same, but the constitution of the architecture is different.
01:46:25.220 You go from a lot of little cells to fewer, to fewer, to fewer, to fewest.
01:46:31.200 Okay.
01:46:31.880 There's also a temporal gradient, but we would call that dimensionality reduction or compression.
01:46:37.460 So signals are being compressed, or you could say they're being decompressed.
01:46:41.980 So what is unique about a human brain, or not unique, but what is special about a human brain is that our ability to compress is greater.
01:46:52.120 We have a lot more, that gradient is sharper in a human than it is in any other animal, even our closest relatives, like a chimp or a gorilla.
01:47:05.140 Why does that matter?
01:47:06.160 Because what it lets us do is it lets us see similarity in differences.
01:47:12.340 It lets us treat, you know, a cup and a pail and your hand as something to drink out of.
01:47:26.660 It lets us see a kitty cat and a tiger and a cool guy all as cats.
01:47:36.160 It lets us, right? So what a chimp can do is a chimp can probably understand that a monkey climbing a tree and a snake climbing a tree is both climbing. They're both to climb. 0.94
01:47:53.200 And it might even understand, like, a human climbing, like, literally climbing up the stairs is the same as climbing, whereas I think probably a macaque can't do that.
01:48:03.680 They probably, climbing the stairs and climbing a tree would be seen as different actions.
01:48:08.240 But I'm guessing.
01:48:09.500 I don't actually know.
01:48:10.340 I'm just sort of inferring.
01:48:11.840 But what it definitely can't do is understand a metaphorical social ladder, whereas a human can understand that.
01:48:21.040 So a human can find functional differences in things that look different, smell different, sound different.
01:48:31.120 This is something that humans can do. 1.00
01:48:33.880 Now, on the other hand, here's something humans can't do that a chimp can do really well. 1.00
01:48:39.800 Do you ever have problems trying to find your keys? 1.00
01:48:42.720 Sure. 1.00
01:48:44.100 A chimp would never lose its keys. 1.00
01:48:46.600 Like chimps forage for, they forage for food.
01:48:50.920 So their ability, their, what we would call episodic detail, their ability to remember
01:48:55.320 detail far outstrips a human's ability to remember the detail. 0.88
01:49:00.380 So, you know, we would get lost in the forest, whereas a chimp would not get lost. 0.99
01:49:05.640 They would know exactly where they were by fine grain details that we would probably 0.99
01:49:09.660 ignore, which is also a consequence of our great capacity to abstract.
01:49:15.940 And what comes out of this great capacity to abstract?
01:49:20.720 Invention.
01:49:21.340 Civilization comes out of it.
01:49:22.220 Civilization comes out of it.
01:49:23.500 I mean, like, basically, there are many, many, many things that exist because humans collectively, we impose functions on things that they don't have by their physical nature.
01:49:37.280 But if we impose them collectively and they dictate our actions, then they do have those functions, like money.
01:49:45.520 I want to go back to this idea of chronic stress, right? Because at the end of the day, what I think matters is our experience, our subjective experience. I mean, we've already touched on the idea that I think we both believe, which is the state of one's mind can impact one's health or vice versa, right? We don't, I shouldn't infer the causality like that.
01:50:09.480 But let's just say that there is a relationship between the state of mind and the state of health. And by the way, even if there wasn't, why would we want to suffer, right? Why would we want to suffer in our, as David Foster Wallace calls it, the tiny little skull-sized kingdoms on our shoulders, right? Like why? We don't want to suffer.
01:50:30.660 I think there are a couple of things that I would, a couple of caveats that I would make. First of all, there's a difference between discomfort and suffering. I can think of lots of reasons why I would, I would deliberately engage in discomfort every goddamn morning. Yeah, exactly, exactly, exactly. Or, you know, I don't know, learning to play piano or learning, doing a PhD or whatever. There are lots of reasons.
01:50:53.700 Yeah, or getting your kid out of bed in the morning when they don't want to.
01:50:57.220 For sure.
01:50:59.100 Suffering, though, I think is a different matter.
01:51:01.600 Suffering is, there's something additional to suffering that over and above discomfort.
01:51:06.460 And in fact, in chronic pain, the goal is often to reduce suffering, even to dissolve
01:51:12.800 it into just mere discomfort.
01:51:14.960 So that's the first point that I want to make.
01:51:17.240 The second point that I want to make is that you can talk about stress.
01:51:22.640 Yes. So what, I mean, you can talk about stress from a metabolic standpoint, or you could talk
01:51:27.300 about stress from, from a subjective standpoint. And, and I think it's important. But the metabolic
01:51:32.420 standpoint's difficult, Lisa. So for example, like I can, if I, if I had 10 people lined up
01:51:38.660 and I measured free cortisol levels in all of them and epinephrine. I'm not talking. Yeah. But
01:51:43.740 I just want to make the point for the listener as well. If I measure all the catecholamines and all
01:51:48.460 the adrenocorticoids, the stress hormones, it tells me nothing about what they're experiencing.
01:51:53.840 So cortisol is not a stress hormone. Cortisol, as you know, is a glucocorticoid. It's involved
01:52:00.380 in glucose metabolism. That should be a clue. Like if you, when you, when you wake up in the
01:52:06.680 morning and you go to drag your ass out of bed, you're, you have a cortisol surge. Why? Because 0.95
01:52:11.800 you're about to do something that costs energy so that to me that was a clue like when i realized
01:52:20.260 you know somehow i mean i took intro physiology in college i completely wasn't thinking about it
01:52:26.280 until 2010 when i was at a meeting at nci at national cancer institute and they were talking
01:52:31.800 about glucocorticoid metabolism and i was like holy shit depression depression major depression
01:52:40.720 has people have cortisol dysregulation. It's not a stress hormone. It's just a hormone that is
01:52:48.400 involved in regulating glucose metabolism. That means that stress probably has something to do
01:52:54.500 with glucose metabolism. So when I thought about it more and over the years, this is what we've
01:53:00.780 come to. Really, a moment of stress, metabolically speaking, is just whenever your brain is predicting
01:53:06.780 there's going to be a big metabolic outlay allostasis your brain is anticipating the needs
01:53:12.080 of the body and preparing to meet those needs before it arises by the way lisa you've used the
01:53:16.100 term before and i know what it means but i want you to contrast homeostasis and allostasis because
01:53:21.540 we talk on this podcast a lot about homeostasis which is the reaction to but maybe you can put
01:53:27.620 that in context. Yeah, sure, sure. So homeostasis is reactive. Allostasis is predictive. Homeostasis
01:53:37.100 is about returning to a set point or a range of set points. Allostasis is not about returning to
01:53:44.540 any set point. It's about efficiency. It's about metabolic efficiency. So I can be, well, someone
01:53:51.320 could be in allostasis when they're running a mile and when they're asleep. I mean, I wouldn't be
01:53:56.920 in allostasis when I'm running a mile, but somebody could be. But they would never, nobody would ever
01:54:02.180 be able to maintain allostasis when they're running a marathon. That's just too much of a
01:54:07.780 disruption. So allostasis is predictive. Homeostasis is reactive. Allostasis is about maintaining
01:54:16.800 balance or efficiency. Metabolically speaking, it's not about trying to reduce costs by getting
01:54:23.340 back to a set point. Different systems can work by homeostasis, but they are all coordinated by
01:54:31.260 the brain's allostatic efforts. And there are, you know, global metabolic signals that the brain
01:54:39.840 receives. GDF-15, there's some indication cortisol actually may function this way. There are a number
01:54:46.780 of kind of general signals. I think even lactate probably classifies as one. Yep. Yep. It's
01:54:53.300 possible. So I'm talking about allostasis because I'm talking about prediction. So when the brain
01:54:59.200 is predicting an allostatic disruption, it's anticipating the needs of the body and preparing
01:55:04.700 to meet those needs. That actually is the definition of allostasis, according to Peter
01:55:10.000 sterling that we use in our lab, that is stress. I mean, that's stress. That's when you see a
01:55:17.660 cortisol surge. That's when you see other chemicals and so on. We don't always feel
01:55:24.060 subjectively distressed when there is a moment of stress. Correct. Right. It could be heightened,
01:55:33.360 could be pleasant as you said but when there's and as long as you replenish what you spend and
01:55:42.200 you're predicting well and you're not like you know swimming in a sea of uncertainty
01:55:48.560 where you can't predict very well by definition that's what it means to be uncertain you can't
01:55:55.520 predict you are you know what you spend metabolically speaking and now i'm kind of like
01:56:02.300 veering into metaphor here what you spend you replenish what you spend and you're okay
01:56:08.300 but if you don't replenish what you spend or you mispredict
01:56:16.060 or you are in a sea of uncertainty or you have costs that that can't really be recovered like
01:56:26.060 maybe you have systemic inflammation for some reason like anything which is basically gonna
01:56:31.360 metaphorically make withdrawals from your metabolic budget, that will very slowly could
01:56:38.460 accumulate over time. And then you will be distressed because fundamentally mood is related
01:56:47.260 to metabolic status. Okay. Let's take another example of a child that is being abused. So
01:56:56.920 there's two things that I can at least imagine that are creating distress. The first is the
01:57:03.420 unpredictability that she said. I don't know which day dad's going to come home drunk and I don't
01:57:07.440 know what he's going to do when he's going to hit me or when he's going to hit mom. And then there's
01:57:11.320 a second feeling that I think is related, but I'd like you to comment on, which is the helplessness
01:57:15.360 of the situation, which is I don't have agency in this situation to do anything when dad comes home
01:57:20.880 drunk. So that's, there's, there's uncertainty. And then even when something's happening, I don't
01:57:25.800 have agency. And to me, I can't imagine a greater set of circumstances to produce distress in
01:57:32.580 anyone, even though I use a very pointed example with a child. Yeah. I would say though, that
01:57:38.100 there's an additional thing there, that there's an additional, so there's uncertainty, but there's
01:57:44.820 also, and there's lack of agency, but there's also, you know, we're social animals. So we don't
01:57:53.440 manage our nervous systems on our own. We, we are the caretakers of each other's nervous systems
01:57:59.440 under best circumstances, right? The best thing for your nervous system, Peter, is another human.
01:58:05.640 And the worst thing for your nervous system is also another human. And so one of the things that
01:58:12.640 we do for our children when things work well is we, we maintain allostasis for them. They can't
01:58:20.120 do it. Their brains actually aren't equipped to do it. They have to kind of learn. They don't know.
01:58:25.200 I mean, a baby is born. It can't even nurse. You have to teach a baby how to nurse. A baby can't
01:58:31.620 even control its limbs. I mean, babies, the wiring is there, but it's not fully developed. Partly what
01:58:39.040 we do when we feed them and clothe the keep that regulate their temperature and cuddle them and do
01:58:45.200 all these things, is we're actually regulating their nervous system. We're regulating their
01:58:50.280 metabolism. And slowly, slowly, slowly, they learn to take this on themselves, but not completely.
01:58:58.960 We regulate each other all the time. So we can basically create for each other savings,
01:59:07.160 like to use that body budgeting metaphor, like your brain's running a budget for your body.
01:59:11.680 It's not budgeting water.
01:59:13.140 I mean, it's not budgeting money.
01:59:14.260 It's budgeting salt and glucose and whatever.
01:59:16.800 You know, this is a metaphor that I've used before.
01:59:19.000 It's a metaphor, so it's not an explanation.
01:59:21.040 It's just a metaphor.
01:59:22.180 But it's a good metaphor for this purpose.
01:59:24.800 We can create savings for each other.
01:59:27.580 We regulate each other.
01:59:29.780 We literally regulate each other.
01:59:32.060 You know, there was, you know, you have your hand up here like this.
01:59:35.380 And so, you know, if you and I were in a coffee shop, I might do this.
01:59:39.200 And then, you know, you might scratch your head and then I might like push my hair back.
01:59:44.380 People coordinate their actions.
01:59:46.480 They coordinate their breathing.
01:59:48.020 They coordinate their movements.
01:59:50.580 And you coordinate your breathing.
01:59:52.880 You will, you know, more likely coordinate your heart rates.
01:59:56.300 This is something people do when they trust each other, when they like each other.
01:59:59.940 We can also disrupt each other, right?
02:00:02.300 So one of the things that's happening for a little kid who's in an abusive situation is that they're not getting the benefit of that kind of savings that most of us who are in safe environments, you know, benefit from without thinking about it.
02:00:24.140 But how does that translate to the metabolic deficit, right?
02:00:27.460 So in that situation—
02:00:28.640 Well, it doesn't—it just means everything is costing more.
02:00:31.260 everything is costing more like literally if you're with a friend and you have like a
02:00:36.620 a backpack full of rocks on your back like an experiment you're with someone that you like
02:00:41.000 and that you trust you burn fewer calories when you schlep that thing up a hill than if you're
02:00:45.940 by yourself or you're with a stranger so what this means is it just means that like things are
02:00:51.540 more expensive that means that that kid's going to just metabolically be less resilient plus if
02:00:56.500 you add to that the fact that they're going to be more vigilant and there's actual harm being done
02:01:01.840 to them it's like a perfect storm of metabolic burden that doesn't show up necessarily then
02:01:09.880 it shows up in adolescence or in adulthood and it doesn't just show up as mood disturbance or
02:01:16.360 whatever behavioral problems it shows up as like diabetes likely increased likelihood of a metabolic
02:01:21.260 illness, diabetes, heart disease. I mean, ACE, you know, ACE scores is like, you know,
02:01:27.700 like the adversity in childhood predicts, not perfectly, but...
02:01:33.680 Bad health outcomes.
02:01:34.980 Bad health outcomes. So it's like a slow drip on a pipe. One drip is not going to do anything.
02:01:43.000 You know, a hundred drips, not going to necessarily do anything. But eventually,
02:01:47.220 if it goes on for long enough that drip will bore a hole in a steel pipe and or you know monkeys
02:01:55.020 jumping on a bed or whatever you know like like eventually the bed will break maybe not the first
02:01:59.560 time maybe not with the 10th monkey maybe not with the 20th monkey but eventually it will break
02:02:04.220 and so i think that's the way to think about it that it's a slow slow process so chronic stress
02:02:11.600 might make you feel like shit, but it's not actually going to harm your health
02:02:16.960 immediately, but it will inevitably harm your health eventually. 0.97
02:02:24.600 So how do we turn that into a prescription? So let's just now talk about a situation where
02:02:31.180 uncertainty and helplessness take a different form. It's no longer something as dangerous
02:02:37.540 as an abusive parent. It's uncertainty about a job. It's uncertainty about a relationship.
02:02:44.480 It's uncertainty about the world we live in. AI, you pick, you know, we could all come up with
02:02:49.680 many things to be uncertain about and to also have some degree of helplessness about that
02:02:54.300 certainly would never rise to the level of trauma or traumatic insult. And yet two entirely
02:03:00.540 different people can be faced with the same set of external circumstances and have a totally
02:03:06.800 different manifestation of this notion of chronic stress. So one, I'd like to understand a little
02:03:12.000 bit why that's the case. And perhaps more importantly, what can the person who is having
02:03:17.100 a more negative response to that do in order to shift the balance and take that metabolic
02:03:24.180 cost off their shoulders? Well, the first thing I would say is that I don't think we have to
02:03:30.800 imagine what it's like to live in uncertainty. I think modern life is designed to bankrupt a
02:03:39.480 human body budget. And we're not equally all affected by these things, but we're all affected
02:03:45.200 in one way or the other. And even people who think that they are immune are not immune, right?
02:03:52.100 So in the popular press, you see people talking about, you know, fight and flight circuits and
02:03:57.560 how they're overworked. And that's why everyone's so stressed. There are no fight or flight
02:04:00.680 circuits in your brain. You don't have fight or flight circuits in your brain. Your periaqueductal
02:04:04.720 gray doesn't contain fight or flight circuits. It contains circuits for regulating your autonomic
02:04:08.800 nervous system. And it regulates your autonomic nervous system throughout your entire life.
02:04:16.160 And of course, during moments of threat, it's very active. But we have done these experiments
02:04:23.200 where we have people do a memory test where they have to remember one thing, and that modulates
02:04:31.380 the periaqueductive ray, these so-called fight and flight circuits, too. It's like the task is
02:04:36.800 easier than remembering a phone number. There's no stress involved in the conventional distress sense,
02:04:42.560 but yet you see these circuits being active. So I would say there's tremendous amounts of
02:04:50.040 uncertainty combined with the fact that our niche is much bigger. Like the things that concern us
02:04:57.120 that affect our metabolism is much bigger than it used to be because of the news and because of the
02:05:03.640 internet and so on and so forth. So we've got expanded niches, like an expanded potential
02:05:09.700 burden, expanded uncertainty. So a lot of expanded cost. And so people are more vulnerable
02:05:16.660 to metabolic illnesses of all sort. And my prediction would be, you know, I hate making
02:05:22.680 predictions, but I will predict this because I won't be alive to see the result. But I think in
02:05:27.340 a hundred years, if we still exist as a species, somebody is going to look back at this time and
02:05:31.380 just see it as a massive public health crisis, right? Where we're basically all bankrupting
02:05:38.060 our body budgets at the same time as we don't sleep enough and we eat pseudo foods, you know,
02:05:45.020 And like anything that's not on the periphery of a supermarket, you know, and we're doing all these things, each of which is sometimes a nudge and sometimes a massive shove in a particular direction.
02:05:59.560 So. That I feel very comfortable making that prediction.
02:06:03.400 Your question about like, well, why are some people more susceptible?
02:06:09.240 Like, you know, I mean, why?
02:06:11.340 Why? Why? Why do some have more?
02:06:13.200 Adversity is the potential for something negative to, you know, but there are people who experience adversity and who are not stressed and they're like subjectively.
02:06:23.420 And there are people who experience stress.
02:06:27.500 They're experiencing things as adverse that like the mythical average person wouldn't.
02:06:33.140 All I can say there is it has something to do with prediction and memory.
02:06:38.020 I think that seems pretty clear.
02:06:39.820 and also remember that you know you're i don't have to tell you this i mean you know this that
02:06:48.340 while there is no muscle memory really i mean in the sense that your muscles don't have a memory
02:06:52.880 your brain has a memory you know nervous systems do adjust themselves to the environment that
02:06:59.640 they're in i mean your brain wires itself to its world that world includes the body
02:07:04.920 from your brain's perspective your body is part of its world it's like a really important part
02:07:12.100 it's not just what's out there it's also anything that it doesn't have direct access to
02:07:16.920 and that a brain wires itself to the body so if there's chronic stress or if there's adversity
02:07:28.640 and the brain's regulation of the body
02:07:32.080 changes how the body is,
02:07:34.640 the body then sends signals back to the brain
02:07:36.880 that the brain then has to adjust to, right?
02:07:39.740 So what I'm trying to say is that you, Peter,
02:07:43.900 have a brain that is wired to see out of your eyes
02:07:48.940 that are literally in the positions they are.
02:07:52.340 If we magically took your brain 0.98
02:07:54.460 and stuck it in somebody else's skull, 0.99
02:07:56.880 you wouldn't be able to see.
02:07:58.640 the right if somebody something happens to somebody's ear right they they can't hear for a
02:08:04.020 while they have to like adjust i mean think of it like uh when you get your teeth fixed and then
02:08:10.820 your tongue is like constantly probing at the you know it's because it's trying to forage it's
02:08:16.760 learning and it will wire itself eventually to whatever is new and different if you have an
02:08:25.500 illness in the like say you have literal tissue damage in the body and that's a that's a metabolic
02:08:34.720 burden right there just the healing right that means the brain doesn't have necessarily the
02:08:40.800 resources that it needs so that when those signals disappear the brain is still predicting
02:08:47.140 that it's going to receive them because it's not updating it's not learning because learning is
02:08:51.880 expensive. That's chronic pain. That's pain that is not, pain is real, but the tissue damage is
02:09:00.540 gone. But you don't feel pain in your body. You feel pain in your brain. You feel everything in
02:09:05.240 your brain. You see in your brain. You hear in your brain. All of your sensations are in your
02:09:09.880 brain. You know, you pinch yourself. You don't feel it here. You feel it here. So I think that
02:09:17.760 One source of individual difference is you have an adaptable nervous system, you have an adaptable body, you have an adaptable immune system. That means it learns. And each of us come to these external circumstances with different learning histories. That means we're wired. I mean, we are wired by our experiences.
02:09:42.340 not i mean they're i mean it's not i'm not saying that we're blank slates or anything like that but
02:09:48.180 people come to a situation prepared to experience it in a particular way everything you experience
02:09:59.020 everything you do is a combination of the remembered past and the sensory present if
02:10:04.140 you don't have a remembered past and your brain can't cobble together bits and pieces of the past
02:10:09.420 to make a prediction you will be experientially blind in the moment you just won't it's just be
02:10:15.380 noise to you but how do we change that so let's everything you're saying makes sense and if i'm
02:10:23.260 in a situation where i i am just manifesting i'm just making up this example i just i get so anxious
02:10:31.980 under a certain circumstance that you wouldn't get upset about because you bring a different
02:10:37.400 history, a different memory, a different pattern, a different recognition to that system. But I bring
02:10:43.860 this very negative experience and I have good reason to because of whatever happened in the
02:10:49.440 past. But now I want to change that. I don't want that to be my experience anymore. What can I do?
02:10:55.500 So one thing that you could try to do, which won't be very effective, is you could try to
02:11:00.900 reach back into your past and change your past. Because who are you right now? You're a combination
02:11:05.580 of your remembered past and your sensory present.
02:11:08.660 So one way to change your current experience
02:11:10.620 is to change your past.
02:11:12.040 Well, good luck with that.
02:11:14.000 That's a little bit with some...
02:11:15.000 Sorry, but Sir Lisa, change my past
02:11:17.020 or change my interpretation of my past?
02:11:19.540 Those are two different things, obviously.
02:11:21.100 Well, they actually aren't different.
02:11:23.780 Exactly, when you remember your past,
02:11:26.600 it is a current experience.
02:11:28.960 Memory isn't different from a perception, okay?
02:11:32.500 Like when you're remembering something,
02:11:34.220 it is a current experience that you are having of something that happened in the past.
02:11:39.760 But it's not identical. And it's actually. Yeah, I sort of maybe I didn't say this correctly.
02:11:44.700 What I mean is you could change your interpretation of it, couldn't you?
02:11:48.960 Yes, you can. But the more effective thing. Well, anyways, that's where I was going.
02:11:54.020 Where I was going with this was to say you could try to change the meaning of what happened to you
02:11:59.100 in the past which some psychotherapies attempt to do and with more or less success but one thing
02:12:06.960 that you could do is you could change you could change something now and practice that change
02:12:16.140 so that you could predict differently in the future it's like driving you invest energy
02:12:23.520 in the moment to learn something new. And you practice and practice and practice. And then
02:12:29.000 what starts off being deliberate ends up being automatic. Every skill works that way. Driving
02:12:34.820 works that way. So for example, when you are feeling overwhelmed and you have to force yourself
02:12:42.600 to go play soccer with your kid or whatever, you could practice that skill in advance
02:12:49.500 before the heat of the moment
02:12:52.080 so that in the heat of the moment
02:12:54.040 your brain is predicting differently.
02:12:57.340 So let me just put it this way.
02:13:00.100 I don't know what you did in Canada
02:13:01.880 when you lived there.
02:13:02.960 One thing I used to do
02:13:04.360 was the first snowfall,
02:13:07.280 first, it's not really snowfall,
02:13:08.460 it was like the first ice that appeared.
02:13:10.980 I would get into my car
02:13:12.000 and I'd go to a side street
02:13:15.200 or a parking lot
02:13:16.560 and I'd deliberately put myself
02:13:17.900 into a tailspin.
02:13:19.500 so that I could remember how to get out of it.
02:13:23.240 I didn't want the first memory to be the time when I really needed it.
02:13:28.300 I wanted to practice.
02:13:30.960 Sometimes you can take advantage of moments
02:13:35.360 where you can practice actually making meaning differently.
02:13:39.400 So here's an example I often use.
02:13:42.160 I have a colleague who studies positive emotion
02:13:45.560 and the benefits of positive emotion,
02:13:47.720 And I'm an inherently skeptical person.
02:13:49.880 So I thought, well, I'm going to try it myself.
02:13:53.560 So I thought, all right, I'm going to experience awe every day.
02:13:58.800 I'm going to, like, give myself a little exercise.
02:14:00.820 And so I started with something easy.
02:14:02.320 Like, I would drive along.
02:14:03.480 I lived in Boston at the time.
02:14:04.920 I'd drive along the pike, Massachusetts Turnpike.
02:14:08.160 There was, like, a billboard of a cute little baby orangutan with its mother.
02:14:13.100 Adorable, adorable little baby.
02:14:14.760 So I would look at the baby as we were passing by it and I would think about the baby and I would have a moment of awe, you know, and then I moved on to things like, you know, the sound of the waves, you know, beautiful flowers, the crickets at night, you know, really loud crickets at night.
02:14:33.380 And then eventually, that became easy. So then I started to try, like, well, how about a weed? Or how about a weed popping out of a cracked sidewalk?
02:14:47.900 a weed a dandelion poking its ugly little head out of a cracked sidewalk can be a moment of awe
02:14:58.760 if you understand it as nature's power to be unconstrained by human attempts to control it
02:15:06.080 now it's very easy for me to experience a moment of awe when i most need a break like when my
02:15:16.440 nervous system most needs a break. For example, you know, I'm about to take an important meeting.
02:15:25.880 I'm stuck in traffic. I'm about to take an important meeting on Zoom and my computer fails.
02:15:32.080 Or, you know, a meeting where I really can't lose my temper, you know, where I really have to be
02:15:39.440 cruel. Or, you know, a time when, you know, I'm sleep deprived and my, you know, little kid is
02:15:47.560 doing something to drive me batshit crazy. You know, these are all moments where if I can just
02:15:53.340 get a little distance for two seconds, I can take a breath, metaphorically speaking, and then I can
02:15:58.700 come back into the fray. And what are you doing? Are you picturing the dandelion? Are you going
02:16:03.900 back to no i'm finding a moment like for example if our internet failed right now and i would as i
02:16:11.480 often do i would be like well it's miraculous that we can even talk to each i don't know where you
02:16:17.140 are peter i'm imagining you're on the west coast i'm on the east coast that means no you're not
02:16:21.620 okay well wherever you are the point being that we could be thousands of miles away from each other
02:16:27.560 and but we're talking to each other like we were in the same room so yeah when it fails it's
02:16:33.400 frustrating, but the fact that we even get to do it is like amazing and awe-inspiring. So no,
02:16:38.020 I find something in the moment to be in awe about, you know? And how long did that take?
02:16:45.260 Well, I'm giving... No, no, this is a very important example and I really like it.
02:16:49.760 How many weeks or months did it take to rewire? It took a couple of months. It took a couple of
02:16:55.760 months of daily practice. The thing I would say about having more control and more agency
02:17:00.220 is that first of all, it doesn't look the way you expect it to look. You expect, you know,
02:17:08.660 you expect to be able to just in the moment, do it. You can't, it requires practice. Like I was
02:17:14.600 just telling somebody yesterday, you know, like who wants to just stand up and give a lecture.
02:17:18.780 I'm like, yeah, I can stand up and give a lecture after I've practiced it 30 times.
02:17:22.920 Like it looks like I'm talking off the cuff and I am in that moment, but it's all automated. I've
02:17:27.560 practiced it already a ton of times. So you can take advantage of that. The control looks
02:17:34.780 different than you expect. It's harder to get than you expect. And not everybody has the same
02:17:42.760 opportunities as everybody else. So some people have more options for controlling and for changing
02:17:50.980 things. But even a monk who is being tortured can do it. That means that we all, all of us,
02:18:02.380 even in the most dire moments, we all have a little, a smidge more control over how we
02:18:10.560 experience ourselves in the world than we think we do. And in some moments, all you really need
02:18:20.700 is that little smidge you know in some moments it's that's good enough and in other moments
02:18:26.640 when you have a little bit more energy you know you can practice lots of different you practice
02:18:33.380 basically making meaning differently you practice so for example i every morning i get up and i have
02:18:42.280 to walk by my office to get to the gym and the temptation is so always there i'll just look for
02:18:49.380 a minute. I'll just look for a minute. I know I won't just look for a minute. The minute I start
02:18:53.400 looking at my email, I'm going to be there for an hour, right? But every morning I am practicing
02:18:58.560 not doing the thing that I feel compelled to do in order to do the thing that I know later I will
02:19:07.240 be glad that I did. That is, you know, in the moment it's trivial, but the practice in being
02:19:18.340 able to do it. And you think everyone is capable of that? I think everyone is capable of that.
02:19:24.760 I think everyone is capable of something like that. So what, I'm not disagreeing with you. I'm
02:19:30.560 not agreeing or disagreeing with you, but I want to know what you would say to the person who's
02:19:35.460 listening to us who doesn't, because you and I, I think are both cut from that same cloth, Lisa.
02:19:41.000 I've always chalked it up to, well, yeah, let's just say this. So someone's listening to us and
02:19:47.280 they're saying i don't have that gene lisa i i don't have the willpower what you're describing
02:19:52.200 sounds like willpower to me and how would you correct them in their thinking here's what i
02:19:57.040 would say first of all no willpower is this is just based on empirical evidence like how do you
02:20:02.840 build a skill it has nothing to do with willpower willpower is putting a bowl of potato chips in
02:20:07.860 front of yourself and trying not to eat it what i'm talking about is getting rid of that like
02:20:12.680 you construct your niche so that you don't have to deal with the bowl of potato chips if you want
02:20:18.540 to change how you feel in the moment you can either change your remembered past you can change
02:20:23.060 your sensory present or you can move in some way which usually involves changing your sensory
02:20:28.880 present but like that's pretty much it but what i guess in the end i'm a scientist and what i would
02:20:35.040 say is the following i have emails from like i have received more in excess of like 10 000 emails
02:20:47.520 from people who have read both of my books and have found ways neither of those books gives
02:20:56.940 people advice on how to use these scientific findings in their own life but they do these
02:21:04.620 people write to me with stories about their own lives and how they've used it and how
02:21:12.820 hopeful, how it gave them a sense of agency and a sense of hope. I've had people write to me
02:21:20.380 from a battlefield, like on a battlefield, like in the middle of a war. I've had people who've
02:21:29.780 written to me, like all walks of life, all kinds of people. And I will also say that we used,
02:21:38.660 I mean, how I came to any of this, right? How I came to any of this. I mean, I study emotion and
02:21:44.100 I had a lot to say about emotion and the brain and so on and so forth, but all of the work on
02:21:50.500 metabolism and meaning making and all of that came later. Have any of the people who have written
02:21:57.660 to you used any of what you've written about through the lens of grief. So you talked about
02:22:05.420 your personal experience where you have a much better capacity to manage your emotions in
02:22:11.860 distressful situations. And part of it is making sense of it, finding awe in, hey, like I know the
02:22:18.120 internet went down, but the fact that we have internet's amazing. But now when someone loses
02:22:23.040 their child, loses their spouse. I mean, it's grief to the highest extent. Tell me how you
02:22:31.260 think about reducing suffering in that state. Yeah. So I think that when I'm talking about
02:22:37.680 the brain's meaning-making capacities, I'm not talking about grand things like finding the
02:22:44.200 meaning of life or explaining why someone dies or things like that of a teleological nature.
02:22:52.280 I'm talking about things like, what does a set of sensory signals mean?
02:22:56.980 So the thing about grief, the thing about losing someone that you love, is that you are losing a source of body budgeting impact.
02:23:10.960 Like, we regulate each other's nervous systems.
02:23:13.920 My daughter, when she was a baby, was regulating my nervous system as much as I was regulating hers, maybe more.
02:23:20.220 And when you lose someone you love, it can feel like you've lost a part of yourself and you have. You've lost body budgeting support. You've lost somebody that you are physically connected to in some way. That's what love and safety is.
02:23:40.060 If you feel safe with someone or you make someone feel safe, you create an environment for them to feel safe, you are physically linked to that person in a way that is not necessarily metaphorical, really, in that they had an impact on your metabolism and you have an impact on theirs.
02:23:57.100 I have a friend.
02:23:58.080 I can text her.
02:23:59.040 She lives in Belgium. 0.99
02:24:00.140 I can text her three little words. 0.95
02:24:02.000 She doesn't have to see my face.
02:24:03.320 She doesn't have to hear my voice.
02:24:04.960 What I text her will affect her heart rate.
02:24:07.760 It will affect her breathing rate.
02:24:09.740 It will affect her mood. Right. I mean, powerful words and actions in relation to other people are powerful. So you when you lose someone, you've lost that and you feel it. Now, that doesn't explain why they died. It doesn't make it seem any more fair that they died.
02:24:29.400 But it does help you understand what those sensations mean and that they eventually will, in like, I would say the evidence is something like 70% of people who don't experience complicated grief, you know, they will go away.
02:24:52.160 In what period of time?
02:24:53.100 well i think i'm thinking of george banano's work now and you're now you're i mean i haven't looked
02:25:01.040 at this work for a long time but i think it's like a couple of months and then complicated grief like
02:25:07.860 loss of a child or something can go on for for longer but eventually within a year or two i think
02:25:14.560 the evidence is that people if it even if it takes that long it's not that they're not sad
02:25:20.640 is that they're not suffering, right? 0.94
02:25:23.680 So it'll still feel like shit occasionally over time, 0.95
02:25:29.160 or maybe every day, but you won't suffer. 0.98
02:25:33.320 It'll be discomfort.
02:25:35.820 And are there things that an individual can do
02:25:37.860 to shorten that period of time between suffering and sadness?
02:25:42.240 Yeah, well, the evidence suggests that you can remember times
02:25:46.000 that were happy.
02:25:48.720 so the people who recover faster from the loss of a loved one are people who remember the
02:25:58.420 positive meaningful time together that's what the evidence shows and it's interesting because
02:26:07.220 if you think about there are cultural like traditions that get you to do that like setting
02:26:12.980 Shiva in a Jewish, when you're mourning someone Jewish or awake, or, you know, that you're
02:26:19.640 remembering things often with other people that bring the person, make the person closer to you
02:26:26.300 and bring them more alive. Like, so here, you know, so here's an example. This is a negative
02:26:31.340 example, but I think it's an interesting example. So my daughter doesn't remember herself when she
02:26:38.240 was two. Of course, like who does, right? I remember her when she was two. And my husband
02:26:45.160 remembers her when she was two. And we had, we have a shared memory of her when she was two.
02:26:50.260 She doesn't remember. So that means I had a relationship with someone who's not here anymore.
02:26:57.480 And sometimes, Peter, I miss, I mean, I love my kid to, I love her to bits. But I sometimes miss
02:27:05.680 that exuberant little two-year-old. Like I really do. And it's not great.
02:27:11.380 First, I just, I want to pause there for a second, because this is so funny that you bring this up,
02:27:14.820 Lisa. Two nights ago at dinner, we sat at the table, me and my wife and our three kids. So
02:27:20.480 nine, 12 and 18. And we all ran around the table explaining our first memory in life.
02:27:27.380 So what is the first thing each of us remembered? And it, for all of us, it took place at around
02:27:33.140 three years old. Now, of course, it's much more, I'm less interested in what me and my wife
02:27:37.640 experienced, but I loved hearing what the kids experienced because I, to your point, like I was
02:27:43.420 there, I was witnessing it. And there's amazing things they can't remember. Like the fact that
02:27:48.360 my daughter doesn't remember the first two houses she lived in, no recollection at all.
02:27:53.460 Right.
02:27:54.300 But what you said is so profound that I never thought about it that way, which is
02:27:58.480 my kids get so annoyed with me because I can't stop telling them about how much I adore them.
02:28:04.240 And I'm like, when you were little, you were the cutest, sweetest, most edible thing on the
02:28:11.680 planet. And they're like, dad, shut up. But what I'm missing, I think, is they don't remember that. 0.97
02:28:18.860 They don't know what I'm talking about. But your wife remembers. And so what I'm saying is that-
02:28:24.120 And we text each other pictures and videos all day long.
02:28:26.860 No, we do that too.
02:28:27.560 Yeah, we do that too.
02:28:28.740 And my husband was so great, you know, when our daughter was small, he would always like
02:28:33.300 write down these like perfect little gems of things that she would say.
02:28:36.900 We have a journal, each of them, we have a journal for all the funny things they said.
02:28:40.720 Yeah, exactly.
02:28:41.520 And so, you know, we'll text each other things like just in the middle of the day.
02:28:44.880 But the point is that I can experience that feeling again with him, the two of us together, not with her.
02:28:56.900 That's such an interesting observation.
02:29:00.440 She's not there in that capacity, but you're still experiencing her.
02:29:04.300 Yeah.
02:29:04.960 And, you know, being her mom is a huge part of my life.
02:29:09.840 And we're very close.
02:29:11.560 And I've, you know, we're very close and we talk to each other, like text, you know, like all the time. And, you know, we don't live in the same city anymore. But, you know, like this morning we had breakfast together on Zoom and whatever. So we're close. And there's always been something to love at every age, like something new, something miraculous.
02:29:31.440 But I do miss that. I do miss that little girl. I really do. And sometimes I really, I really miss that little girl where, you know, she just wanted to be scooped up. She had her hands in my hair, you know, and we'd be talking to each other. Sometimes I really miss that.
02:29:51.580 So tell me, though, what is that feeling is predicting what?
02:29:55.860 How do we bring this full circle to the model?
02:29:57.940 Well, it's a memory.
02:29:58.840 Everything is every thing.
02:30:00.960 This is why thinking and feeling and perceiving are not that different from each other because they all are rooted in predictions, which are memories.
02:30:09.140 Predictions are memories.
02:30:10.840 Predictions are your brain reinstating patterns from the past for the purposes of the present.
02:30:16.100 like when you when i'm reading a memoir i'm not literally reading what's happened to someone i'm
02:30:23.140 reading how they experienced in that moment what happened to their experiences in that moment of
02:30:28.880 whatever happened to them in the past when you have a memory you're not literally remembering
02:30:33.980 what happened you're remembering your memory is creating an experience in the moment which is
02:30:40.900 informed by some set of signals from the past. And this is also, I think, a very powerful,
02:30:50.280 powerful insight that you can use, that you can use. Memories are not like files in a file drawer.
02:30:59.160 They are not veridical. You are always reconstructing them. When you remember something,
02:31:04.920 whether you have an experience of remembering or not, you are reconstructing something.
02:31:10.400 You're constructing a set of signals that bears some resemblance to the past or bits and pieces of the different pasts that your brain put together.
02:31:22.780 That's how it works.
02:31:25.460 And sometimes when something comes to mind, like I have an intrusive thought or whatever, I'll be like, nope, not that past.
02:31:32.240 Like I literally will say that out loud to myself sometimes, like, nope, not that past.
02:31:36.320 Hmm. It's interesting. You went into psychology thinking you were going to be a clinical
02:31:42.600 psychologist through this series of experiments you're unable to replicate. You completely find
02:31:48.980 a new direction in your career. And yet the work you've done probably has a potential for greater
02:31:56.680 impact in the field of clinical psychology than you could have ever imagined or produced had you
02:32:02.880 become a clinical psychologist. I'll take that. Lisa, you've given me a lot to think about,
02:32:11.300 and I'm going to be, I would be lying if I said I understand everything we talked about today.
02:32:16.400 I think this will be one of the podcasts I have to re-listen to. I don't do that often, actually,
02:32:23.960 but I can, I think there's going to be a few bike rides I go on just for the folks wondering,
02:32:29.100 no, I'm not going to be riding outside listening to a podcast. I'll be on a trainer.
02:32:32.880 where I'll be going over this again, and I'll probably come back to you with some other
02:32:36.840 questions over email. That'd be great. I really appreciate your time and your insight today as a
02:32:43.260 fellow Canuck. Well, thanks for having me on your podcast. Thank you for listening to this week's
02:32:49.340 episode of The Drive. Head over to peteratiamd.com forward slash show notes if you want to dig deeper
02:32:56.960 into this episode. You can also find me on YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter, all with the
02:33:02.000 handle peteratiamd. You can also leave us review on Apple podcasts or whatever podcast player you
02:33:08.720 use. This podcast is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute the
02:33:13.780 practice of medicine, nursing, or other professional healthcare services, including
02:33:17.540 the giving of medical advice. No doctor patient relationship is formed. The use of this information
02:33:23.660 and the materials linked to this podcast is at the user's own risk. The content on this podcast
02:33:29.580 is not intended to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis, or treatment. Users
02:33:34.720 should not disregard or delay in obtaining medical advice from any medical condition they have,
02:33:39.860 and they should seek the assistance of their healthcare professionals for any such conditions.
02:33:44.760 Finally, I take all conflicts of interest very seriously. For all of my disclosures and the
02:33:49.860 companies I invest in or advise, please visit peteratiamd.com forward slash about where I keep
02:33:57.120 an up-to-date and active list of all disclosures.