FREEMIUM: Epochs #234 | The Battle of Verdun - Part I
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Summary
After Magellan and Sir Walter Riley, we move on from the 16th century to World War I and the Battle of Verdun. It's a bit of a change from Magellan, but I think it's a good one.
Transcript
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Hello and welcome back to Epochs. If you remember over the last few episodes we've been in the
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16th century with that long series I did about Magellan and then that one off about Sir Walter
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Riley. So I thought we'd do a complete change. We'll move on from the 16th century for a while
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and so this time I thought we could talk about something in World War I. Now I'm almost surprised
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at myself that I haven't done more World War I and World War II and just 20th century content in
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general on Epochs because I am absolutely fascinated like any history nerd with World War I and World
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War II, particularly World War I. My great loves in history are the ancient world of course,
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some parts of the medieval world and World War I. I think for me anyway World War I is such a pivotal
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thing. Our modern world now in the 21st century, 2025, is still living in the echoes and the ripples
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of World War I. I'm one of those historians that thinks, makes the argument that World War II was
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simply a continuation of World War I. The interwar years, the 20s and 30s, were just a hiatus, just an
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interruption in between that one long conflict. And you can also make the argument, can't you? I do.
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I do. The Cold War is another extension of World War II. So in other words, I think World War I is
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absolutely pivotal. But on top of that, just me personally, I find it fascinating, always have, ever since
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I was old enough to sort of start really learning, learning about it properly, you know, really properly,
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reading adult books about it. And I was, I don't know, 15, 16, maybe even a little older. I'm genuinely,
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genuinely interested in it and can actually learn about it and deal with it with something approaching
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an adult mind. And in adulthood, I've just kept reading about it and watching films and documentaries
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and reading fictional novels and all sorts of things. So I'm a big World War I fan. It's a funny
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word. That's not the right word, is it? To be a fan of it. For my money, the greatest war.
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Sorry, that's an Alan Partridge quote. But yeah, it's called the Great War for a reason.
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It's called the Great War for a reason. They thought it would be the war to end all wars.
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Of course, it wasn't. But yeah, so absolutely fascinated by World War I. Should really, by rights,
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if it's a reflection of my own historical tastes, have made a lot more World War I content by now.
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But okay, so I thought we'll move on from the 16th century. And I just wanted to do something
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about World War I because I haven't done anything for that in a while. So one of my favorite things,
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again, favorite is the wrong word, isn't it? It's such a horrific, horrible thing.
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Saying it's your favorite is odd. But one of the things I'm most interested in, let's say that,
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from World War I, is the Battle of Verdun. Now, if anyone out there doesn't know, I'm going to pitch
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this epoch to people who might not know anything about it. So if you do already know a lot about
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the Battle of Verdun, apologies if this is a bit surface level stuff. Especially as I'm not going
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to do a multiple, multiple part series. It might be two, maybe three parts, but no more than that.
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I'm not going to do 20 parter on it. So it'll be sort of fairly high level stuff. Sort of overview,
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almost stuff. But I'm going to pitch this as though you don't really know anything about it.
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So just to begin with, it's a bit odd, perhaps, that me as an Englishman,
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it's so fascinated by Verdun because it's an entirely French and German affair. Lots and lots
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of battles from World War I could potentially involve all sorts of nations and peoples, even
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just on the Western Front. You would think that an Englishman would be interested in first and
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foremost in the Battle of the Somme, or various parts within the Battle of the Somme, Passchendaele,
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or the various battles that go on around Ypres. Ypres. I can't try to pronounce Ypres correctly.
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Wipers. People at the time, Englishmen would call it Wipers. And a lot of people pronounce it Ypres.
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I think the French pronounce it Ypres. Anyway, lots and lots of Englishmen lost their lives around the
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Ypres salient. So you would think that as an Englishman, that would be one of the first
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places I go to do an epochs. And of course, I am fascinated by the Somme and the various battles
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at Ypres and all sorts of other places where the English fought. But Verdun, for me, for some
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reason has always been, again, since I was very, very young, has always been a thing of absolute
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fascination. Because it's sort of, for various reasons, it's so dark, it's so twisted and terrible.
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Terrible is the word. It's one of the most gruesome, grim battles of World War I. And that is saying
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something. Because it was four years of grim, grim warfare. Almost as grim as it gets. So for Verdun to
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be up there, arguably the worst, is quite saying something. Now, in terms of just pure casualties,
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there are worse battles in World War I. The Battle of the Somme, far more people died in that.
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Almost twice as many. Something approaching twice as many. So there are bloodier, there are bloodier
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affairs that went down in World War I. But still, the figures, the casualty figures are absolutely
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astronomical. So the French suffered something like 400,000 casualties. Now, the exact numbers
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aren't known. These battles are so big that the exact number can never properly be calculated. What a crazy
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thing that is. That data point in and of itself. You don't even know quite how many men were cycled through
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there and how many died. Because some are just blown absolutely to smithereens. Blown into nothing.
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You know, whole raiding parties that just disappear. Things like this. We don't know the exact number.
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But the French had something like 400,000 casualties. Now, that does include the wounded. They had something
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in the order of 160,000, 163,000 men killed. Another 215,000, 216,000 wounded. You know,
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a lot of these are terrible maimings. You know, a limb blown off or blinded. Something terrible.
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And the Germans, not much less. They had something in the order of, well, 340,000, 350,000 plus casualties.
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Something like 143,000, 140,000 dead. So the French lost a bit more, or thousands more, thousands and
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thousands more. But still, in the scheme of things, on the scale of World War I, that's pretty close.
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One side didn't annihilate the other side to the tune of 5 to 1 or 10 to 1. And as I say,
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there were bloodier battles. The Battle of the Sommets, like one point between both sides,
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something in the order of 1.1 to 1.3 million men died there. But the pure casualty figures don't
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tell the whole story. And anyway, between the Germans and the French, it's still something like
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three quarters of a million men. It's difficult to get your mind around what that is, what that means.
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Three quarters of a million men casualties. 300,000 of them dead. 300,000. You can't really
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understand it. It boggles the mind, doesn't it? It boggles the mind. Three quarters of a million
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families ruined. 300,000 families absolutely devastated. Life's cut short. You know,
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these are mostly young men as well. And they're very young, often in the prime of life. Artists,
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poets. I mean, it's just, France never recovered demographically from World War I. Never, never
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truly recovered. It's a terrible, terrible, almost absurd, well, not almost is, absurd tragedy. Words
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almost can't really do it justice, how frightful it is. And as I say, even the casualty numbers,
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as monstrous as they are, don't really tell the whole story. You know, so the reason why Verdun is
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so fascinating in a macabre way, a terrifying way, is how grim it was, how relatively small the
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battlefield was, how intense the fighting was, and for how long it went on. So one thing you can say
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about Verdun is it was the longest battle of all of World War I, the longest battle. It went on for
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something in the order of nine to ten months. It takes place entirely in 1916. It starts with the
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German offensive in February 1916, and doesn't finish until the snow starts falling in December 1916.
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The Germans do a counter-offensive, which lasts three or four months, again, sort of depending on
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how you measure it. And then the French do a counter-offensive, which lasts for another
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four or five months. And so this is something that is quite new for World War I, for the 20th century.
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A battle which lasts essentially day and night, 24-7, for months on end. So for example, in the
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Napoleonic era, a hundred years, almost exactly a hundred years before, even in giant battles where
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there might be thousands and thousands of casualties, a battle rarely lasted more than one day. It's
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usually like one afternoon or one morning. If a battle lasted into two days, that was extraordinary.
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That was a giant battle. If it lasted three days, the Battle of Leipzig lasted three days. That was
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incredible. A siege is something slightly different. In the American Civil War, sometimes there were very,
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very long sieges that could last weeks or even into months. But a siege is a slightly different thing.
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But a full-blown battle, there would be ebbs and flows in it, but it's basically the battle is just
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going on and on and on for day after day after day, day and night. This is something that World War I
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saw for the first time. And not even just World War I, but later, by 1915, 1916, 1917 is when this really,
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really happens. Because what you need in order to sustain that are one giant armies, of course,
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armies that are just much bigger, much, much bigger than they had been even 50 years before,
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100 years before, bigger than ever before in history, millions and millions of men per side.
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So you would have to have that before you could have battles that lasted months. And then you would
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also need industrialization and production lines, the ability to keep making cannon or artillery pieces,
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rifles, grenades, mortars, and all the ammunition for it, on an industrial scale. You'd need both
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sides to be able to do that before you could even dream of having a battle that lasted for months on
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it. But of course, that is what we've got by the early 20th century. By 1916, both sides are doing
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exactly that. Cycling millions of men to the front line, and millions of shells, and rounds of ammo,
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and guns, machine guns, mortars, artillery pieces, and on and on and on. And so you can get three
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quarters of a million men, 300,000 odd, killed. A monstrous thing is industrial warfare. The lives
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themselves, or even the elan, the bravery of the men, counts for very, very, very little. What counts
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is how many guns and heavy guns and ammo can you get to the front. That counts much more than
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the bravery of the men. So a whole different way of doing war from previous times, and completely
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industrialized and dehumanized in all sorts of senses. Okay, so let's talk a little bit about
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World War I up until this point. Again, I'll pitch this at people that might not know much or anything
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really about it. So I'm just talking about the Western Front here. Of course, World War I,
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as the name suggests, is a world war. There's all sorts of stuff going on all over the world,
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actually. World War II is much more a global conflict than World War I. Nonetheless, there is an
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Eastern Front. There's an Italian Front. There are, in fact, things going on out in the Far East.
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But, okay, so we're just talking about the Western Front here, which is in between Belgium,
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France, and the German armies coming straight from France, and they've already taken Belgium.
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And so Verdun is located, the town, there's a town called Verdun. The town of Verdun is located in the
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east of France, the sort of fairly extreme east of France, i.e. very close to the German border.
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It's right there. And it's an ancient town, right? It's been there. The archaeology shows that there's
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been a settlement there since like 400 BC, plus 450 BC. So it's a truly ancient site. And it's one of
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those places in the world, we've talked about this on Epochs a number of times, haven't we? It's one
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of those places on the world where, just geographically speaking, where there's likely to be
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conflict, right? There's places like a particular valley passes, like the Khyber Pass, for example,
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where it's no wonder there's been lots and lots and lots of conflicts and engagements and battles
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there because just the geography funnels people and armies through the exact same place, right? So Verdun's
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a little bit like that. Not necessarily entirely, but it's a little bit like that. More broadly
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speaking, you know, there's a reason why the deserts of Mesopotamia have been, that there's been
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battles and wars there from ancient Sumer up until the war in Iraq with George W. Bush and Tony Blair.
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There's a reason. Geography just sort of dictates it. Okay, so Verdun's got an element of that to it.
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Certainly once 19th century France and Germany were established, if they were ever to go head-to-head
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again, it's likely that somewhere in and around that region, in and around near Verdun, it was likely
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to be a flashpoint. Okay, so it's difficult sometimes to know exactly where to begin a story properly.
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But I must mention the war of 1870 and 1871. Same war, straddled 1870 and 1871. Now what happened in
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1870 to 71 was that Germany, although it had a Kaiser, was essentially being run by a Bismarck,
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Otto von Bismarck. The real sort of cockpit of power and policy, decision-making military, big military
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decisions and things, were being conducted by a Bismarck. And the leader of the French Republic
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at that point was Napoleon, and Napoleon III, not THE Napoleon, not Napoleon I, it's his nephew,
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Napoleon III. And France and Germany go to war in 1870. And very, very long story, very, very short on
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that is Germany wins. Okay, it wasn't as bloody as World War I, or nowhere near as bloody as World War I,
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and horrific. But still, relatively bloody war, full-scale war, you know, hundreds of thousands
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of men going at each other. Many, many, many, many, many thousand casualties on both sides.
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But ultimately, the Germans march through France, right? They're not stopped. It doesn't bog down
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in a stalemate where both sides build trench lines. Nothing like that. You know, it's a war of movement.
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And ultimately, Bismarck's armies win. There's a big battle at Sedan, a place called Sedan in France.
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And ultimately, just to cut that short, the Germans win. Okay, they march all the way into Paris.
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Right after the Battle of Sedan, the French armies are broken. Napoleon III's armies are broken.
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The Germans march all the way to Paris, ultimately march into and through and past Paris, go down to
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Versailles. France, politically speaking, sort of goes through true, true turmoil. And they have all
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sorts of communes and all sorts of things happen politically to France. It's a real sort of
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psychological scar, a wound to the Frenchmen of that generation, that ultimately, the Tuton,
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the German, had utterly beaten them. Utterly, right? Their divisions are marching,
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flowing in and through and around Paris and occupying Versailles and making the French sign
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a humiliating peace treaty at Versailles in the Hall of Mirrors. Okay, so that happened. Now, that's
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actually quite an important thing to understand, the French psychology and attitude during World War
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I and after World War I. At the 1919 Versailles peace treaties, for example, explains why the French
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French was so, well, vindictive really, so harsh and cruel on the Germans in 1919, because they were
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finally getting their own back for 1871. There finally is revenge time. So, okay, back to Verdun in 1916.
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Now, one of the first things we need to talk about is why the Germans did it, because at least to begin
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with, it certainly starts with a German offensive. So, the Western Front is something like 400 miles long,
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all the way out to the North Sea. Okay? And at various points on that 400 odd mile long front,
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are much more active than others. So, sometimes the German position will be, or often actually,
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the German position will be extremely strong. They will have high ground. And so, it's truly,
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truly suicidal, kind of pointless for the Allies to mount attacks on them. So, that portion of the
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line is relatively quiet. They're still shooting and sniping at each other and mortars and artillery
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fire from time to time, but there's no giant offensives one way or another. Okay? And the
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opposite is true. Sometimes the Allied position is sort of so strong that the Germans never or hardly
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ever bother attacking it. There's no giant offensive from the Germans in that area. And very, very broadly
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speaking, a broad, broad trend is that the Germans, certainly in 1915 and 16 and 17, don't attack much.
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It's much more the case that the Allies are on the offensive and the Germans are on the defensive,
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on the Western Front for most of the war. But then also, there are other places where it's the hot
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spot, right? There'll be battle after battle after battle there. I mentioned the Ypres salient. I mentioned
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the Somme, right? So, there's some places where it sort of goes on and on and on because both sides
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think they can do something there. There can be a breakthrough. Now, Verdun, up until 1916, had been
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one of those places on the front that was quiet, relatively quiet, because the French had massively,
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massively reinforced it to the point where it seemed to strategists, to most German planners,
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it seemed that it was impregnable, that it was so strong that there's no point sort of trying to
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attack there, right? The French had surrounded Verdun, the town of Verdun, and the villages
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surrounding it. They'd fortified it massively. They'd built giant, giant defensive works and bunkers
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and faults, lines of sort of rings of concentric, mutually supporting faults and positions. So, to the
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German mind, it's like, well, we're not going to attack there because that would be folly. We'll just get
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ourselves wiped out. Let's not do that. And the reason France have done that is because they
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considered Verdun to be something like a massively strategically important position on the front,
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on the front line. If Verdun fell, the Germans punched through Verdun, it would be quite easy for their
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armies. If divisions and divisions of German men and materiel broke through at Verdun, they would be
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able to get to Paris, right? Again, the geography, just the way the geography is. It would be quite
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difficult to stop them at that point. So, again, the French planners that see this on a map think that,
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and they're almost certainly correct, think that if Verdun, Verdun just cannot be allowed to fall
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because it would be a disaster. It might be game over if the Germans ever took Verdun. So, obviously,
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then, we, the French, will just massively, massively reinforce it. We'll make it like a fortress. We'll
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make it many fortresses strong. We'll make it as strong as you possibly can. Because the Battle of
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Sudan in 1870, Sudan's a fairway north and west of Verdun, but still vaguely in that area. The same
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thing happened at Sudan, the Battle of Sudan. The French thought, you know, we can't, we can't lose
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at Sudan. We can't afford to, because then it's kind of game over, right? Again, just the geography,
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the tactical strategic position of it all. If that, if that domino falls, there's not much we can do then
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to stop the Germans. Okay, so they see in the interwar years, i.e. between 1871 and 1914, they see
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this about Verdun, and so they massively fortify it. But there's a little bit more to the story about
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Verdun than that. The French saw it as a kind of a matter of prestige, a matter of sort of national
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identity or sort of a symbolic place. Not just of strategic importance, but of symbolic importance.
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If we can't defend Verdun, if we give up on Verdun, it's like giving up on France in some ways. You
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know, there's this idea very often that we can't allow our capital to fall, because if our capital
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falls, it's all over. There's some countries where that doesn't necessarily apply. For example,
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if Madrid is captured by the enemy, Barcelona doesn't care and we'll keep fighting on, right?
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If Moscow falls, or sorry, if St. Petersburg falls, Moscow will keep fighting, right? There's some
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countries where that's not the case. But for a lot of countries, most countries, if your capital falls,
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that's the end of the story. Well, in the French mind, in a sense, people have argued, historians have
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argued that maybe this isn't as much the case as I'm about to say, but many have said this. In the French
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mind, the French political and military leaders, if Verdun falls, it's all over. That'd be too
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humiliating to take. It'll be another Sudan. So we cannot allow that to happen. It's a matter of
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principle to them. So now let's talk about the Germans, the Germans at this point. The head of the
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German army, well, the head is the Kaiser, but in terms of actual strategic and tactical thinking,
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you know, the guy that actually ends up moving divisions around on a map and deciding where
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they are or aren't going to attack was von Falkenheim, chief of the German staff,
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Eric von Falkenheim. Now, the Germans had gone through a few changes at the very,
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very top of their military since the war had begun. So he wasn't the guy that had been in charge of the
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German army since 1914. Anyway, by 1916, he's the man. He's the man at the top who is making the actual
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decisions. Now, he sees how the French view Verdun, right? He knows, he knows that the French will do
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anything to prevent Verdun from being taken. Now, that's actually a weakness, right? If you know what
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your enemy will do, that gives you an advantage, just like in boxing or MMA. If you know what your
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opponent is going to do, that's just an absolute giant advantage. You know, if you can tell in MMA
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that your leg kicks have massively damaged your opponent's knee and that he can't circle to the
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left now or whatever it is, then that's a giant advantage. Or in boxing, if you know you've busted
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one of his ribs and he's going to keep defending his ribs and not his head, you can keep throwing
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those right hooks at his sort of almost undefended head, right? So it's exactly the same even in war,
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even on giant scales, giant strategic scales. If you know what your enemy will do, then you can use
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that to your advantage one way or another. So von Falkenhayn sees, knows that the French, even though
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Verdun itself is massively defended, many have said, surely correctly, that it's the most defended
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position on the entire Western Front. Even though that's the case, Falkenhayn makes a calculation
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that what we can do there though, is we can force the French to throw everything in, everything
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they've got, every last man, every last piece of ammo and artillery they've got. We can force their hand
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to do that and we'll wear them down and defeat them that way. We can force them, we can suck them
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into Verdun where they can be crushed. He thought he could bleed the French army dry, bleed them white.
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Because World War One, like any industrial war where both sides are industrialised, is a war of attrition.
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Now there's whole books just written about this, right? That it's no longer about a superb cavalry charge,
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right? It's no longer about that. It's no longer about a clever manoeuvring of a few cannons on one afternoon,
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like in the polionic times, right? It's no longer about brilliant individual acts of tactical brilliance,
00:26:16.180
or a bayonet charge that breaks the morale of the enemy and which causes a rout, and so on and so on.
00:26:23.140
No, we don't live in that world anymore in the early 20th century. As I said earlier, it's just,
00:26:28.740
who can bleed the other side white first, right? So von Valkenheim appreciates this. That is true,
00:26:35.700
that is true. As horrific as that is, World War One was a war of attrition, certainly on the Western
00:26:40.900
Front, certainly once it got bogged down into trench warfare. It was basically who can last the longest.
00:26:47.380
And so viewed through that sort of strategic lens, tactical lens, how can we best make the other side
00:26:54.820
tap out as quickly as possible? So this was von Valkenheim's calculation. He'll force the French,
00:27:02.500
every last man jack of them, to go into Verdun where he'll slaughter them. Later in his memoirs,
00:27:08.100
he said that we seek to wear down an army, not to make a gap, to break the heart of a nation,
00:27:14.260
not to break a hole in the lion." So something to be said about this, this idea that von Valkenheim
00:27:22.980
didn't necessarily even want to take Verdun itself, the actual town of Verdun, at the heart,
00:27:28.820
at the centre of all these surrounding faults. He didn't even want to do that. It wasn't about that.
00:27:34.180
Again, it wasn't about breaking through and getting to Paris, like in 1871. It wasn't about that. It was
00:27:40.020
about bleeding the French army to death. So if anything, he actively doesn't want to take Verdun,
00:27:45.940
because that would defeat the point of what he's doing here. He wants the French to keep
00:27:50.420
desperately pouring their army in to defend it. Now, there's one thing that needs to be said about
00:27:55.780
this, because I listened to a very, very interesting audio book, where I've done lots and lots of reading
00:28:00.900
and listened to a fair few audio books and documentaries and things for the run up to this,
00:28:05.860
as well as half a lifetime of reading about Verdun. There's one particular audio book I listened to
00:28:11.620
about a month ago, which said that all of what I've just said there about von Valkenheim's calculation
00:28:17.300
might not be correct. The idea that he wanted to make Verdun just a trap for the French,
00:28:22.820
that it would be an attritional trap for them. So von Valkenheim, after this battle, which is
00:28:30.740
ultimately a stalemate, but that's actually a win for the French. That's a tactical win, a strategic
00:28:36.260
win for the French, the fact that it was a stalemate and the Germans never did take Verdun or punch
00:28:42.420
through or bleed the French army entirely to death. So that's actually really a win for the French.
00:28:49.220
So after the battle, von Valkenheim is dismissed from his position as chief of the general staff,
00:28:55.380
and he's, he's packed off to, he's still a general and he's not disgraced or hung or anything, but he's,
00:28:59.700
he's just sent off to go and be a much, much more junior commander general in like Romania,
00:29:05.380
on the Romanian front, something like that. Okay. Bit, bit disgraced because he'd, he'd got,
00:29:09.860
you know, 150,000 German boys killed for essentially nothing. Um, after the war, he wrote a book,
00:29:18.740
right? He wrote a memoir, uh, uh, which he's trying to explain himself, right? He's trying to say,
00:29:24.660
he's trying to say why he did what he did, why he made the decisions that he did. And of course,
00:29:29.140
as you can imagine, he's trying to say, you know, I did nothing wrong. I made, I made the right
00:29:33.220
decisions at every point. That's a sort of, he doesn't really take any real responsibility for,
00:29:39.060
I mean, he does take some, but he doesn't say I was entirely wrong. It was mad to do what we did at
00:29:44.020
Verdun. He doesn't say that. He says, no, no, we, this is why we did what we did and it could have
00:29:48.260
worked. It nearly did work. It sort of did work. It's all that sort of stuff. Okay. And it's in that,
00:29:53.620
it's in that memoir where he makes the argument about, about bleeding the French army dry that he
00:29:59.780
knew he calculated the French would never allow Verdun to fall. Well, some people have said now,
00:30:05.140
the one audio book I was listening to the other, the other week, uh, was saying that that may well be
00:30:11.060
just him coping. That may well be just him making that up after the fact that may just be sort of pure
00:30:17.700
copium because lots of things suggest that that wasn't the case, that that wasn't going on. Now,
00:30:22.660
lots and lots of historians ever since have always gone with that, but that's just true.
00:30:27.060
That's just the reality. The Germans decided to try and bleed the French white at Verdun,
00:30:32.980
but it may not be the case because, well, for a number of reasons. One is that it's very,
00:30:37.700
very hard to keep attacking a place like Verdun and not take it if you can. It's like deliberately,
00:30:46.340
it's like having a fight and not trying to knock the other guy out, right? Pulling your punches at the
00:30:53.940
very last moment. So you don't quite knock them out, but that's difficult to do. It's like racing a
00:30:59.700
race car, not at race speed, right? That's actually harder than just going at race speed. It's actually
00:31:06.500
difficult. Um, I mean, maybe those analogies aren't perfect, but you, you sort of get what I mean.
00:31:12.340
Like you, you, you tell an army to take this position, this fault, this hilltop, this hamlet,
00:31:20.100
but then, but then stop at exactly this moment and dig in and allow yourself to be shelled back
00:31:26.260
endlessly. That's difficult. That's difficult for men and, uh, middling officers to accept,
00:31:32.900
right? For example, there's a bit later, I'll probably get to it in the next, well,
00:31:36.900
we'll get to it in the next episode. Uh, there's a very, very, very famous fault, arguably the most
00:31:40.580
important fault of Fort Douaumont, um, outside Verdun. And in the end, some Brandenburgers,
00:31:46.580
I will do this in detail next time, but some Brandenburgers take it, take this fault without
00:31:51.380
any orders from the senior, senior staff. They see that there's like a really, really important
00:31:57.380
position there. And it's possible to just take it if we just act right now. And so relatively junior
00:32:02.660
officers, guys at sort of level of, of captain and major, they just take the initiative and go
00:32:06.980
and do it, right? The colonels and the generals didn't want, didn't necessarily want them to,
00:32:10.980
not at that particular moment anyway, but this is what it's like. This is what men are like in armies,
00:32:16.180
you know, especially in the early 20th century that they just go and do it. They act on their own
00:32:21.140
initiative. Um, it's like being in a real fight. If you've ever been in a real fight where the other
00:32:26.020
guy's trying to knock your head off and you start throwing punches at like 70%, it's, it's, it's difficult.
00:32:32.500
It doesn't make sense. It's hard to do. It's hard to, you know, okay. I think you get,
00:32:36.180
I think you get the, uh, the idea here. So there's that. Could von Falkenhayn ever have
00:32:41.300
really been trying to push on Verdun, but only to a certain extent? Does that even really make sense?
00:32:49.860
The other thing is, as you remember at the beginning of this episode, the casualty figures,
00:32:53.940
if the whole point was to bleed France to death, uh, then they didn't do a very good job of that
00:33:00.580
because the Germans lost almost as many men as the French, very nearly almost as many,
00:33:05.700
you know? So if, if that was the tactic, if that was, well, the grand strategy rather,
00:33:11.540
then you're going to want to have a big disparity between how many Frenchmen you kill and how many
00:33:16.260
you lose from the German point of view. Um, you're going to need, need it to be five or 10 to one,
00:33:22.340
or hopefully way more than that. 50 to one, 100 to one. Otherwise, what are you doing here? How does
00:33:27.780
that make sense? Aren't you going to bleed yourself to death at the same time, right? So as some
00:33:33.780
historians have said, when that's been noted, I've said, yeah, well, there's one thing that it was the plan
00:33:39.460
in like January, February, 1916. It just turned out that the plan didn't work very well, right?
00:33:45.940
That really was from Falconhine's idea, but it failed as a concept. Okay. Maybe, possibly, or maybe
00:33:53.460
that was never the concept. He just, they were just trying to take Verdun, old school fashion,
00:33:58.580
punch through. And so they can, there's another war of movement and you can get to Paris, old school,
00:34:03.940
19th century, 1870 style, and simply failed to do that. Okay. So we don't really know. We've got
00:34:10.340
all the data. We know what actually went down at Verdun in tons and tons of detail. And we've got
00:34:14.340
from Falconhine's, uh, memoir after the fact where he claims what he claims. And then you've got some
00:34:19.700
revisionist historians that say, well, that was just copium. That doesn't really make sense. Um,
00:34:24.260
it's up to you to decide, uh, what you think is true. Okay. Let me read you a little quote,
00:34:29.380
actually relatively long quote, a few paragraphs from a book just called Verdun, 1916, the deadliest
00:34:35.380
battle of the first world war by a William F. Buckingham. And it's, uh, it's just, it's from
00:34:40.660
the introduction. Um, so a little bit of an overview before later, probably, you know, next episode,
00:34:47.220
we'll get into the exact details, like the, the, the tactical details of which divisions moved,
00:34:53.620
where, and took which Hamlet and town and hilltop and fought when in what order and the true details
00:35:00.740
of the combat and all that sort of thing. This is what historian William F. Buckingham says,
00:35:05.220
quote, the 1916 battle of Verdun is widely regarded as a uniquely awful low point in a conflict that
00:35:12.500
was by no means short of such woeful milestones. The very name has become synonymous with Pyrrhic
00:35:18.340
victory, i.e. a victory that costs you so much that you actually have lost. Um, as exemplified
00:35:24.340
by the tag, Verdun on the Volga applied to the battle of Stalingrad 26 years later in a different
00:35:30.100
war. This reputation is not simply due to casualty figures, which are notoriously difficult to pin
00:35:35.300
down with certainty. The combined figure of around 681,000 French and German killed, wounded and missing
00:35:42.180
at Verdun is only around half of that of the 1916 battle of the Somme, which racked up a combined
00:35:48.180
British, French and German casualty toll of somewhere between 1.1 and 1.3 million. Despite this,
00:35:54.340
Verdun's reputation as the worst of the worst is well deserved. The Battle of the Somme lasted just
00:35:59.700
over four months, while Verdun ground on for just over five months before the Germans finally
00:36:04.820
abandoned their offensive, and nine months if the French counter-offensives that restored their line
00:36:10.100
to something like the pre-battle status quo are included. The nearest British equivalent to this
00:36:14.980
longevity was the dogged occupation of the Ypres salient, but that particular trial was overwhelmingly
00:36:21.060
a matter of sitting and taking whatever the Germans chose to dish out, rather than withstanding months
00:36:26.580
of heavy and sustained attack, followed by a heavy and sustained counter-attack. Unlike its British
00:36:32.020
counterparts, the Battle of Verdun also had the potential to make or break the Allied war effort.
00:36:37.140
Had the Germans succeeded in breaking through at Verdun, as they almost did in February and July 1916,
00:36:43.540
there would be little between them and Paris, and the morale impact of losing Verdun might well have
00:36:49.140
been sufficient to knock France out of the war, as the architect of the German plan and some of its
00:36:54.180
French opponents predicted. Be that as it may, the intensity of the fighting at Verdun was also more
00:37:00.500
tightly focused. The original attack frontage at Verdun was approximately seven miles wide, only half that
00:37:07.700
of the Somme. And in the latter climactic stages of the German offensive at Verdun in July 1916,
00:37:14.420
entire corps, army corps, were being compressed into attack frontages of three miles or less.
00:37:21.380
By that time, the Germans had abandoned any pretense of tactical finesse and were simply trying to bludgeon
00:37:27.380
through the French defence by sheer weight of numbers, with an attack density of up to two men for every
00:37:33.700
metre of front. The result of such quote-unquote tactics in the face of modern weaponry can be
00:37:39.940
easily imagined, and the battle left an indelible mark on the French too. Their Noria replacement
00:37:45.940
system meant that 70 of the 96 French divisions on the Western Front passed through what became dubbed
00:37:52.500
the Mill on the Meuse, because it's the Meuse River that runs through that whole region and through Verdun.
00:37:58.660
The Mill on the Meuse, like milling men, terrible. And the deleterious effects of this exposure
00:38:06.180
lay at the root of the widespread mutiny that gripped the French army from April 1917,
00:38:11.540
and arguably underlay the French defeat in 1940. However, the most graphic evidence to support Verdun's
00:38:17.940
inevitable status are the physical scars the battle has left on the ground over which it was fought,
00:38:23.860
with the exception of a handful of fragments, such as sanctuary wood near Ypres, the memorial parks at
00:38:29.860
Vimy and Beaumont-Hamel on the Somme. There is little trace of the monumental struggle that took place
00:38:36.340
along a 400-mile strip of Belgium and France. Without the immaculately maintained military graveyards,
00:38:41.860
memorials and occasional museums, there would be little to no clue at all. The exception to this is Verdun,
00:38:48.340
with the addition of large-scale conifer planting and the erection of memorials, almost 200 square
00:38:53.780
kilometres have been left largely in the state they were in in 1918. This was not generally a
00:38:59.860
deliberate policy to preserve the battlefield for posterity, but was obliged by the fact that the
00:39:05.300
intensity of the fighting had literally blasted away the topsoil and poisoned the ground to an extent
00:39:11.380
that defied post-war attempts to return it to its former use. Thus the conifer plantations that
00:39:17.220
blanket the battlefields have preserved a moonscape of shell craters, trenches, and the sedately crumbling
00:39:24.020
remains of permanent fortifications like Fort Douamont and Fort Vaux, the latter being the scene of
00:39:30.500
hellish underground fighting on a scale and intensity that occurred nowhere else on the western front."
00:39:36.740
End quote. Okay, so hopefully you can see in that quote I read out why I and a lot of people are so
00:39:41.860
fascinated with Verdun. Well, in those paragraphs he described it as the worst of the worst, right?
00:39:50.100
There's a few places during Verdun, and again we'll get into it next week. There was a place called
00:39:56.740
Hill 304. There was another ridge line or hill called Dead Man's Hill. Some of the fighting around
00:40:03.380
a couple of the different faults. Vaux again mentioned there. So the quintessential horror
00:40:10.740
of World War One plays out there. Flamethrowers, gas, just slaughter on an unbelievable scale.
00:40:19.540
Unbelievable scale. Often very, very, very, very pointless. You know, like there'll just be one
00:40:25.060
relatively minor push somewhere. One relatively minor tiny part of the front and just 5,000 men are just
00:40:33.140
mown down in an hour. Just something like that. Again and again and again and again. For no gain.
00:40:37.700
Not just a few feet of gain, a few yards of gain. One tiny position taken. No, for nothing.
00:40:42.980
Absolutely nothing. You know, the rats, the lice, the lack of sleep and food and water and the cold and
00:40:50.660
just all the horrors of World War One sort of dialed up to 11 at Verdun sometimes. You know, it's the
00:40:57.860
the extremes of the human condition. Dan Carlin talks about that. Why are people fascinated by
00:41:03.780
such horrors? Well, because it's so far outside our everyday experience, right? That it becomes
00:41:09.940
fascinating. That morbid fascination. You know, what is one of the worst places ever to have been in all
00:41:15.140
of history, right? The Battle of Verdun is one of them. One of the absolute, true nightmare places.
00:41:21.860
Trying to fight over Hill 304 for the 10th time. You know, every foot of some of these places
00:41:30.180
has been shelled over and over and over and over again. The superlatives like horror and
00:41:36.740
terrifying and monstrous, you know, doesn't even really do it justice. But then that's why we're
00:41:43.540
fascinated by it, isn't it? That's the human condition, isn't it? You're much more interested
00:41:48.740
in the biography of a serial killer than in the biography of someone who didn't do anything of
00:41:54.980
note. As terrible as that is, it's just the way it is, right? Someone who just went to work every
00:41:59.060
day and was a good family man and paid his taxes and then died quietly. You're not interested in that.
00:42:03.620
You want to know about John Wayne Gacy, right? Well, that's just the way it is. Okay, let me read a
00:42:09.860
couple of paragraphs from a different historian, Paul Jankowicz, who wrote Verdun, the longest battle
00:42:14.340
of the Great War. And he wrote this, quote, On the 21st of February 1916, 18 months into the First
00:42:20.580
World War, German forces attacked French positions north and northeast of Verdun, the ancient stronghold
00:42:26.900
on the Meuse River in eastern France, and opened what the novelist of the war, veteran Maurice Grenoble,
00:42:33.380
called the battle symbol of the entire 1914 to 1918 war. The 10-month long positional battle called
00:42:40.820
Verdun conferred grandeur upon the place, and even before it had ended, the ruined city and its
00:42:47.220
environs were giving off intimations of posthumous fame. Some cities in wartime transcend whatever
00:42:54.580
strategic significance they can boast and acquire the enduring quality of legend. Saragossa in 1808,
00:43:01.620
there was a big siege in the Peninsular War in Spain. And Stalingrad in 1942 to 1943,
00:43:08.180
each endowed their defenders with the aura of national saviours. So did Verdun, a place where
00:43:14.100
so many French and Germans died, 300,000 in all, that the vast ossuary, which is a place where bones
00:43:20.500
are kept, like a charnel house, some sort of giant crypt or something, that the vast ossuary that went up
00:43:26.580
there, after the war, could hold only a fraction of their shattered and scattered remains. Grenoble did
00:43:32.980
not need to explain what he meant. No one would wish to pierce the consensual halo that surrounded the
00:43:38.900
martyred city. At first sight, the stature of Verdun among the French appears unimpeachable. It lasted
00:43:45.460
longer than any other battle of the war, at least until December 1916, when the French recaptured most of the
00:43:51.460
ground they had lost in February. Even then, the fighting did not stop. The battle reflected
00:43:56.180
the interminable and monotonous bloodletting of the war itself. Second, it was a defensive battle,
00:44:02.020
well, from the French point of view, one the French had not started, which seemed to capture their
00:44:07.300
position in a war they had not started either. And third, it was a solitary battle fought by the
00:44:12.740
French without any allies. The British were preparing their own offensives in a different sector
00:44:17.540
of the Western Front. The Russians and the Italians were fighting on distant fronts,
00:44:21.540
and the Americans did not enter the war until months after the Battle of Verdun was over.
00:44:26.500
This set it apart from most of the other great battles, and incarnated another reality of World
00:44:31.620
War I, that being, during its course the French lost far more men than their allies on the Western
00:44:36.820
Front, almost twice as many as the British, and more than a dozen times as many as the Americans.
00:44:41.780
Verdun was indeed emblematic of the French experience of war, i.e., just a meat grinder.
00:44:47.220
An absolutely inhuman meat grinder, for no gain. Embedded in French victory,
00:44:54.020
Verdun's stature transcended it. Verdun will go down in history as the slaughterhouse of the world,
00:44:59.540
an American ambulance driver wrote after arriving there in August 1917. Was that Hemingway? I don't
00:45:04.820
know. Paul Jankowicz doesn't say whether that's actually a Hemingway line or not anyway. As the French
00:45:10.020
re-captured the crests of Côte 304, Hill 304, and Le Morte Homme, the Dead Man's Hill, from the
00:45:16.980
Germans for the last time. Yet a more dispassionate gaze makes its celebrity seem a little surprising,
00:45:23.460
even from a French perspective. It was not a decisive battle, not a Waterloo, a Sedan, a Kursk,
00:45:29.860
each representing a moment when one side lost the initiative, never to retrieve it. The earlier
00:45:35.060
Battle of the Marne had ended more decisively and saved the country more dramatically. The
00:45:40.340
miracle on the Marne at the very beginning of the war, when the Germans were stopped from just
00:45:43.700
taking Paris right away, basically right away. It had stopped the invading German armies in their tracks,
00:45:49.140
and even pushed them back. So did the counter-offensives of 1918, which fathered as well
00:45:54.660
the country's post-war military doctrines, envisioning long war and methodical battle in
00:45:59.860
ways that Verdun never did. The modern strategic importance of the place appeared doubtful to some
00:46:05.300
of its defenders, even as they were defending it." Yeah, there's this idea, you know, that the French,
00:46:10.660
the planners, decided that Verdun must not fall at all costs, and that the Germans knew that,
00:46:16.420
and that's why they attacked there. It's like, is that even right? Like, does that have to be the
00:46:20.500
case? Is it really the case that Verdun cannot be allowed to fall? Why have we pumped in 400,000,
00:46:28.980
well, sorry, millions of men, 400,000 of which become casualties, 150,000 of which died?
00:46:34.820
Need that have been the case, from the French point of view I'm talking about? Do we have to defend
00:46:39.620
Verdun at all costs? Couldn't we have created a line behind Verdun if we absolutely had to? Well,
00:46:45.780
the answer to that is, is yes, they could have, they could have, right? Did the French really need
00:46:51.940
to do a months-long counter-offensive to take back Fort Duomo because it was a matter of pride
00:46:59.060
to them? Did they need to do that, costing tens and tens and tens of thousands of men's lives,
00:47:04.580
maybe even hundreds of thousands of casualties? Did they need to do that? Well, almost certainly no.
00:47:08.980
You didn't have to do that. And people knew that and saw that at the time, you know, questioning,
00:47:14.340
why are we attacking Dead Man's Hill for like the 20th time for no gain? Sorry, why are we doing this
00:47:20.900
again? Why are we being led quite literally like lambs to slaughter? Why? Well, hopefully I'll get in to
00:47:27.780
try and answer all those questions for you next time. But I mean, I won't necessarily give you the
00:47:33.460
definitive answers because no one has them. Sort of a matter of opinion in various ways.
00:47:38.900
Different historians argue about all of that, but I'll present you with the arguments,
00:47:43.300
if nothing else. Okay, to finish up with this Jankiewicz quote, he says,
00:47:47.780
neither the French nor the Germans ever recovered from their losses at Verdun. Nonetheless,
00:47:52.340
in war, everything is relative. Had the battle weakened one side more than the other? The answer,
00:47:57.860
supposed to come in later years on the Somme, turned out to be less than obvious. It was not
00:48:02.900
the bloodiest episode of the war either, elevated above others by the magnitude of the carnage.
00:48:08.740
Many more died in the war of movement around the Ardennes and the Belgian border in August and
00:48:13.700
September 1914. French casualty rates during their offensives before in Champagne in 1915 and after the
00:48:21.540
Aisne in 1917, at times exceeded those of Verdun. For reasons that are not very difficult to find,
00:48:28.180
as Jules Romain put it, had placed Verdun at the narrative center of Men of Goodwill,
00:48:33.940
his immense historical epic of a novel. The closer you look at it, however, the harder it is to locate
00:48:39.620
those reasons and the preeminence of Verdun can appear anything but self-evident. Again, need it be
00:48:45.620
held at absolutely all costs, regardless of the slaughter. The human misery and suffering that
00:48:53.620
went down there, could at least some of that have been avoided? Again, in hindsight, it's easy to
00:49:01.380
say, isn't it? In hindsight, the perfect 2020 godlike view kept in hindsight. Yes, yes, a lot of that
00:49:08.020
could have been avoided. Well, there you go. That's the tragedy of it all. Jankiewicz continues.
00:49:12.020
Verdun did not have any drastic political impact. It did not save or dispatch a regime. It was no
00:49:19.300
Bouvines of 1214, you know, when the French booted out John and the English. Look back in the epochs
00:49:26.420
for the episode about King John, if you're interested in that. Which strengthened one French monarch,
00:49:33.220
Philippe Auguste, or Rosebach in 1757, which helped weakened another, Louis XV, or Waterloo in 1815,
00:49:41.620
or Sedan in 1870, which dethroned two others, Napoleon and then his nephew. As a regime,
00:49:48.020
the Third Republic, or France that is, remained much the same after the Battle of Verdun as before.
00:49:53.780
The Prime Minister, or Presidente du Cancel, as he was then called, Aristide Briand, held on,
00:50:00.100
and so did the Head of State, Ramon Pionquier. The battle did weaken the position of General Joseph Joffre,
00:50:06.660
Chief of the General Staff, accused by his critics and the Chamber of Deputies of having left Verdun
00:50:12.980
poorly defended. We'll get into that next time for sure. Yet in the end, the disappointed Franco-British
00:50:19.700
offensive on the Somme in the summer and autumn of the same year did more to send Joffre on his way
00:50:25.060
than Verdun. Verdun did briefly advance the career of General Robert Nivelle, who succeeded Joffre,
00:50:31.060
but who remained at the helm only until his disastrous offensive at the Chemin des Dames
00:50:36.660
in the spring of 1917. Politically, the long battle was neutral. It didn't force the French government
00:50:43.860
to fall, and surprisingly, perhaps, perhaps. If Verdun, quote, made France, it was not through
00:50:50.420
any immediate military or political impact, a capitulation or a resignation, a crisis or an
00:50:56.340
upheaval from which a new and different country emerged. It happened slowly over the decades,
00:51:01.700
with the accretion of meanings that succeeding generations bestowed upon it. Its hold on national
00:51:06.740
consciousness developed over time because only gradually did it emerge that Verdun would be the
00:51:12.260
last great victory in battle of French arms. Nothing like it would ever happen again, not in 1917 or 1918,
00:51:20.660
not between 1939 and 1945, and certainly not during the messy wars of decolonisation that followed.
00:51:27.460
Such standing elevated it even above the Great War itself. The messengers that transmit or mediate what
00:51:33.700
is loosely termed collective memory, more precisely public history, consistently transfigured Verdun,
00:51:40.180
extracting it from its temporal context. The school books, political speeches, press and audiovisual
00:51:46.020
reports, commemorations, popular histories, films, novels and songs, the vehicles that convey the sense
00:51:52.420
of an event to the millions who knew little of it, spoke of union, people, fatherland, resistance,
00:51:58.900
soil, as though of a moment of regeneration. Verdun became a higher point of reference for anyone
00:52:05.220
attempting to argue, as many did in the years and decades after 1918, that the country was losing
00:52:10.660
its way. The country, France, of course. No other battle, recent or remote, served such a purpose.
00:52:16.740
In this sense, asking how Verdun, quote, made France, is tantamount to asking what France made of Verdun.
00:52:23.460
A special question by Verdun was so important, so pivotal, so symbolic, at least for the French,
00:52:29.780
if not for anyone that looks at World War I, but particularly for the French. It was so symbolic
00:52:34.420
that it really matters how it's viewed, you know, the histories that are written about it,
00:52:40.020
the place it holds in French consciousness, even, really matters. I'll finish up with Jankovic saying this.
00:52:46.980
A second question would be, how far did this construction depart from the battle itself, i.e.,
00:52:52.660
you know, how much is at least semi-fictionalised? How true are all the accounts and the histories?
00:52:58.660
How close can we get to the real truth? Has it been distorted by layers of revisionism? Can we really
00:53:04.900
get at the real Verdun? He goes on, the Germans dwell on Verdun too, almost brood over it, more than the
00:53:11.620
Somme, where the outcome was more to their advantage. They suffered almost as many casualties
00:53:16.500
there as the French, under conditions just as harrowing, if not more so. Their soldiers,
00:53:21.780
unlike the French, had few faults in which to take shelter from the shell fire, the shrapnel,
00:53:26.740
and the weather. No less than the French, the Germans extracted from the slaughter a parable of
00:53:31.780
human resolution. Verdun, unlike the Somme, produced no Ernst Junger, author of the celebrated trench
00:53:38.500
memoir Storm of Steel, and across the Rhine it never generated anything like the literature
00:53:43.460
and documentation it did in France, making for a poverty of sources worsened for the historian
00:53:49.380
by the destruction of the archives of the Imperial German Army in an Allied bombing raid over Potsdam
00:53:54.820
in 1945. But it nonetheless inspired a heroic literature of its own, mythologising the common
00:54:00.580
soldier there. Fictional and semi-fictional accounts celebrated this resolution, or his comradeship,
00:54:06.180
or the inner voice of the nation resounding above the din of battle. Sometimes, unlike the French,
00:54:11.860
these accounts did not so much celebrate union as castigate betrayal of the common soldier by the
00:54:17.060
high command, or the home front, and sometimes official rhetoric, nationalist, revanchist, or more
00:54:23.540
ominously national socialist, eagerly seized on such themes. Through them, for the Germans too,
00:54:29.460
Verdun was a symbol of the entire war, of tragic or of noble failure." So for the Germans too, Verdun has
00:54:36.740
got some sort of mythical standing. It's something like the war, the entirety of World War I, on the
00:54:43.540
Western Front at least, in microcosm, although not a very small microcosm actually, still hundreds of
00:54:49.380
thousands of casualties. But it's symbolic. Both the Germans and the French decided they would try and
00:54:56.260
win the war there. They would try everything they could, you know, use up the flower of their, of their,
00:55:02.820
the youth, the male youth of their country to win there, to finally beat their, their, their ancient
00:55:09.860
enemy, the Gaul versus the Tewtong. It would all be decided at Verdun. They both tried their hardest,
00:55:15.700
and it sort of came to nothing. You know, at the end of 1916, the battle lines were more or less where
00:55:20.980
they'd started in February. You know, unbelievable, an unbelievable thing, an unbelievable showdown.
00:55:27.780
Okay, so I'll leave it there for today. Now I've set everything up. Next time I'll start talking about
00:55:35.780
the actual, the actual events of, of the battle. You know, which divisions moved where and which hill
00:55:42.660
was taken and all that sort of thing. All right, let me know in the comments any of your thoughts
00:55:48.260
and feelings. And so until next week, take care.