PREVIEW: Brokenomics | Dollar Milkshake Theory with Brent Johnson
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Summary
In this episode of Brokonomics, Brent Johnson of Santiago Capital joins me to talk about the Dollar Milkshake Theory, a theory that argues that if the dollar were to fall, it would actually strengthen against all of its fiat peers.
Transcript
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Hello and welcome to Brokonomics. Now we've talked about the death of fiat money many times in this
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series, but there is a version perhaps where on its road to its death it actually strengthens.
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Imagine if you will, daft government overspending faces off against Obi-Wan Dollar and Obi-Wan
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Dollar says, strike me down but I'll become more powerful than you can possibly imagine.
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Now to explain what's going on there, we've got Brent Johnson of Santiago Capital. Brent,
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thank you very much for coming on. Thanks for having me. This should be fun.
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Absolutely. So you're very well known for the dollar milkshake theory. Can you tell us what
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that is? And also a side question to that is, do you actually like the answer you got from your own
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theory? Two good questions. So first of all, the theory is that for many reasons, some of them
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undeserved and some of them undeserved, the United States dollar, while perhaps it is a horrible
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currency overall, it's better than all the others. And for many, many reasons, as we move forward in
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time and the debts become a bigger problem and geopolitical discourse tends to fall, I think the
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dollar would get stronger. And as a result, the United States and the U.S. dollar itself would suck
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up capital from the rest of the world. And so while the dollar may lose value against real things,
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it would gain substantially against all of its fiat peers. And the reason is because the entire world
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has an incredible amount of U.S. dollar debt. It's not just the United States. I think everybody
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knows the United States owes something like $37 trillion. And that's if you just include the
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national debt. If you include corporate and other obligations, it's probably $100 trillion.
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But what most people don't know is that the rest of the world owes an equal amount in U.S. dollars.
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And they can't print it to serve it. And so as it gets stronger, it causes them a lot of pain.
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And when it causes them a lot of pain, bad things happen to their economies. They have to print even more
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of their local currency to deal with it, which makes their local currency fall even more.
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And so the theory is that while fiat may come to an end, it's a rising dollar versus its peers
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that brings fiat to an end, not a falling dollar. And so if you see the DXY falling or the dollar-euro
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rate falling, that's an indication that the system is working, that the system is perpetuating itself.
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It's only when it goes higher that things start to break and we get real de-dollarization
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because it's forced de-dollarization via defaults and a lot of pain.
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And the short answer to your second question is, no, I don't like the results that I came up with.
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And in fact, when I kind of figured this out, I don't know, six, seven years ago now,
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part of the reason I knew I was on the right track is I hated the answer.
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I didn't think it was fair. I didn't think it was right, so to speak. But every time I just
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took off my biased wants and desires and just looked at the cold, hard facts of it,
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this is the answer I kept coming back to. And in my business, which is the investing business,
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you kind of have to treat the world as it is, not as you want it to be. And so that's what the
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milkshake theory was, or is, and that's kind of my thoughts on it.
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So, I mean, you said something interesting there. You talked about how a rising dollar,
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that feels more like the end game of this, but a falling dollar is, I don't know,
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redollarization or something. That is, I suppose the mechanism there is that if the dollar is
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falling, it's because of the rest of the world is generating these dollars and nominated debts,
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which is feeding into this system, which is extending it.
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That's correct. So in the type of system that we currently have, and this is globally,
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it's not just in the United States, money is loaned into existence. So, you know, the central bank
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of the United States can create reserves, but they don't create the loans that then create deposits
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that then create demand for the money. And the interesting thing is that 50 years ago,
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when the United States went off the gold standard, there was probably a brief period of time
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where the rest of the world could have decided to reject the dollar and move back to gold on its
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own or some kind of other hard backed commodity backed money. But they didn't. And in the,
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in the period of time that they didn't do that, the United States, you know, came to an agreement
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with Saudi Arabia that they would price all their oil in dollars. And that forced the rest of the
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world to once again, need dollars. And rather than fight it, it actually turbocharged what's known as
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now the euro dollar market. So dollar denominated credit, dollar denominated transactions, dollar
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denominated savings, however you want to describe dollars that exist outside the United States,
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those are called euro dollars. And with the, with the on, on, with the on ramp of the Saudi Arabia
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oil for dollars scheme, it turbocharged the growth of that euro dollar market. And in the subsequent 50
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years, that's what, that's, what's led to all of this, you know, euro dollar credit based in US
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dollars that sits outside the United States. And, and I should say that, that those euro dollar loans
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and credit that's been, that is not owed to the United States. So if, if it were to be defaulted on,
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they're not defaulting on the United States, they're defaulting on each other because it's the rest of the
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world transacting with each other in US dollars. So if, if somehow that debt were defaulted on,
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they would be defaulting on the asset of one of their other non-US entity peers.
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And, and that's, that's where this pain would come from. And I would argue that would be de-dollarization.
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Yes, I suppose the implication of that is that there's, if, if these are dollars that are, are not going to
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impact the US, therefore the US fulfills, doesn't necessarily feel under any obligation to bail out
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this system. That's right. Well, I wouldn't say there's no obligation, but they're going to bail
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out themselves before they bail out the rest of the world. So there would be an order in which
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the bailouts would happen. And there is no obligation that they have to bail out the rest of
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the world. Now they typically have, but I think Trump coming into power changes that calculus a little
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bit. I'm not saying that he won't do it. But it's perhaps not as certain as it was before.
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And there's actually been many articles, many interviews given on this exact topic where European
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monetary authorities are worried about the amount of dollar credit that exists in the European banking
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system, the exposure to US dollars and the fear that the US may not provide the liquidity in dollars
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that they typically have. So I'm glad you touched on the euro-dollar market because I wanted to come
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to that. And just for the audience, euro-dollars has nothing to do with the currency of the euro.
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It's dollar obligations that are created somewhere else, such as in Europe. That's the name euro-dollars.
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I think a lot of these obligations are actually created in London. That's a very big market for
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these things. But it literally just means dollar-denominated obligations are created anywhere
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outside of the US. That's the euro-dollar market. But given that, given the euro-dollar market,
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it gives the US a sort of permanent free lunch card that allows them to get away with ever higher
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deficits, this easy issuance of debt. And then the effect of that down the line is that it ends up
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exporting the value chain. Because you need to run this system where something of value is produced
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outside the US. The US produces pieces of paper with the president's face on dollars, and then
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they swap them over, which implies that the rest of the world is always going to be able to find a way
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to create value outside. And so effectively, what you're doing is you're exporting the productive
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part of your economy outside of the US in order so that this cycle can continue. You can keep swapping
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dollars for it. And it sounds great at first, but if you look at it, it's perhaps more like a
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Faustian pact. It's like the US founders of the sort of post-war Bretton Woods systems signed up to
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this Faustian pact where it's like, okay, we will have whatever it is, 50 years, 75 years of being able
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to have enormous hegemony, run whatever deficits we like. But the cost is that all of your productive
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value chain is going to get moved outside of the US. So it's great for the US, but only up to a point.
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I think that's right. And I think we've reached the point where at least one guy that we all are aware
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of named Donald Trump has said enough is enough. And I think there's enough people in the United
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States who agreed with him that said enough is enough. And that's why he became president.
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And so going back to your point that there is no obligation for the US to supply this credit to the
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rest of the world. I think that is probably, I don't know if it's going to stop, but it's perhaps not
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going to be provided as easily as it once was. And where there may have been some covert strings
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attached to that, you know, given liquidity in the past, I think those strings will now be overtly
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stated and very publicly stated in some cases. And that process of moving back. So the pendulum
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swung all that way. And as it now swings back, I don't think that that will be a, let's just call it
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a non-volatile process. I think it will be a very volatile process. And I think it is a problem for
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the United States. And so I don't want people to think that I am Pollyannish about the effects of
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the United States. That's not my, that's not the whole point of the theory. The theory is that
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the United States will still get hurt, but the rest of the world will, in my opinion, get hurt more
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than the United States in this volatile process. Because while the U.S. has many of the same
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problems that the rest of the world has, the U.S. has many advantages that the rest of the world does
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not have. And the, perhaps the biggest one is the ability to print liquidity, which is the point that
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you just made. No, no one else has the ability to print the liquidity. So let me, let me give you an
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example. And let's use 2022 as an example, because that was a fairly extreme year with regard to
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interest rates. In 2022, the Federal Reserve took interest rates from basically zero to 5% over a
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nine-month period. You know, I don't want to say it had never happened before in history, but it's
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certainly one of the fastest tightenings of monetary policy in history. And during that time period,
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the U.S. struggled a little bit. You know, markets were off 20, 30% during that time period.
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There was a lot of volatility. There was a lot of uncertainty. The interest rates started to rise
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on the long end as well. And so that was going to cost more to finance the U.S. debt. But in that same
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year, Italy's bond yields blew out so much that the ECB had to set up a special facility to buy Italian
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bonds. The Bank of England had to bail out their guilt market because it was collapsing.
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The Bank of Japan had to bail out both the yen market and their government bond market.
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And that was the year where China's real estate collapse really picked up speed. And that can all
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be very highly correlated to the rising dollar because the dollar went from, the DXY index went
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from, I don't know, let's call it 102 to 112 over a six-month period. And that caused a lot of chaos in
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the world. And the U.S. is the one who was able to take the pressure off. No one else could take the
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pressure off themselves. It was ultimately when Powell stopped raising rates and they started saying that
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we've probably tightened enough and now we will be looking to potentially ease at some point, that's
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when everybody was able to take a breath. And I would argue and have argued this several times that
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while the raising of interest rates by the United States was certainly done in order to combat the
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rampant inflation that was causing political problems domestically, I think it was also done,
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or at least it was known that doing it would cause problems for the rest of the world and it would
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put the rest of the world under a lot of pressure. And it's a way for the U.S. to re-exert
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their hegemony and set up new deals and make everybody choose a side, for lack of a better way of saying it.
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And I think it was a reminder to the world, at least the financial authorities, that there's one central
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bank that sits above all others. And it's not even close. And again, I don't necessarily like this,
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but this is reality of the way the system is designed.
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Yeah. I mean, you touched on Trump there. I'd be interested to get your opinion on the recent
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tariff situation because when that occurred, my thinking on it was, okay, yes, there is the
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manufacturing argument about bringing that on shore. That was the domestic narrative that was
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played out because that was the one that had the strongest support. There was also the military
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procurement argument, which is, okay, look, the U.S. should have the option to be able to fire a
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missile at China without that missile supply chain being dependent on China. So I get that element
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as well. But another big element, which wasn't really talked about anywhere outside of a small
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financial circle, was that the U.S. had a strong need to get the dollar down. And the reason for that
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is that this year in particular, a little bit of next year, the U.S. has a big need for liquidity.
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It's got a lot of debt to recycle overwards. And if the rest of the world was choking because
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the dollar was too high and it's got all of its dollar debt, then that means it can't refinance
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that debt without absorbing most of its capacity. But if the dollar comes lower, that frees up capacity
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that can then, after they've done their debt, their dollar denominated debts, that liquidity
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can then float back into the U.S., which will help the U.S. And so I thought at the time that a big
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unstated reason for it was a drive to get DXY lower. And it's kind of done exactly that. DXY went from
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something like 110 to whatever it is now, 97, something like that today. I mean, is that something
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that you see? And what was your whole take on the tariff thing? So, yeah, I do think there was
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some of that. And this is where what the Trump administration wants and what they get will
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probably end up being two different things. And also where some of their policies conflict with
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each other. But the short answer is, yes, I do think they wanted, I think they wanted interest rates
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to come down. The interest rates haven't come down. But I think the dollar has come down in
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anticipation of the fact that they think interest rates will be coming down. So markets often move
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on anticipation. And Trump clearly wants lower interest rates, both on the short end and the
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long end. And part of the reason is because they do need to refinance all this debt. And it's easier
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to do, it's easier to refinance the debt, especially to get foreigners to buy the debt if the dollar is
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weaker. Because if the dollar is weaker, their currency is stronger. That's one reason it's
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easier. And then it's also, if they can refinance at a lower interest rate, it saves them interest
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payments in the future. Now, one thing I would say with regard to this is, while it helps
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refinancing with interest rates being lower and the dollar weaker, I don't think it has to happen.
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In other words, I think the US could still refinance at even higher rates. And while that
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would be a problem, I think it would be a bigger problem for the rest of the world. And I think for
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two reasons. Because I think in many ways, and I know some people will not like me saying this,
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but I think in many ways, foreigners buying treasuries is a form of tribute to the king.
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Right? It's not stated as such, but I think there is some behind the scenes. I think that's
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kind of what it is, or at least to a certain degree. And not only that, but I think the US at
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the end of the day, the Fed could go back to doing QE if they wanted to. They could drop rates to make
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it easier. They could buy the bonds that the Treasury is issuing. And I know many people will
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say, but yes, that will kill the dollar. Okay, well, maybe it will. But doesn't Trump want a lower
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dollar? Right? But my point would be is if rates were higher, and they had to refinance at higher
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rates, I would argue that the rest of the world would just have to deal with it. And they would have
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to buy those treasuries at higher rates. Because remember, the Treasury, US Treasuries and the US
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dollar underlies the entire system. If you're going to operate on the global stage as it is today,
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and this could potentially change in the future, but if you want to act on the global stage today,
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you need dollars and US Treasuries are the collateral off of which those dollars are loaned
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into existence. The other thing is if the US has to refinance at these higher rates, yes, that's bad
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for the United States. But then the rest of the world gets priced off of the US Treasury. Now,
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perhaps not these other sovereigns, but global corporates get priced off of the US 10-year rate.
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So if you've got a US 10-year bond, let's say the interest rates go higher. Let's say the 10-year
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goes to 6%. It's pretty high. But what does a Brazilian corporate now have to pay to raise money?
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Right? What does Turkey have to pay to raise money? What does Australia have to pay and Canada have to
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pay? Canadian corporations do. Because if you can buy a Treasury, which you have to have anyway,
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and it pays you 6%, you're going to need something paying higher than that to move out on the risk
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reward scale. Right? Now, I'm not saying the Treasuries are risk-free. I think that's a misnomer
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that has been perpetuated. Somewhat of a myth. Well, I will have to know that I've done many
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financial exams where the correct answer to a question like that is, yes, the Treasuries and
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gilts are risk-free. That was the right answer to get through the exam. And listen, and that's the
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thing. Is it ridiculous? Yes, it's ridiculous. But it's also the world in which we live. Right? And I
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think it's important. And the other thing is, I think what people forget, often, I deal with a lot
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of individuals. I deal mainly with retail investors. And I will often talk to people who
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will say, well, I would never buy a government bond yielding 5% because it will get inflated away. And
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that's fine. It's solid logic. But investing is not really about figuring out what you would do.
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Investing is about figuring out what the rest of the world's going to do,
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what their motivations, what their goals are. Why would they buy a treasury? And the fact is,
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is that banks around the world, they're not buying based on absolute value. They're buying based on
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a spread. They're going to buy a bond that pays them this much, 6%. And then they're going to pay
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their customer 4% or 3%. And they're going to make the spread. And that's a very simplistic example.
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But the point is, is, I think oftentimes, when people say, the US government cannot finance itself
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at 6%, they're basing it on the fact that they wouldn't buy the bond. But you need to do a better
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understanding of who else would buy the bond and why they would buy the bond and how many of the
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bonds they would buy. And I think once you start going down that road, you realize that while there's
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several problems that the US has to deal with, you know, the rest of the world has those as well.
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And let me make one more point while I'm on this topic is that, you know, as interest rates rise,
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US treasury prices fall, right? And so people will show the US treasury bond is no longer a store of
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value. And they'll say, well, what would happen if nobody bought the bonds? The bonds would crash.
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Okay, let's play that out. Because that is true. Is that singularly bad for the United States? Well,
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when you consider that every central bank in the world holds treasuries on their balance sheet,
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and every commercial bank around the world holds treasuries, not every bank, but most of them
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hold treasuries. If those treasuries now go to zero, because nobody will buy them, then that means the
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balance sheets of those central banks and all of those commercial banks outside the United States are now
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impaired as well. And remember, the US can recapitalize its balance sheet with a stroke of
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a pin, and the rest of the world cannot. So when you start looking at things on a relative basis,
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rather than an absolute basis, I keep coming back to the conclusion that while it's not a good
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situation, I think the US is better off, despite all its problems than many of the other of its
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