PREVIEW: Brokenomics | The Tory Obituary with Apostolic Majesty
Episode Stats
Summary
In this episode of Brokonomics, I am joined by Apostolic Majesty to discuss the election result and its implications for the future of the Conservative Party. We talk about the impact of the election on the country's political landscape and the impact on the pro-Israel and pro-Ukrainian parties.
Transcript
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Hello and welcome to Brokonomics. Now, last week we had the election and it was a bit of a watershed
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election. The Tories didn't do desperately well, although not quite as badly as we had hoped.
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So I thought it's probably time to do the obituary of the Conservative Party. Now for that I thought
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who do I know who really knows their history of the Conservative Party? And it has to be
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Apostolic Majesty. Apostolic Majesty, thank you so much for joining us.
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Hello, Dan. It's wonderful to be invited on and it's actually going to be quite a cheery
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stream, even though some of you may have been disappointed by the election results. I'm
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actually very happy with what ultimately transpired. So that's interesting. A lot of us were
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disappointed, but you've obviously come away with a bit of reflection and you've got to rose your
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outlook. Why is that? Well, if you consider essentially what needed to be achieved for
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zero seats. A positive zero seats result would have been anything, if we're going to take
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academic agents' mantra for this, anything under 100 seats. And a very good night would have been
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anything under 50 seats. But you have to remember that the Conservative Party has never received fewer
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than 150 seats. And the chances of turning majorities, which in some cases were 60% or 70%
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and flipping them, were very, very unlikely. You also have to consider that there are people who
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have habitually voted Conservative their entire life and has been proven in the election,
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will do so regardless of whatever insane and detrimental policies the Conservatives put out.
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So the only way that zero seats could have been achieved is essentially two things happening.
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One is if reform was better organised and had more money behind it. And two is if Labour ran a much
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more effective campaign with a more charismatic leader. And I'm looking at this in the long term and
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conceiving of a time where Labour can also get zero seats.
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And if you look at the margins and the fact that Labour only received a third of the vote
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and has got two thirds of seats, it's actually very easy in the next election to flip that.
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So ultimately what has happened is yes, the Conservatives won 25 seats, more than many of us
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would have hoped. But everything has been set up now for the next election where essentially anything
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can happen. And indeed reform has broken through. And as we're going to talk about regarding the
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obituary of the Conservatives, what the Conservatives have been able to achieve over the last 200 years
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is preventing any right-wing opposition breaking through into Parliament.
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So in terms of how disastrous the election result was for the Conservatives, people point to 1906.
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The Conservatives actually didn't do too badly in 1906. They did very badly in terms of seats,
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but their vote more or less held up. They received over 40% of the vote. And four years later,
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they were able to recover most of their losses. And they were in government again, not very long
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after. But if you look at the Conservatives now, their vote has completely collapsed. They lost half
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of the votes they received last time. The Conservatives have never received fewer than 30% of the vote.
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So not just in terms of seats, but in terms of vote share. And in terms of a right-wing opposition
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party breaking through, this never happened with the National Front. This never happened with the
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BNP. All of this is really unprecedented. And what it's setting up isn't necessarily for the
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quick firing squad death that many of us anticipated. Instead, a death by 1,000 cuts, which will no doubt
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Does Labour's position look more brittle to you than the mainstream media is suggesting?
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Oh, absolutely. Obviously, the fact that Labour has basically eschewed the
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Corbynite support means that many people on the left are frustrated with the Blairite direction that
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Labour's essentially taking. As we've seen in the last couple of days, Labour is obviously going to
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be continuing on in the neocon vein of the Conservatives, which is pro-Israel and pro-Ukraine.
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And many lefties aren't necessarily happy with that, especially when it comes to Israel.
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And as many MPs compared to reform, Labour MPs lost to Muslim independent candidates and indeed
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to Jeremy Corbyn. And if you look at the vote share, Labour received fewer votes this time round,
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having won an absolute landslide, compared to how many votes they received when Jeremy Corbyn
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lost the previous election. So no one is enthusiastic about the Labour government.
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Labour has only come through via inertia and essentially had just a competent Conservative
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Prime Minister been in power with a mediocre track record. I think Labour would have been defeated in
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this election. It's only as a result of the palpable feeling of betrayal committed by the Conservative
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Party, that Labour has simply squeaked into power and is effectively squatting in government at the
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moment. There has never been a situation in the history of this country where a result has been
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so lopsided. If anything, you can look at this and say this is the return of the Rotten Borough,
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effectively, all of these Labour candidates squatting around with barely any public support.
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So there's a couple of things I want to pick up on there. I very much want to pick up on your
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200-year comments about the Conservatives blocking the emergence of a real right-wing party. But I have
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to pick up on the latter point you made there about a competent Conservative Prime Minister. Just out of
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interest, when was the last Conservative competent Prime Minister?
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I mean, I'm using sort of competent very sort of broadly. Competent in this sense would simply mean
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someone who doesn't allow for in excess of half a million immigrants per year, someone who doesn't
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allow crime to run rampant, someone who doesn't allow for national infrastructure to break down,
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someone who doesn't commit us to an endless series of self-defeating wars. In terms of, I would say,
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borderline competence. You can perhaps look at Margaret Thatcher. There are elements to say that
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John Major wasn't as bad as the current sort of the last sort of crop of four Prime Ministers.
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I'm not necessarily enthused about either of them. And I think all of them committed in their way to
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the result that ultimately transpired on Thursday night where the Tories collapsed. But when I'm talking
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competence, I'm talking just not allowing the country just ultimately to disintegrate. I know a lot of people
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are wanting the Labour Party to come in and be that competent sort of demonstration of sensible centrism. I
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don't see that at all. But nevertheless, all the Conservatives had to do was not go out of their way to actively
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betray their voters on such an easily observable scale. But alas, as has been proven again and again in their
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So you're setting an extremely low bar on Rishi Sunik, still tripped over even that.
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But when it comes to betraying their voters, of course, an argument could be made that they've been doing that for quite a while.
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So let's come back to your comment about the Conservative Party for 200 years. I mean, when do you actually date
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the origins of the Conservative Party to? Because you could say it goes back even further.
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Well, yes, there are the Tories. And then there is the modern Conservative Party. The Tories date to 1679,
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where in the aftermath of the Test Act, a group of parliamentarians supported the right of King
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Charles II's brother, James II, to inherit the throne. And the modern Conservative Party came about
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under the leadership of Sir Robert Peel in 1834. It is, however, interesting to note the original
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Tory party, because if they stood for anything at all, it was two things. One was the defence of the
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monarchy. And this, of course, is in the aftermath of the English Civil War. So the Tories were the
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successors of the Cavaliers, and the Whigs were the successors of the Roundheads, obviously,
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royalists and parliamentarians. However, only nine years after 1679, you had the quote-unquote
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Glorious Revolution, which more aptly could be referred to as the Dutch coup d'etat. And the
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reason this is significant in terms of the broader trajectory of the history of the Tories and later
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Conservatives, is that the Tories, very shortly after their inception, betrayed King James II,
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and became signatories to the letter, essentially, of invasion handed over to William III to come over
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and seize the throne from James II. So very early on in their history, they were party to the betrayal
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of their core constituents and whatever sort of philosophical affectations or beliefs they had.
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That is a very obvious example. And in fact, as with so many Conservative betrayals, the result was
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completely devastating for the success of Toryism in England, to the point that Whigs became ascendant
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for about 100 years, to the point that when the Tories squeaked through during the reign of George
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III, they were a much diminished force. Instead, and again, looking to that, the Tories, the defenders of
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the royal prerogative, they already portrayed that. The other aspect of them, of course, is defending
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the Church of England. Of course, who were the ones to bring in Catholic emancipation?
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It was the Tories under the Duke of Wellington, interestingly enough, brought in Catholic emancipation.
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So before the Conservative Party had even formally been created, Toryism had already chopped, had already
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essentially destroyed the foundations of the two pillars of their core ideological tenets.
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So the very first constituency was effectively, did you say James II?
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Yes, the cavalier successors of the English Civil War. So those who supported the rights of the King
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versus the rights of Parliament. So very early on in their creation, they betrayed James II.
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They betrayed him. What did they betray him for? What did they get out of that betrayal?
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Well, interestingly enough, those that did betray James II believed they were doing so to defend
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the Church of England because James II was a Catholic. However, many of those Tories believed
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that if they got rid of James II, his son, James III, would become king. And essentially,
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there would be some sort of continuity in government. But of course, that didn't happen. When William came
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over, he insisted that he be king. And so all of those Tories who had gone along with the Dutch conquest
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in order to save the Church of England found that the entire dynasty that James III represented
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was deposed. And all of their successors, later the Jacobites from James III, the old pretender,
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were deposed. And as you can probably see, that was devastating for the Tories. Many of them became
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Jacobites, those that still believed in the defence of the old monarchy. And quite a few of them
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accommodated themselves to this new order of things. And they supported the later Stuarts and
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very tentatively also some of them, the Hanoverians where they came in. But they only really became
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reconciled in part when we get to the reign of George III. George III being essentially the last king
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who decided to act as a monarch compared to everyone since, or even you can say his grandfather
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and his great-grandfather. So it is during the reign of George III that we see the Toriesim,
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which is going to ultimately coalesce into the Conservative Party. And like I said, it ended
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with the betrayal over Catholic emancipation, and the destruction of the monopoly of religious
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instruction and privilege coming to the Church of England. And that was only five years before. This
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was in 1829, before the creation of the Conservative Party. So all this is to say that the Conservative Party
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have already betrayed their core principles before becoming essentially a party. So betrayal is the bedrock
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from which the entire establishment of the Conservative Party is later built, to the point that over the next
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50 years, they have a crisis of identity. And as you can probably see with what's going on now,
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the Tory party go through a series of identity crises. And as a result, it's actually very hard to pinpoint
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what the Tories have ever stood for. And as we see now, it has ultimately ended up in the trajectory that
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the Tories have ultimately stood for nothing other than betrayal, not just a betrayal of the country,
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but a betrayal of themselves and their constituents.
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Well, is it perhaps as simple as they stand for the opportunity for the Sons of Gentlemen to enter
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Yes, there is certainly an element, not necessarily take power, because the Tories were seldom actually in
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power throughout a large part of the Victorian period. But you can definitely say that essentially what
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happens. Robert Peel comes in and Robert Peel, if anything, is an exemplar in terms of what I'm
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talking about. He comes in and he would assume the high Tory position on any given subject. So he would
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start off as a protectionist and end up as a free trade zealot. He would start off as a defender of the
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Church of England and he would end up essentially as a low church non-conformist. He would start off as the
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defender of the monarchy and end up as some sort of rabid democratic parliamentarian. Encapsulated in
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the person of Robert Peel, the very founder of the Conservative Party, represents, you can say,
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the seemingly inevitable leftward trend of all conservative politicians, to the point that during
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his second premiership towards the end, he splits the Conservative Party over the issue of free trade,
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betraying the core, essentially noble constituency of the Conservative Party, which is the noble gentry,
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for the sake of allowing cheap American grain to be flooded into the English markets.
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And that forms a great split in the Conservative Party. A large section of them, who are Robert
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Peel's ideological disciples, become the Peelites. And one of them is William Gladstone. William Gladstone
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didn't start off his career as a Whig. William Gladstone started off his career as a Tory.
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And that, again, should explain to you this phenomenon, essentially, of the Tories not
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only betraying their constituents, but betraying themselves. Because William Gladstone is the
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heir of Robert Peel in this regard, starting as not only a high Tory church Anglican, but also someone
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who was committed to the defence of the slave trade, and then ultimately becoming the sort of rabid agent of
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free market forces and government retrenchment and Irish home rule. So all of these interesting
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personalities crop up so as to try and illustrate this point. So you come back to this point that
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the Conservatives of the party for the landed gentry, and for the sons, essentially, to enter into
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Parliament, those who aren't already sitting in the House of Lords. And you're correct, for 40 years,
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essentially, the Conservatives were kept out of power,
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apart from a couple of brief stints when the Earl of Derby would come in and assume a caretaker role
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of government. And the MPs, essentially, were there, not very bright, representing a certain social
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class. And because of the constituency, essentially, the electorate that was established after the Great
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Reform Act of 1832, there was always an inbuilt liberal majority. So roughly 60% of the electorate would
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always be Whig liberals, and 40% of the electorate would always be Conservatives. And this would only
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represent, what, a couple of million voters, nothing compared to the mass franchise that we
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see later on. And the only reason the Conservatives did well at all, really, and got into government,
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is because the wealthy sons of aristocrats were the only ones who could actually afford
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to stand as parliamentary candidates in so many seats, where the Liberals didn't even bother to stand
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Ah, okay. But can I just draw down on something? What is so significant about Peel? Why do we have this
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this sort of modern beginning of the Conservative Party? I mean, in what way would say,
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Pitt or Lord North not? Why is there that distinction between that era and the post-Peel era?
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One factor which reigns over all of this, which is the Great Reform Act. If you look at someone like,
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I mean, the Earl of Butte is probably the last sort of aristocratic favourite Tory that you can
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imagine in this political system. But coming back to someone like a Lord North or a Pitt the Younger,
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these people never sort of consciously refer to themselves as Tories in the way that we would
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think. I mean, William Pitt the Younger, for example, referred to himself as an independent
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Whig. And of course, his father, the Earl of Chatham, William Pitt the Elder, was a leading light
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of the Whigs, in a sense. And much of what typified William Pitt the Elder was also evident in the sun.
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Ultimately, the power base of these Prime Ministers was royal favouritism. It was their support
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from the King. So when William Pitt the Younger's first ministry collapsed, it was a result of the
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loss of royal favour. However, when we get to Sir Robert Peel, post the Great Reform Act,
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Britain has essentially turned from a limited monarchy. And again, I use these words very loosely,
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a limited monarchy in the sense that you still have a monarch, but he is not an absolute monarch.
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And by a monarch, I mean someone who gets involved in the day-to-day business of government, and
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especially over the purview of foreign policy. By the time of the Great Reform Act, and 1832,
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and later the creation of the Conservative Party in 1834, Robert Peel is instead looking to establish a
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voter constituency, as opposed to simply relying on the previous system, which was a series of nobles
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monopolising a, ultimately, a system of court politics.
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So I can't help but feel, but I can't express it properly because I don't have the full command of
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the history that perhaps you would, that the conditions leading to the Great Reform Act, and you've
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and so on, but there was a sense of constitutional crisis, and the people were greatly dissatisfied
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with the governance they were receiving. And I wonder to what it, perhaps you could summarise
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what led to the Great Reform Act, and roughly what it was, and if you can see any parallels with the
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sort of constitutional situation, this widespread displace for the Uniparty, and there was a great sense
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that something needs to change, although perhaps it's not entirely clear what that is.
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