PREVIEW: Epochs #211 | Henry V: Part VI
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Summary
In this episode, we continue our exploration of the events leading up to the Battle of Agincourt, with a look at John the Fearless, the Duke of Burgundy, and the French government's reaction to his presence in Paris.
Transcript
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Hello and welcome back to Epochs. If you remember last time we'd finished with the Siege of Harfleur,
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Henry V's famous 1415 campaign. So in this episode, hopefully I'm going to try and get us up to
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the Battle of Agincourt, or at least the night before the Battle of Agincourt. And so that's
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about a whole month. And there is a fair amount of detail to go through. I hope you like it. So I
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shall be continuing with Ian Mortimer's great book, 1415, Henry V's Year of Glory, which does go into
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far more detail than I've seen in any other book. So let's just continue with this. Ian Mortimer
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starts us off with cutting back to the French side of the equation. He says, quote, John the
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fearless had been at Argueley for over a month now. Four days ago on the 20th, the ambassadors of the
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French government led by the Duke of Lorraine had arrived. Their mission was to try to persuade John
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to send men to help the Dauphin in his struggle against the English and at the same time to keep
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John away from Paris because the French side were worried that John the fearless might attempt a coup
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or another coup. If you remember from earlier episodes, there'd been all sorts of internal
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civil strife, civil war in France between the Armagnac faction and the Burgundian faction. So
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the powers that be, the actual royal family and the Dauphin and the king were suspicious and wary of
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John the fearless, to say the least. They didn't necessarily really want him in command of an army,
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but still they also needed him at the same time. So caught between a bit of a rock and a hard place.
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Baltimore continues saying, with Paris in a heightened state of anxiety and experiencing
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a particular cynicism with regard to the government, the appearance of John the fearless in the city
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threatened to cause mayhem, if not an insurrection. And by today, we're talking about Tuesday the 24th
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of September. Today, the ambassadors were given three letters, one of which had been written by John
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the fearless himself. Of course, the Duke reveled in the chance to cause more upset in Paris and saw the
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slight to himself in the earlier letters as being the perfect excuse to push the Dauphin into a corner.
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John professed his deepest loyalty to the kingdom of France, but complained bitterly about the request
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that he remain at home and not come to the rescue of France in her hour of need. Was he not the Dauphin's
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father-in-law? Why had all the other lords of northern France been summoned and he had not? It was
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nothing more than an attempt to belittle him and to undermine his honour, which he valued higher than
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anything else in the world. Instead of the paltry 500 men-at-arms he had been asked to send, he would
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attend in person with a far larger number, as it was his duty to save the kingdom in its current peril.
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Another of the letters that went back with the Duke of Lorraine was written by vassals of John the
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fearless on behalf of their lord. They complained that John had not been given command of his own men.
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This was most unfitting. The men of Burgundy saw their prime loyalty being to the Duke of Burgundy
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and not to the King of France. The lords also supported the tenor of the Duke's own letter.
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How come the Dauphin required so few troops? Why had there been such a delay in requesting them from
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the Duke of Burgundy? Why had the Duke himself been asked not to fight for the kingdom? Had not the
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seriousness of the English threat been registered by the government? For the envoys who had to carry
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these letters back to the Dauphin, the menace of John the fearless must have seemed as dangerous
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as that of Henry V. And although the Duke's own letter seemed to suggest he was wholeheartedly
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on the side of the French, they could not be sure he would not switch at the last moment and side
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with the English. They could not be certain that he would not simply take his soldiers and ride into
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Paris, betraying both the King of France and the King of England. The only thing they could be certain
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of was that no one could trust him. As it happened, John the fearless had already started to gather his
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forces together. He might have spent four days arguing against the King's order on the 1st of
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September to send more troops, but in fact he had issued orders to his marshals on the 15th of
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September to start gathering the men required." So it's not completely crazy for the Armagnac faction
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in France to fear that John the fearless, Duke of Burgundy, might suddenly switch sides and just side
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with Harry of England because he had had deals with the English before to side with them against the
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Crown of France. So it's not really all that crazy or paranoid to think that could happen. But as it
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turns out, John the fearless, spoiler alert, slight spoiler alert, John the fearless does never side
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with the English in the 1415 campaign. Okay, on to Wednesday the 25th of September. The losses to the
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English army did not end with the fall of Harfleur. In fact, it seems likely that the majority of the
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casualties from the siege died after its capitulation. The end of September saw several
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prominent men expire. On this day, Sir John Chidioc, Lord Fitzpain, succumbed. His is just one
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of the many names that do not appear noted in the Chronicles as casualties of Henry's campaign.
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Those writing such works had no wish to commemorate anything but the glory of Henry's victory and the
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paucity of the English casualties. As a result, many men who gave their lives for Henry were simply
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ignored. References to their death made for uncomfortable reading. Thursday the 26th. As noted
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several times already, Henry repeatedly followed the pattern of Edward III's Cressy campaign of 1346.
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Now he chose to enact another of Edward's wartime measures, a challenge to a duel. Edward III had
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first offered to fight a duel with his rival, King Philip of France, with the priors being the
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Kingdom of France in 1340. The idea was that the king could parade his courage and his Christian
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virtues, offering to fight alone to avoid shedding Christian blood, while at the same time being very
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sure that his rival would not actually meet him in battle. Today he issued a challenge to the Dauphin
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to be carried to him at Vernon by the English herald William Bruges and Raoul de Gauchel. And here again
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we get the actual words from the early 15th century. Brilliant stuff. Which says, quote,
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Henry, by the grace of God, King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland, to the higher and
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pursuant prince, the Dauphin, our cousin, eldest son of the most pursuant prince, our cousin and adversary
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of France, from the reverence of God and to avoid the effusion of human blood we have in many times and
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in many ways sought peace. And although we have not been able to obtain it, our desire to possess it
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increases more and more. And while considering that the effects of our wars are the deaths of men,
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destruction of countries, lamentations of women and children, and so many general evils, that every
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good Christian must lament it and have pity, and us especially, whom this matter particularly concerns,
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we are minded to seek diligently all possible means to avoid the above-mentioned evils, and to acquire
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the approbation of God and the praise of the world. Whereas we have considered and reflected that,
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as it has pleased God to visit our said cousin and your father with infirmity, in us and you
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lies the remedy. And so everyone may know that we do not prevent it. We offer to place our quarrel at
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the will of God between our person and yours. And if it should appear to you that you cannot accept
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this offer on account of the interest that you think our said cousin, your father, has in it,
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we declare that if you are willing to accept it and to do what we propose, it pleases us to permit
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that our said cousin shall enjoy that which he has at present for the term of his life,
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out of reverence for God and considering he, King Charles, is a sacred person, whatever it may
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please God to see happen between us and you, as it shall be agreed between his counsel, ours and
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yours. Thus, if God shall give us the victory, the crown of France with its appetences shall be
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immediately rendered to us as our right, without difficulty, after his decease. And that all the lords and
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the states of the kingdom of France shall be bound to accept this and shall be agreed between us.
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For it is better for us, cousin, to decide this war forever between our two persons than to suffer
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the unbelievers by means of our quarrels to destroy Christianity. Our mother, the holy church, to remain
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in division and the people of God destroy one another. So a very roundabout way of saying, let you
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and me finish this. You know, we don't want to kill other Christians unnecessarily. But as mentioned above,
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Henry knew the Dauphin would not accept, you know, wouldn't accept the jewel, or almost certainly
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wouldn't. Well, he didn't. Mortimer goes on. Here we see all the familiar arguments that really all
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Henry wanted was peace, that he was simply doing God's will, and that the unification of England
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and France was desirable in the eyes of God, as it would help heal the schism in the church. Perhaps
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the most interesting line it contains is the overt statement that Henry sought the approbation of God
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and the praise of the world, which seems a neat summing up of what truly motivated him.
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Bruges and de Gaucourt were told to inform the Dauphin that Henry would wait for eight days at
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Harfleur for the reply. The implication was that he would not wait much longer than that before leaving.
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And then where would he go? Because as I said in the last episode, he's kind of got three choices.
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He could go back to England because the siege of Harfleur just took much longer than it needed to,
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and he lost more men than he thought he would. So he could go back to England and wait for another
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year, or he could garrison Harfleur and wait for the French army to turn up, or he can chevalier
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across northern France, Edward III style to Calais, goading the French army. They're his three choices.
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The last one is what he did, and is sort of the most crazy option, especially seeing his men,
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loads of the army have got dysentery, if nothing else. Even if they didn't have dysentery,
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it'd still be the craziest option. But that's what he does decide to do.
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Sir William Butler of Warrington died today. He had been made a knight of the bath at Henry IV's
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coronation, alongside Henry V's three brothers. Thus, although he does not figure prominently in
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this book, he was a man whom the king had known for many years, and whose loss would have mattered
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to him personally. Henry ordered that Sir William's body should be dismembered and boiled, and sent back
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in the same ship that was carrying the bones of the Earl of Suffolk. There was also the matter of who
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was going to take charge of his retinue. Butler had led a party of 50 Lancashire archers to Harfleur,
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in addition to his own retinue of four men-at-arms and twelve archers. His death was a tragic blow to
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Henry, as well as a personal loss. Friday the 27th.
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Another knight, Sir John Southworth died today, coming straight after the deaths of Sir John Chidioc and
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Sir William Butler. It causes us to ask how many Englishmen were sick at this point, and how many
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men had actually died or were dying. When Henry had landed on the 14th of August, he had had a minimum
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of 11,248 fighting men, of whom 2,266 were men-at-arms. In addition, there were the servants, pages, and
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support staff, resulting in at least 15,000 men with the king, excluding mariners. The long-accepted
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method of assessing the proportion of sick men is based on the assumption that the whole army was
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equally infected, and all at the highest rate. This has normally been followed by historians in
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their keenness to justify the long-established figure of just 5,900 Englishmen at Agincourt,
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with the implication that the magnitude of the victory was as great as English legend and Henry V's
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propaganda claims. A less nationalistic and more considered approach, using the list of those
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invalided back to England, allows us to establish an accurate minimum of 1,693 for those sent home.
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Unfortunately, these lists are incomplete, and we do not know how many names might be missing.
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However, as we know, the army was divided into three battles, three army corps, you might say,
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under the command of the king, Clarence, and York. We can estimate casualty rates in all three areas
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where the English army was camped. This gives us a level of infection of about 17% across the whole
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army. That's massive. That's sort of disastrous level. The total number of men sent home was very
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probably between 1,693 and 2,550, of whom between 1,330 and 1,900 were fighting men, with the greatest
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concentration among the men situated in close proximity to the king. As for the number of deaths,
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there are actually very few deaths at Harfleur. One chronicler, Monstrelate, states that 2,000
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Englishmen died at Harfleur, but it seems that, writing 30 years later, he confused 2,000 lost,
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i.e. invalided home, with 2,000 dead. A close examination of the surviving accounts shows there
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is only evidence for 37 English deaths, including those who died from attack as well as disease.
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Probably fewer than 50 Englishmen perished at Harfleur. Two combat, that is.
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Raoul de Gaucourt was given leave to depart today, possibly in the company of William Bruges.
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But what was Henry to do with the other knights and men of honour who had surrendered at Harfleur?
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He decided to release them temporarily after they had sworn an oath to present themselves at Calais
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at Martinmas, which is the 11th of November. There they were to surrender themselves to the king
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himself or his lieutenant, or a specially appointed deputy. 60 knights, including de Gaucourt, and more than
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200 other gentlemen, were thus released in the expectation that they would voluntarily give
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themselves up into custody in just six weeks' time. If a battle had already taken place, he told
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them, they were simply to pay their ransoms. If no battle had taken place, they were to submit
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themselves to imprisonment. The people of Paris were in confusion. Some did not believe that Harfleur
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had yet fallen. Others thought that there must have been some betrayal, that it had been sold to the
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English. Others said that Henry had already admitted this publicly, and still more were in
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despair that the royal family was dealing with the war so badly. They bitterly resented the new
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taxation and openly sang songs in praise of the Duke of Burgundy. Around this time, a Frenchman called
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Colin de la Valérie, one of the Burgundian faction who had been exiled from Paris, wrote a letter to his
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wife telling her to meet him at a certain town on the 20th of October and to bring with her 20 crowns,
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for John the Fearless was planning to be there by that time with a large army. Not having the money,
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she went to a friend to borrow it. Unfortunately, she left the letter with the said friend, who was
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an Armagnac supporter. In no time at all, the streets of Paris were seething with the news
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about an intended Burgundian rising. The gates were barricaded, and everyone in Paris was preparing
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for the city to be attacked, not by Henry V, but by John the Fearless. Saturday the 28th, which was
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the Feast of Wenceslas, and we told a great deal about St Wenceslas, who was the patron saint of
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Bohemia, but I won't go into that because it's not strictly necessary to our story. We're told,
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Henry's decision to send his sick back to England was forced upon him. To leave them at a half floor
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would have been counterproductive in respect to both the likelihood of infecting others and their
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consumption of food and other resources. To take them with him on a march across France would have
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also been impossible. As the sick were returning without their horses and stores, they required
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relatively few ships. Perhaps 20 large vessels sufficed. The ships from Holland had returned to
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their own country shortly after the landing, and a number of English ships had returned to their
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ports on the 12th of September, but enough remained for the task. The sailing started today. The Earl of
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Arundel was put aboard a vessel with a guard of five healthy men-at-arms and many of his sick
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followers. One of his men-at-arms died in the process. Other important lords who were carried
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on board the ships included Thomas, Duke of Clarence, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and John
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Mowbray, the Earl Marshal, some of the biggest hitters in the army there. A significant proportion
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of the high-ranking lords who had undertaken to come to France had been lost. A total of 12 dukes and
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earls had mustered at Southampton in July. Two earls were now dead, Suffolk and Cambridge. So with a
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further three earls and a duke lost to ill health, Henry had lost half of the original contingent of
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magnates. Furthermore, Henry had decided to leave his uncle, Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Dorset, in charge
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at Harfleur, and to send the Earl of Warwick directly to Calais by ship to defend the town and receive the
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prisoners. At a time when rank meant so much in terms of the structures of command, Henry was running out
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of leaders. Apart from Beaufort, there were only four members of the pre-campaign Royal Council with him.
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His youngest brother, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, the Duke of York, Lord Fitzhugh, and Sir Thomas
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Erpingham. End quote. So this chevauché, Henry's about to do, is going to be done on a shoestring
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with a skeleton crew, sort of the absolute bare minimum. It must have seemed foolhardy at the time.
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It must have seemed a bit crazy. But hey, we all know how it turned out, so let's continue.
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Sunday the 29th, which was Micklemas. In England, the Regent John, Duke of Bedford,
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sent out a writ to all the sheriffs, prelates, and lords proroguing Parliament from the 21st of
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October to the 4th of November. He had received a message from Henry, who seems to have expressed
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a desire to be present at the said Parliament. Henry had allowed himself five weeks to make
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the journey back to Westminster. What was his strategy at this juncture? He had appointed his
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uncle, Thomas Beaufort, lieutenant at Harfleur, but clearly he did not intend to stay there to command
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personally. This accords with the information about his intended march through Montevilliers,
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Dieppe, Rouen, and Paris, mentioned in Bordieu's letter of the 3rd of September. It also tallies
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with his letter to the Dauphin, challenging him to a duel, which stated that he was going to stay
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at Harfleur for eight days, implying that he was going to leave shortly afterwards. Clearly,
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he never intended in wintering in the town, but was planning to march through France.
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But where was he heading? Rouen and Paris, as Bordieu stated, or Calais? As we have seen,
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and as Henry knew, the French army was gathering in Rouen. To attack it would be risking disaster.
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English longbow armies were most successful when they managed to force an enemy to attack them,
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and they themselves were in a static position. Then they cut down the troops charging towards them,
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using the first fallen ranks as a means to slow up the ranks behind while they shot at them.
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Henry might have gone looking for a fight and tried to attract the French to attack him near Rouen,
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but had he done so, he would have had no escape plan, being so deep within Normandy.
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If the French failed to be drawn into the attack, they could slowly strangle his army
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by withholding supplies, besieging the English in the field, as it were, and they could call up more
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and more men, the French could. Henry could not call up reinforcements, thus there was a good
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strategic reason why he was not intending to head to Rouen. This part of Bordieu's letter
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was probably deliberate misinformation, in case it fell into French hands. By the time it arrived
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in Bordeaux, it would not have mattered what it said about Henry's strategy. Calais, on the other
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hand, did offer an escape route, for it was a port. Henry had been fortifying and provisioning the
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town all year for this very reason. For his troops to embark anywhere else, he would have needed to
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arrange for a fleet to go to that place and wait there in fear of being attacked. He would then have
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to lead his men to the waiting ships and make sure that they all embarked without being attacked,
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by following French army. Disembarking had taken three whole days before. It was a risky operation.
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Thus Calais was his only realistic option. It was his only safe port of embarkation. All the English
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held alternatives were in Gascony, hundreds of miles to the south. In addition, de Gaucourt,
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de Estreville and the other French prisoners from Harfleur had been instructed to make their way to Calais
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and to surrender there to Henry in person, or if he was not there, if he had already departed for
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England, for example, then a specially appointed deputy. This deputy would probably have been
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someone of higher status, probably the Earl of Warwick, the Lieutenant of Calais, who was sent
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directly there by ship. There is no doubt that Henry was sticking steadfastly to the plan
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to march to Calais that had been developed many months earlier. Although it seems clear that marching
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to Calais was, and always had been, his intended strategy, we have to ask whether this destination
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was chosen in order to attract the attention of the French army gathering at Rouen. In short,
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did he intend to do baton? Answering this question is a developmental process. As Henry proceeded towards
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Calais, he could have expected his circumstances to change. So it is worth attempting to answer this
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difficult question at various stages, including the outset, to see whether the answer changed as the march
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altered course and ran into difficulties. So Henry's decision-making process would have to change on
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the hoof, so to speak. The answer at this initial juncture is yes, he did intend to fight the French.
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There are several reasons for this conclusion. First, Henry wanted a battle because his religious
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outlook demanded it. He had come to France to put God's will to the test, and that could only properly
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be done by a conflict in which he might lose his life. Second, he had come with an army that was too
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large for just a siege. It was an army designed to fight a pitched battle. Although he had lost many
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men, he still had the majority, and so could stick to his original plan. Third, he was determined to
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follow a path previously trodden by Edward III's army to Blancherquay, a point at which the river Somme
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could be forded. Henry III's march, which culminated in the Battle of Crecy, had been chosen specifically to
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encourage the French to attack the English in Ponthieu. Henry, having sent Raoul de Gaucourt with
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William Bruges to deliver the challenges to the Dauphin, knew that the Dauphin would have learnt
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from the Gaucourt that the English were marching to Calais. He had even told him roughly the time
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he was going to depart, after eight days. Telling all 260 gentlemen prisoners to meet him in Calais
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was similarly a guarantee that the French would know where he was going. He was thus encouraging
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the French to come after him and attack him. In his instructions to the 260 prisoners, he even
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referred overtly to the likelihood of a battle. Thus, he was not just following Edward III's route,
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he was adopting similar tactics. A fourth reason can be seen in the personal nature of Henry's
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decision to march to Calais. It is clear from several sources that the majority of the leaders
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still within the army at this point were strongly opposed to the idea of the march, precisely because
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a battle would be too dangerous. One source claims that even the warlike Duke of Clarence was in favour
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of bringing the campaign to an end, a division with Henry that perhaps led to his departure from
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the English army as much as his suffering from dysentery. Leaving this aside, another well-informed
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chronicler, writing sometime after 1446, so you know decades later, stated that the majority of the
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councillors were of the opinion that a decision should be made not to march on due to the shortage of
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fighting men following the ravages of dysentery. The author of The Guester wrote very much the same thing,
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and here's a quote from the history of the time. Although a large majority of the royal council
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advised against such a proposal, as it would be highly dangerous for him in this way to send his
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small force, daily growing smaller, against the multitude of the French, which, constantly growing,
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would surely enclose them on every side like sheep in folds, our king, relying on divine grace and
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the justice of his cause, piously reflecting that victory consists not in a multitude, but with him,
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him meaning God, who bestows victory upon whom he wills, whether they be of the many or the few,
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with God affording him his leadership, as it is believed, did nevertheless decide to make that
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march, end of quote. As I said in the last one, it just seems Henry had made his mind up. He'd gambled
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everything on this campaign, and he needed a decisive victory. Just going home, having taken half
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fleur and half fleur only, just wasn't good enough. He wanted, needed a pitched battle and a victory,
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a decisive one, and so even if it means doing this chevalier across northern France and goading the
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French, a much bigger army, which is extremely dangerous, and most military minds at the time,
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and since, have thought it was sort of crazily dangerous. He feels like he's got to do it anyway.
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You know, he's already gambled, he feels like. He's already made the gamble, so now he's got to
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actually go through with it and do it. Okay, Mortimer continues saying,
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the latter source gives a similar justification for the decision, stating that Henry said,
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he would rather throw himself and his men on the mercy of God in determining the outcome of events,
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not shirking the dangers, than offer himself to the enemy as grounds for elevating their pride,
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diminishing the reputation of his honour by flight. From these accounts, it is clear that Henry went
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against the consensus and took what his councillors considered to be a great gamble, deliberately
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risking a battle. This contrasts with his considerable aversion to taking any risks in the course of
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landing in August. What made him switch from being so risk-averse, then to being so risk-taking now?
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It could only have been a defiance of the very risk that so worried his council, a chance to do battle.
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Thus, his decision to march to Calais was not just a testing of God's will, and it was not just a
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strategic calculation based on Edward III's success in 1346. It was also a matter of pride.
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The above motivations, religious fanaticism, a confident strategy based on a historical precedent,
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and pride, are not particularly edifying. Looking at Henry at the end of September,
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one would hardly call him a great man. He had obtained one small town, a key target,
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but had destroyed it in the process. He had lost a good proportion of his fighting force,
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and left the remainder perilously situated in a hostile kingdom, with a large army gathering in
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the field. As far as any reckoning of God's judgment went at the moment, his calls had been
00:25:24.900
cast into doubt by the death of Bishop Courtenay and the sickness of his brother and heir, Thomas,
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and his great friend, the Earl of Arundel. The descent revealed by the Earl of Cambridge's plot
00:25:35.400
had not added to his glory, nor had the continued activities of the Lollards, at home that is.
00:25:41.880
Yet it was at this moment that he stepped out from the clouds of fallibility and made the decision
00:25:47.520
that made him, and changed him, and altered the balance of European politics in England's favour.
00:25:53.080
Through it, he set himself on the path to acquire the approbation of God and the praise of the world.
00:25:58.560
If Henry had shown any sign of greatness up until this point, it was as an organiser,
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and a man convinced of his own infallibility, arranging for the circumstances of this march
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to be as promising as possible. But in going against the council's decision,
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Nelke showed that he was far more than just an organiser and a facilitator.
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It must have taken complete determination, after all the delays, and after losing so many men to
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districtry, to give the order to march on, and in so doing, he took on all the responsibility
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and all the danger. He knew that he was himself a far greater prize than the ruins of Harfleur.
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He knew the French would think they could retake the town any time, and so they were bound to come
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after him. Then Henry and his army would lead the enemy away from the near-defenseless Harfleur,
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like a lioness leading a predator away from her cubs. At this moment in time, we can see Henry V
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throwing everything behind his faith. This is the moment when, having mapped out a path to greatness,
00:26:54.920
he actually set foot on it. Like Jan Hus, he was prepared to die in pursuit of what he believed
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he had to do. Historians have sometimes called this the madness of unreasoning pietism, but they
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forget that if a man truly believes God is on his side, no reasoning is necessary, or even possible.
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For him, God really is on his side, and it would be madness to pretend otherwise. That is what is
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so frightening about Henry V at the end of September 1415. End quote. Just a complete confidence that you're
00:27:23.640
in the right, and that God will see you through. We hope you enjoyed that video, and if you did,
00:27:27.940
please head over to lotusseaters.com for the full unabridged video.