PREVIEW: Realpolitik #22 | The Situation in Britain with Joseph Robertson
Episode Stats
Summary
Joseph Robertson is a former adviser to Reform and a candidate in the local council elections. He is also a supporter of the party, and we chat with him about the current situation in Britain, reforms, and what can we expect between now and the next election scheduled for 2029.
Transcript
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I am your host, Firas Modad. I am joined in the studio by Joseph Robertson.
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He's a former advisor to reform. He ran as a candidate for them for council elections,
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and he's a big reform supporter. And we wanted to bring him onto the show and have a chat with him
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about the current situation of Britain, reforms, future plans, and what can we expect between now
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and the next general election scheduled for 2029, but it might happen sooner given how the Labour
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government is imploding. So, Joseph, thank you so much for joining me.
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Good to see you, Firas, as always, and thank you for the introduction.
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Yeah, there's a lot to cover in one sitting, but we can try.
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There is a lot to talk about. There is a lot to talk about. I guess the question on everybody's
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mind is that there is a critique of reform that is coming from online circles, but now is also
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coming from Jacob B. Smog and Alistair Heath. And their question is along the following lines.
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To govern Britain, there's got to be a bench of up to 1,000 people between the 300-400 MPs who are
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necessary, the 400 MP candidates, 500 MP candidates, at least, that are necessary, between the SPADs,
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the appointees to the Lords, et cetera, et cetera. This is a massive HR operation.
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And this is necessary because if you're going to have people sitting in parliamentary committees
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and asking the heads of these quangos and the various civil servants, what are they doing,
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and why are they doing it, and when will they start doing it properly, this expertise is going
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to be necessary. So this is really the first concern that friends of reform have about the party.
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Well, first of all, I think there's a very important point that we've forgotten about
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in Britain, which is our constitutional sovereignty of parliament. Now, in America, we saw under Trump
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one that they didn't manage to do much, let's be quite frank. You know, there was a big wave of
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optimism about what would happen. The reality is whether or not you think the 2020 election was
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stolen. There was certainly, you know, a decline in support for Trump at that point, either way.
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Come around the next time, they knew exactly what to do. They had the right people in place.
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They weren't fooled into recruiting the same old people who would make sure that nothing happened.
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And that brilliant day, I was fortunate enough to be in DC for the inauguration and to see,
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you know, as it was happening live, him signing all of the new executive orders and throwing the
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pens away. Wonderful theatre, but it was a deeper meaning, which was, we know exactly what we're doing
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right now. Well, our equivalent to those executive orders is the vote in parliament. So first of all,
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you have to have a majority that can pass that. Reform's good at that bit. They're going to do
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that bit, right? We're so far ahead in the polls as long as the momentum sustains through to the
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next general election. I don't think they'll have a problem on that front. Now, to address your second
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question, where it gets more technical is that you have to have preparatory legislation drafted to
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pass through parliament. If you've done that well, and you're able to get to the position where you
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can elect permanent secretaries, civil servants, you know, whatever else we need to do with the
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financial institutions as well, you don't have to worry too much about who your MPs are. You don't
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have to worry too much about who's in the House of Lords. As long as you have the numbers and you
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have a good whip managing the party or whip's office, you can get a lot done in British politics.
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You don't need a team of 500 superheroes in capes as your MPs. What really needs to happen is that
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you need to overhaul radically the administrative deep state, if you want to call it that. And by the
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way, even from America, the conversations I have with our colleagues across the Atlantic, it's normally
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you guys, the originals, you guys had the deep state long before we even existed, right? Look at what
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happened with the Russia hoax document. Who do they go to, to get that prepared? A British spy,
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right? Okay. We're the original malfactors, right? Okay. You know, we're the original deep state. And
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the reason why there's been so much entrenched resistance to change since Tony Blair basically
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butchered our constitution in 1997 is a lack of understanding in the fundamental sovereignty of
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parliament. If reform, and I think they do now, I know they do, understands this very sophisticated
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balancing act that you have to play out and understand where the power lies, which again,
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I think they do. A lot can happen within the first hundred days. And I think really the reason why I say
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that they know is because we've already had Trump on. We had Liz Truss. Yes. Everyone forgets that.
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It's not like this hasn't already happened. And Liz Truss and Trump one are identical. Okay.
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Constitutionally, there's a different electoral cycle. You can't kick the president out. The only
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reason why she was ousted in 50 days, and it was four years for Trump is constitutional. Yes. You can
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manage to do that here. But if you go in clear eyed, understanding exactly what needs to be done in
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the first hundred days, when you have that base of power, because everyone knows after that point,
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your support wanes. Yes. If you already have things prepared, like you said, on the HR front,
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but most importantly, on the legislative front, that's where the real kicker is. You can do
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whatever you want. Afuera, afuera, afuera. You can be Malay. You can be Trump. You can be whoever,
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as long as you understand parliamentary sovereignty. And so one of the questions has been,
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where are the policies, where are the bits of legislation that reform will want to pass in
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this first hundred days? Can you update us on specifics? Can you update us on specific policies?
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I don't know, agriculture, fisheries, local enforcement, strengthening local authorities?
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Is the nitty gritty? Sure. Yeah. I mean, look, the best way to talk about this, I think,
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is to reverse the question. It's not what do you want to add into the legislature? What do you need
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to take away? Okay. Now, a lot of people would say, well, you need to undo all the Blairite legislation,
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get rid of the Supreme Court, bring the law lords back into the House of Lords, start with the basics,
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right? And that's fine. But that doesn't go far enough. You've got things that prevent you from
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doing other things. So with the agriculture industry, the destruction of the milk board led
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to milk prices going up. With planning, the Town and Country Planning Act destroyed the ability to
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build things. There are all these pieces of ingrained legislation. Yes, we can talk all day
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long about immigration and how that's happened and wokery and all this stuff. And that's all
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important, but that's all post-1970 stuff, particularly post-1997 stuff. And of course,
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there are pieces of legislation to look at on that. And that's a big, important issue, don't get me
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wrong. But what about all the rest of it? How do we get this country flourishing again in a way that
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attracts people to come back? Because our biggest problem is brain drain. Yes. No one wants to start
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a company, let alone continue a company here. Most of my friends and clients in the investor class
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around the world, a lot of them are British, but they're not living here. They're not working here.
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They care about this country, but they don't want to be here unless they have to for a meeting,
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right? Which is inevitable. How do you bring those people back? Well, you're right. Agricultural policy,
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education policy. It's a big thing. If you want to raise a child in this country,
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they're going to be indoctrinated or you're going to be able to see them flourish in the way you want
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to see them flourish. I very often find that billionaires and taxi drivers are saying exactly
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the same things about the state of this country and everyone else is caught in the middle.
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All right. Yes. It's a fascinating phenomenon. If you go into a reform branch, a local branch,
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I've spoken at local branches in different parts of the country, you will see on one side of the room,
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the investor class, people who run businesses, people who are taking risks, maybe people who have
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had a career and are retired. On the other side, you'll see nurses, you'll see taxi drivers,
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you'll see police officers. And that's quite compelling because it basically means that both
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So how do you solve that? Well, you get back to basics. That doesn't necessarily mean adding
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legislation because that's exactly what Tony Blair did. That means getting rid of it.
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I would call it a great restoration bill, but you know, you're trying to restore as to what it was
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before that we had. Okay. Because we were competitive. Yes. We are the most overperforming
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country in the world by a long shot. Right. You know, in every metric, we're not always the most
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powerful, but we're always someone who's in the conversation. And there are certain sectors,
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certain industries that we relied on to make that happen. Now it's probably our services sector more than
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anything else. But in the past, it was steel. It was exports. It was trade all around the world.
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It was our logistics, our military. All of these things are things we've got to resurrect. And to
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do that, we've got to get rid of the amount of entrenched bureaucracy, the amount of red tape.
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In some ways, I want us to move away. Yeah. Everyone hates the phrase Singapore on terms, right? Yes.
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I'm going to introduce one that will rise the heckles of people even more. Okay.
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Okay. I think we need Dubai on terms. Okay. Now, why do I say that? Not because I want the Middle
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East to come to London. Right. It's already here. But what I do want to happen is this regulatory
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sense of freedom that attracts the best in the world. Because let's face it, no one really wants
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to live in Dubai. There's not that much there culturally. Yes. There's no green spaces. There's
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no place. Yet, people go there. Even people with young families, my friends living in Dubai, why are
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they there? Opportunity. Right. A lower crime rate. A lack of terrorism. These are all things we've got to
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solve here. The guys who have already solved that are MBS and MBZ. Okay. Now, I'm not saying that we agree
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with their worldview or that we're part of the East in any way. What I'm saying is that we already have
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the canvas. We already have the green countryside. We already have the museums and the architecture
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and Winter Wonderland and Hyde Park. People are still going to come to London no matter what.
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If you can then unlock the second half of what they've done, stop regulating. Don't over-regulate.
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Don't over-complicate. Don't over-tax. Build up your tech sector. The world is moving towards
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tech. Focus on tech. These are all supposedly things that a lot of conservatives might sneer
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at because they would say, well, it's, you know, we should go back to farming. All right.
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Okay. But the world has moved on. So you either compete, preserve what you have, preserve the
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countryside, scrap net zero, do all of those wonderful things, but build for the future and
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thus preserve the past. Do you see a, uh, need to restore industrial jobs or to strengthen the
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agricultural sector? Um, if only from a national security perspective, if, if, if you can't build
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steel, if you can't, um, have a decent energy policy, if you can't build, uh, chips, then you're
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not an independent power. Um, um, in the same way, if you can't feed yourself, you have a fundamental
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security problem that imposes certain behaviors in order to secure your food supply chains, in order
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to secure, um, things that you absolutely must have to survive in any conflict. Um, so do you see a need
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for a cooperative relationship between the state and industrial sectors, a sort of industrial policy
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to use a dirty word, um, or is it closer to a libertarian approach?
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Well, we've already got a lot of what we need. We're just not allowed to use it.
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So we already have tremendous oil supplies. We already have huge expenses of agricultural land
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that are lying unused or being rewilded or having, uh, solar panels put on agricultural land,
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which by the way, kills agricultural land for the next 10 years. It becomes unusable once you put
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solar panels on and remove them. There are all these things happening, which if they weren't
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happening, we would have the resources. This isn't a question of building out something new.
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It's not even a question of going all the way backwards because we have technology that helps
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us move forwards. It's unlocking it. So how do you unlock it? Well, first of all,
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you've got to deregulate. Okay. And that's the most important thing. But then the second thing is
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also to pull away from international pressure and focus on what you already have at home.
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You said the point about us being, uh, you know, energy dependent, agricultural dependent,
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we're also militarily dependent. There's a lot of things that we're dependent on. Our water systems
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are owned by foreign national. Yes. Right. This is a huge problem because do they really care about
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water in this country? No, no, they care about their bottom line. Right. Now, if you have a British
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company that owns those, well, they could still be bad, but there's a lot more communal, uh, let's
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call it communal spirit. I wouldn't even call it spirit. I would call it, um, analysis. It's very easy to
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know if your competitor next door is better than you, but to know if your competitor in Japan is better
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than your own domestic market is really difficult. So the process with reform, I think for a reform
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government, you, in some ways you have to reclaim all this stuff first. You're going to have to
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nationalize things again, not very popular with elements of the right, but after that, you've got
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to retender to British companies and you've got to make sure that they are the ones ensuring quality
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in these areas, be that steel, be that water, whatever it is. First of all, start at home.
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This is what Trump tried to do with Detroit. Okay. You bring back manufacturing to America,
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but you tender to American companies. First of all, you've got to seize control. Right. We've lost
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control. So we need to seize control back and then we need to start building out from that point again.
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And I think if you do that across all sectors, agriculture as well, why the hell are we still
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following entrenched EU guidelines on farming? Why? We had Brexit. So why are we still doing that?
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We're doing that because there's an international consensus that you don't break international
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treaties. To hell with that. You need sovereignty. Unless you properly reclaim sovereignty, which is
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exactly what Nigel's laid out, by the way, on deportation plans, which I'm sure we'll get into
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later. Not only do you have to withdraw from the ECHR, you also have to withdraw from UN conventions.
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Not only did Trump say we're going to open up industry again, he withdrew from the Paris climate
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accord. Yes. You've got to get back and pull back. It's not isolationist. It's pragmatic. You can't be
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reliant on the international community to support you during a war. Correct. The name of this
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show is real politic, right? A dose of real politics. No one is your friend. No one is
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your friend. You're the only player that you have to rely on. Yes. And so you've got to start with
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Britain, but also at the same time, build out your industries like tech, like your financial
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services, rebuild those industries. That's what will attract foreign interest. How do you rebuild
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them? Deregulate. Okay. You've got to deregulate. Um, subsidies, uh, loans, a dedicated bank for
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re-industrialization, a, um, investment, investment, private investment, private investment. Okay. If
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you look at, uh, what companies want now, they want two things. They want access to data and they
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want data centers. Right. Okay. All your big multinationals are investing in data centers.
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Okay. How many jobs do these create? Well, this is a secondary question, right? Because we're still
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talking about the city. Right. You mentioned industrialization. There's no AI that can go and
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take a tractor out yet. There's no AI that can go picking in the fields. There are a lot of very neat
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fixes to labor shortage and labor supply that just haven't been tried. I'll give you an example. So
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if we, if we go to the other end of the spectrum, when we need more workers for seasonal labor,
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we have to advertise to the whole world and see who responds. It is a really simple solution.
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If you have a treaty with Australia, Canada, New Zealand, perhaps the US and the UK, in which you
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have an unlimited movement for seasonal workers, Kanzuk plus the US, you've solved your issue.
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Everyone speaks English. Everyone moves freely between the countries. You can do exchange programs
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with students between those countries. You have a powerful trading block because we've gone out
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with this European mindset and we have to make a deal through the EU and only work with our
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carefully vetted and prepared partners around the world. We're not allowed to just go and do stuff.
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If we did that, it would solve so many issues overnight. And you can start to just take that
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all the way through the supply chain. You're saying, do we need more job creation? Yes.
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But also there's jobs that have to be filled. I mean, farmers are talking about not getting enough
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seasonal labor because of Brexit. So what? Find other people who already speak English to come
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into the country. We can do that as an exchange program. There's so many neat solutions. If you
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want more jobs, open up the steel factories. AI isn't going in with a welding suit.
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Well, that's where you've got to get the state to take back control of what is a failed industry.
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Okay. And that's why nationalization is part of this.
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That's not nationalization long term because we know the state eventually
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gets things wrong. But it has to step in at some point and say, this isn't working.
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So what you're describing here is a sort of real economic pragmatism
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that looks at a case-by-case basis that has a bit of a
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element that requires re-nationalization of industries
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to put them back in British hands and in the hands of British capital, with the idea
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Okay. With the idea being that the oligarchy must act in the national interest.
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Well, the oligarchy will not exist unless it acts in the national interest. It will be
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The oligarchy can't survive. If you want to talk about the different layers, the state
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and the oligarchy have fundamentally fallen out. I think this is something people don't
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understand. In a traditional structure, you have competing oligarchies trying to pull the
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government in their direction. Now, in this new framework of globalization, you have
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supranational, not really oligarchs, collectives pulling against each other, okay? And for their
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own vested interests, which aren't always financial.
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And so the people who are purely focused on finance are the ones, A, leaving. But also,
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if you had a private conversation, eight out of ten will agree with Nigel Farage, will agree
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with what Liz Truss did. Maybe not publicly, because they can't be political for whatever reason.
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They own a corporation. But if you had a one-to-one conversation, I don't see that they would
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disagree with much. So it's not really the oligarchy. The oligarchy are going to be re-invited
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by the state to join the equation, if anything. We've got to move away from this idea that they're
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still pulling strings. They're all moving out. I mean, if inheritance tax and wealth tax
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are in this week's budget, even more of them are going to go. There's already hardly any left.
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But I know, I can hear these conversations happening around me all the time.
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They've already got places prepared. Most of them are already somewhere and thinking,
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Why do they need to? They can go to Dubai. If they want to experience the English countryside,
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they can go to New England. They can move around. These guys have opportunities everywhere.
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Well, yeah, there is a very legitimate question here about how do you get the
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investment class interested in Britain, because if you speak to them, they will tell you that
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