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The Podcast of the Lotus Eaters
- January 12, 2026
PREVIEW: Realpolitik #29 | The Syrian Crisis with Kevork Almassian
Episode Stats
Length
26 minutes
Words per Minute
151.4698
Word Count
3,947
Sentence Count
219
Hate Speech Sentences
40
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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Hello and welcome to a new episode of RealPolitik. I am your host, Firas Maadad, and I'm joined today
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by Kivork al-Masyan, who is a Syrian-Armenian from Aleppo, now obviously no longer living in
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Syria for obvious reasons. And he has exceptional insights on what is happening within Syria,
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how the country has been changing, what to expect in the future, and we're going to cover all of
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that with him. Kivork, welcome. Thank you very much for joining me.
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Firas, thank you very much for the invitation. I learned personally a lot from you from your
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recent podcasts. We agree on many things and we disagree on other things, and I find that you
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have fascinating insights on the region as well. Thank you, man. Thank you. Thank you. Let's just
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get right into it and start with the situation in Syria now. As I know you know, we're seeing protests
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protests in Sueda. We're seeing protests along the Alawite coast. What is going on and how is
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the new regime dealing with the minorities in Syria? Once the regime change happened on the 8th of
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December 2024, the situation in Syria was the following. The Druze community in Sueda, they were
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already de facto managing their own affairs in Sueda, even under the Assad government. I mean,
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the supplies of food and fuel and other basic necessities were coming through the government
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routes into Sueda. But all in all, the situation in the city was out of the control of the government,
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and there were weekly demonstrations against Assad, calling him illegitimate, and they don't want for
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Assad to stay in power. But the situation in Sueda, let's say this de facto self-ruling situation in
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Sueda was possible because they had their own armed groups. They had their own militias. They were
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protecting their cities, their neighborhoods, and the Assad government didn't want to clash against
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the Druze. So they let them in Sueda. So what happened after the regime changed that these weapons
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were still in the hands of the Druze, and they relatively kept this relative autonomy, let's say,
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in Sueda. And the same thing goes with the Kurds. The Kurds were even better equipped and better armed
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and better trained, especially by the U.S. Special Forces. They have tens of thousands of forces,
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mostly from the Kurds, but also you have Assyrians, Armenians, and also some of the Arab clans alongside
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the SDF. So these two components of the Syrian society, let's say, they were able to preserve their
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presence in their own regions and also push back against Jolani when it was necessary, because Jolani
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tried to recapture some of these regions from these communities. And thanks to the weapons they had,
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they defended themselves. But the situation with the Alawites was completely different,
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because when the regime change happened, an order has been given to the Syrian army soldiers,
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and most of these Alawites were serving in the Syrian Arab army because they didn't have their
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separate militias. So they handed over their weapons voluntarily to the Jolani regime,
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thinking that this will lead into some sort of reconciliation and that we could accept the
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new regime and you don't target us. But what happened is, unfortunately, that even if, I would
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argue, Jolani wants to stabilize the country, let's just give him the benefit of a doubt, his army,
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basically, those who fought for him, mostly were al-Nusra fund. And al-Nusra is the franchise of
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al-Qaeda. And the mentality of these people that when they see an Alawite, they try to humiliate him,
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they try to, for example, do things that are so provocative, like stopping people on the
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checkpoints, forcing them to bark. Like if you don't bark, you get killed, you know? So in my opinion,
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the massacres of the Alawites happened last March because they handed over these weapons.
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And the same attempt happened against the Druze in Sueda. Of course, Jolani's terror army managed to
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kill hundreds of Druze Syrians. But now that the situation is different in Sueda compared to other
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regions, for example, Atakya, Tartus, Jabli, Homs, Hama, there are towns and small villages in Homs and
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Hama completely ethnically cleansed from the Alawites. So that is the situation overall.
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After the recent attack against Alawite neighborhoods in Homs, Sheikh Ghazal Ghazal,
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who is the supreme leader of the Alawites in the abroad and also inside Syria, he called for the
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people to go for peaceful demonstrations. And it was peaceful. There was not a single,
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not even vandalizing one tree, but they were forced to, they were faced by a big persecution
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and oppression by the Jolani talks, in my opinion, which forced them to go home. But this is a positive
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development in Syria that there was this wall of fear, you know, being established against
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by the Jolani regime. And now that the Alawites also dare to challenge the Jolani regime, things
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are changing, and this is, will have a snowball effect in the country.
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Do you think it'll have a snowball effect? Or do you think that the regime will crack down harder
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using sort of intelligence tactics, kidnapping leaders, arresting people who are suspected of
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leading protests, killing people who are, you know, prominent in any new protest movement? Which one do
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you think it's going to be?
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So the Jolani regime is already arresting the people who organized these demonstrations. And
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there are people playing now, especially on Facebook, from Latakia, Tartus, Jablé, and other
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places, that their sons and their cousins and their fathers are being kidnapped by the Jolani regime
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because they arranged these demonstrations. But if I'm saying for, if in the near future,
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the Jolani regime spills blood of the Alawites again, when I listened to the last video statement
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of Sheikh Ghazal Ghazal, he stopped short, like he was on the verge of calling armed rebellion against
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the Jolani regime. He didn't call for an armed rebellion, but he said that our blood will burn
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the ground under your feet. If you continue killing us, then there will be other options. But in this case,
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the situation of the Alawites is very volatile compared to other communities, because nobody
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is willing to give weapons to the Alawites. And I'm not calling for giving weapons to anyone,
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because I don't know if this could lead into positive impact now if there is an armed rebellion
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in the country. But I do believe that neither the Russians, nor the Iranians, nor the Americans,
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nor the Israelis at the current moment are interested in giving the Alawites weapons to defend themselves.
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The Alawites were one of the backbones, let's say, of the former regime. And unless there is
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institutional and societal change in the Alawite community, which means that the leadership of the
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Alawites say clearly, like the leadership of the Kurds and the Druze, that we are open to Israel,
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we are open to America, and we no longer want to antagonize them. I think that's what they're expecting
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from the Alawites before trying to support them, assist them, let's say, a tangible support. Because
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for now, the Alawites are completely abandoned in the country.
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No, they don't have any external allies right now. And if you want to have a military uprising,
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well, you need an external patron in a country like Syria, because the Alawite community is one of the
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poorer communities in Syria. It doesn't have the rich Sunni merchant class, for example.
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And without significant external backing, they're not going to be able to do very much.
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Indeed. This is very important, what you mentioned, Firas, that the Alawite community
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is an impoverished community. And this is something, there's a big misconception about the Alawites,
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especially among the people who rose against Assad, and more especially among the people who
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are ruling nowadays Damascus, and the mentality. Like an Alawite for them is someone who benefited from
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the Assad regime. And Alawite is someone who was leading all the aspects of life under the Assad
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regime. So therefore, they have to be persecuted, right? But the Alawites were, for obvious reasons,
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were forced to serve in the state, in the Syrian state, because in their regions, the economy was based
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on agriculture, mostly, and services. They didn't have any factories, manufacturing, powerhouse, or
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industrial zones, just like the case in Damascus, Homs, and Aleppo. They were industrial zones everywhere,
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except in the coastal cities. So you had, as an Alawite, you had the opportunity to work as a farmer,
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or go to teaching, or go into the state. And many men chose to go into the army, for obvious reasons,
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because there were some privileges and also status. I mean, men like status as well, so they go to the
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military. But I would argue and say that they didn't, they didn't rule, like when they were in the army,
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they didn't rule with an Alawite sect or ideology against the rest. Like all my friends served in
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the military, my father served in the Syrian army. And the Sunnis, unlike what they claim nowadays,
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that they were not allowed to practice their religion and all these things, those are all
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misconceptions. And the Alawites didn't come and suppress the Sunni sect, saying that you cannot
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practice your religion, you cannot cover your head, and you're not allowed to practice your rituals.
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In the contrary, the Assad government regime, after the first uprising in the 80s of the Muslim
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Brotherhood, they tried to cozy up with the Muslim Brotherhood. And they allowed them to come into the
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Ba'ath Party, to the extent that we couldn't be efficient any longer in 2024, if the Ba'ath Party is
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now a socialist, secular party, or it's a party for the Muslim Brotherhood. Because many, many people
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joined the Ba'ath Party, they infiltrated the, let's say, the Ba'ath Party. It was a soft penetration
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of the Ba'ath Party. And they changed the nature of the rule, that we reached to a point where in 2023 or
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2022, Assad kicked out the Grand Mufti of Syria, Hassoun, back then, because he was not aligned with the
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Muslim Brotherhood mentality. And he replaced all the authorities of the Grand Mufti and give it,
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give them to the Minister of Endowment, Alaw Qaf. And he's a big time Muslim Brotherhood,
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he and his son, and they opened to Saudi Arabia and to Qatar. So I think Assad played with fire,
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basically, allowing the Muslim Brotherhood to entrench inside the state institution, especially
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in the Ba'ath Party. And the end result was now quite clear for everyone.
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No, I don't know the details of this as well as you do. But I agree that throughout his rule,
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Assad's father and son made sure that there was a special place for Sunni Islam in Syria, and that they
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did their best never to offend Sunni Muslim sensibilities, and that they made sure that
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there were credible clerics like Bhuti, who would be able to argue from a Salafi perspective in defense
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of the Syrian state. So they did make sure that Sunni Islam had a special status, and that the Constitution
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in part reflected this and mentioned Islam as a religion informing state regulations. So it wasn't,
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you know, they didn't try to suppress Sunni Islam. They did favor the Alawites in security appointments,
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but a lot of the very senior officials were Christian and Sunni. And they played a huge role in the regime.
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So the narrative that this was only an Alawite regime was always an oversimplification.
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And, you know, there was still no compromise accepted by the masses who today sort of support the
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the new government, which is still in its ideology fundamentally jihadi. And that's not going to change.
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Yeah, if you allow me, if you allow me, I would characterize the both of the Assad
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father and the son political system by political authoritarianism. And it was based on political
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loyalty. If you are a Sunni Alawite Christian, and you're loyal to the regime, and you're helping the
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regime, you will ascend in the hierarchy of the of the bars and the military and the security
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apparatuses. But if you seriously challenged the Assad regime, you would end up in jail. Like if
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I as a Christian, Armenian, Syrian, let's say challenge the Assad regime enough, they would throw
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me in a dungeon. There was no exceptions. If you are an Alawite or not an Alawite, those were all,
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let's say, let's put it on the side. And the economic powerhouse of Syria, this is the most important
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thing that the Sunnis had the, it's not a privilege, but it was a preference. Like the Assad, both
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both Assad, Assads knew that the merchants of Damascus are very important. And the industrialists
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of Aleppo are even more important, right? So they supported these industrial zones and the business class,
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to the extent that they had influence in the Assad government changing economic policies to serve their
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interests. And the evidence for it is, 2005, Assad started opening up the markets, he started changing
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from socialism into an open market country. And the guy who led this, this change was Abdullah Derdari.
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Abdullah Derdari is one of the most, let's say, non-Sunni families in Syria, and he was in the UN.
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Yes. And he brought it especially to lead this transition in the country, thinking that if he
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enriches more, let's say, the business and the industrial class, he will gain more loyalty.
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But what he did basically, the loyal base of Hafez and then at the beginning of Bashar were in the rural
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areas, because under the socialist rule, they were supporting the rural areas and the suburbs and uplifting
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their social status and supporting the peasants, the farmers, and also the small businesses.
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And then Bashar came and started changing that into an open market society. And all the grievances
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happened now in the rural areas where the most loyal Baas party members were. That's why the revolt,
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the under-armed insurgency, started mostly in the rural areas because of this, because people didn't have
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any longer job opportunities in the rural areas as they were coming to the cities. If you don't study
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banking, if you don't study marketing, if you don't work in the PR, human resources, and all these
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things that nowadays we think those are the major jobs, let's say, in the West, then you wouldn't find
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a working opportunity in the rural areas. And what happens to the sons and the grandsons of the farmers?
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They are neglected. And that's why many of the outside forces, let's say, they knew the situation
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very well in Syria. They capitalized on it and they injected these sectarian sentiments instead of
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telling them he impoverished you because of the economic policies. No, they told them he impoverished
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you because you're a Sunni. Now you have to fight for your survival. And that's the easiest way to provoke
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the people to carry arms, unfortunately, in our region.
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Yes, no, absolutely correct. And I think the point that you made that Bashar al-Assad came with an
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economic liberalization plan. I mean, first there was a political liberalization plan and the Damascus
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Spring. And this pretty much ended as the planning for the Iraq invasion became more serious. And as Colin
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Powell went to Damascus, the American Secretary of State at the time went to Damascus and threatened Bashar
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that they would overthrow him next, essentially. So this killed the political liberalization.
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But the economic liberalization continued.
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And it was done in partnership with Sunni economic forces, largely.
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Because Hafez had favored the Sunni economic forces. And after the initial land reforms and changes of
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that nature that happened under the Ba'ath, he reconciled with the Sunni merchant class and partnered
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with them. There was corruption involved in that if your business grew, you had to involve the security
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forces or people high up in the regime in your business and make sure that they took a cut.
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But this is sort of the standard in all of the Middle East. This wasn't because he was an Alawite.
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This is what happens all over the Middle East. In Lebanon, if you want to do business in the
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Druze areas, you have to pay Walu Jumblat. In the Christian areas, you have to pay so-and-so.
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In the Shia areas, you have to pay Birri, etc., etc. So this is the standard operating procedure for the
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region. Assad implemented this, but he worked with the Sunni economic forces. And he didn't, in fact,
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exclude them or was hostile to them. But then the sectarianism is sort of baked into our culture to
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a large extent. But then you saw everybody in the Middle East sending their most effective radicals
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into Syria to radicalize the uprising further. And you remember when the brigades, the military
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brigades began forming. The first one was called the Farooq Brigade, referring to Omar ibn al-Khattab,
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the most hated figure in Shia Islam, or one of the most hated figures in Shia Islam. And this was
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deliberate. And you remember when the guys in the militias in Rastan went from having regular
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beards to having Salafi beards and shaved off their mustaches. And then that's when you knew
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that Qatari funding has sort of properly gone into Syria in order to blow up the whole country.
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I'm happy that you mentioned Qatar, by the way. I'm very happy you mentioned Qatar. I think
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if there is one land in the world that I wouldn't step in,
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that would be Qatar. Because what Qatar did basically is spending fortunes, tens of billions of
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dollars to radicalize big segments of the Syrian people. Hamad bin Jassim himself confessed on the
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Qatari national TV that they even supported al-Nusra Front. He said, no, support for ISIS is an
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exaggeration. He said, we didn't do that. But the Qatari role in Syria is really not discussed enough,
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because they have a strong PR machine in the region. They have, in my opinion, one of the biggest
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offices in the entire region called Al Jazeera. And what they did basically, in Arabic, they say
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exactly, they say something, and they push the people into radicalism and sectarianism and jihadism.
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They normalize the term Islamic State and not Daesh or ISIS or terrorism. And they host clerics,
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sheikhs, imams, giving fatwas live on television, saying, for example, Sheikh Youssef Al-Qaradawi,
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who is now in God's hands. He said, I permit the killing of every Syrian, whether civilian or soldier,
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if he's working in a public sector in Syria, which means if you're working in the airport,
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if you're teaching at school, if you're working in the energy sector, it is permissible for these
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so-called rebels to kill you. You're not a soldier, but you're serving the regime according to him.
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Thousands of people got killed because of that while on their way to their work. But when you open
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Al Jazeera English, they say, yeah, the entire world needs a democracy except for Qatar, right?
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And then you go into Al Jazeera Plus, they're talking about pandas, they're talking about LGBTQ
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community. They know to who they are speaking and to who they are directing their speech.
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This double game of Qatar is very dangerous. And the people need to know, especially your respected
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audience, that Qatar played an instrumental role in radicalizing the people and corrupting the brains
00:21:37.320
to the extent that people started blowing up themselves. Like all these sheikhs and imams
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and who are giving fatwas. And nowadays, many of whom who are giving fatwas are in Syria.
00:21:48.440
Yes.
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And as these sheikhs are Saudis, Syrians, Qataris, Kuwaitis, etc. The other day,
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there was a campaign of crowdfunding. They're doing a crowdfunding to support the people in Hama.
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And some of these sheikhs were there donating $6 to $10 million. How can any of these sheikhs,
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like the question is, where did they get this money from? How is it a Syrian sheikh,
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who used to live in Saudi Arabia, and on TV, raising the sword and saying,
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let's go to jihad and let's go and kill the infidels, has $6 million. Like, I mean, come on,
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me and you, we are hard workers, you know, $6 million. We have $6 million.
00:22:37.800
That's a lot of money. No, they were, I think you're referring to the guy who was in Saudi Arabia,
00:22:45.080
what was his name?
00:22:46.600
Aar'ud.
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Sheikh Aar'ud.
00:22:48.520
Sheikh Aar'ud, yes. One of the worst human beings alive.
00:22:53.880
And yeah, you saw clerics from Kuwait going into Syria to try to radicalize people. You saw them
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from all over the Gulf. They emptied their prisons of radicals and sent them into Syria. And it was
00:23:06.200
done in a coordinated way. And it was led by, you know, US support. We had Operation Timber
00:23:14.120
Seqib Moore. And this was known at the time. And we have Clinton's emails saying Al-Qaeda is on our
00:23:19.640
side in Syria. And this was all done essentially to cut the supply line between Iran and Hezbollah.
00:23:28.040
But now relations between the new Syrian authorities and Israel are not exactly going great. Talk to us
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a little bit about that.
00:23:40.120
So I think that Netanyahu is very smart. And I never underestimate Israel. And I always tell people,
00:23:49.000
you should be very, very careful what the Israelis say and do. And they think ahead. Unlike all the
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countries in the region, all of them, without exception, Israel has a plan for 50 years ahead.
00:24:01.560
And they have a long, let's say, strategic patience with the program that they try to implement in the
00:24:08.920
region. Now, the Jolani forces occupied the border crossing between the Golan Heights,
00:24:15.560
Syrian occupied territories now in the hands of Israel. And the Jolani forces were present on the
00:24:21.960
border crossing in touch with the Israeli army for three to four years. Yes. And they were fighting
00:24:27.400
against the Syrian army. They were injured by the Syrian army. They went to the Golan Heights
00:24:32.760
field hospitals operated by the Israelis, received medical treatment, cash, light weapons, and
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the logistics, the intel. And this is all in Israeli press. I'm not bringing anything from myself, you
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know. The former head of Mossad was challenged by Mehdi Hassan, one of the few times he did great
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journalism that he challenged the former head of Mossad. And he said, yeah, we gave, we supported Al-Qaeda
00:25:00.760
and we gave them medical treatment for humanitarian reasons. This is what he said.
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But when Jolani, and this is very important in my opinion, when October 7 happened, I think everything
00:25:13.880
changed in the region and Assad was asked to make a shift. And this is the time, especially after the
00:25:21.240
assassination of Nasrallah that Assad has to do the U-turn. And Assad is not an Anwar Sadat. Anwar Sadat,
00:25:28.680
in one day to another, he flipped and he opened his country to the Americans and he normalized ties
00:25:34.680
with Israel. But Assad is not that type of personality. So he was one feet here and one
00:25:41.000
feet there, a little bit with the Gulf and a little bit with the Iranians trying to diversify. It won't
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work that way after October 7. It was a time to be in a camp. If you enjoyed this piece of premium
00:25:51.160
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