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The Podcast of the Lotus Eaters
- August 11, 2025
PREVIEW: Realpolitik #8 | Conservative Perspectives with Gary Connolly
Episode Stats
Length
22 minutes
Words per Minute
175.16148
Word Count
3,959
Sentence Count
199
Hate Speech Sentences
48
Summary
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Transcript
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turbo
).
Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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Hello and welcome to a new episode of RealPolitik. I am your host, Firas Modad. I am joined today by
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Graham Connolly. He's a barrister in Sydney who's advised the Australian government on
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national security and law issues. He served in the Naval Intelligence at the Royal Australian Navy,
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South China Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, so he knows the topics that we want to talk
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about rather well. He regularly writes about national security and governance and he gives
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always a realistic conservative perspective, I'd argue. You should check out his blog at Strategy
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Council and his Twitter at Grey Connolly. Just to clarify, these are his own views that he'll be
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sharing with us tonight, not those of the Australian government. Grey, how are you? Very well. Thank you
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for inviting me on and very much looking forward to the discussion. My pleasure, my pleasure.
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Sure. Maybe we can, well, the issue of the hour is the Middle East and what's going on with Iran.
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We're recording this on the 20th of June. There will be a lag before it comes out. But maybe we can
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start with your perspective on Russia and Israel, because you're in an unusual position where you
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have been quite understanding of the position of both the Russians and the Israelis, things online tend
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to be either or here. The Russia supporters end up being Hamas supporters and the Ukraine supporters
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end up being Israel supporters. So I wanted to understand the worldview and mindset that lets you be
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a little bit more distinctive than the rest, please. Well, okay. I come to the debate slightly
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differently from everyone else. And I think perhaps this is because I was always a history major and
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things like that. If you look at both Russia, Israel, look at Iran, you look at a lot of these
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countries, Turkey as well, you're dealing with basically an historical civilizational power.
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In other words, you're dealing with countries that have long memories, and they have a long,
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continuous, popular memory, and an understanding of how their world exists and how it should be.
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And I think one of the reasons why I am slightly unique, apart from my natural tendency just not
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to join herds, I have a great dislike of mobs and people just following in with tribes and
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tribalism. I find it self-defeating, and I find it almost undignified.
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I think for mature adults to follow herds. But if I could put it in simple terms, both the Russians
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and the Israelis, and I think this is a problem that people who are against Israel don't really
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understand. Israel is, it is the sort of the Jewish national home, but there are also large numbers of
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Christians and Arab Israelis who have fully bought into the Israeli project, and who consider themselves
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every bit as Israeli as anyone else in the nation. And similarly, Russia in its own way is actually
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much more than just some sort of Slavic Orthodox country. I think one of the things that's been missed in the
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last 20 years is how much, for instance, Putin in his case has done to try and reach out particularly to
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Muslim, to Muslims and other minorities in Russia itself. And so you have in these sort of civilizational
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nation states, you also have a sort of multi-ethnic and a multi-faith
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perspective. And I think that means therefore the nation state to, the one thing the nation state has
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to do in both those countries to hold those polities together is provide security and order.
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And it does that by two ways. Obviously there's the kinetic side, there's the large armed forces,
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there's the security state, but there's also that national idea that sort of, and everyone
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belongs to that. The one thing that both those sort of nation states that are civilizations cannot
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accept, and this would, I think would apply equally to the Turks, certainly would apply to China,
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certainly I think would apply to Iran, regardless who runs it, is the idea that you cannot have the
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nation state challenged by an external actor and made to feel threatened. And the simple analogy,
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I use with people is, and I've heard other people use this, so this is not my idea, but I like it.
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It's that if I, if you live next door to a bear and I tell you not to poke the bear, particularly a
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mother bear, it's not because I'm pro bear. It's because I think nothing good is going to happen here.
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And in their own ways, what the West has handled Russia and the way that particularly the Palestinians
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have handled Israel is a way of poking a bear, a much bigger animal that will simply devour them.
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And so insofar as I see the logical, so to go back, I see the history going backwards of how these sort
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of civilizational states form themselves, and I see the present and how they work, and I can see the
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obvious consequences of stupid things, then I am kind of understanding of them for the simple reason
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that as an Australian, if what happened to Israel happened to Australia, I would want to reserve the
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right for Australia to do whatever it needed to do to recover its hostages and to engage in a,
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you know, engaged in a responsible but nonetheless devastating use of armed force to make sure it
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never happened again. So I guess what I'm trying to say to you is I have a much more, I have a much
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more, I guess, conservative realist view of the world. I don't have it like in a kind of mean way or an
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economically driven way. I just have a conservative realist way that comes out of just the human nature
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and the nature of a nation is really a large family. And it becomes even more complex when you
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have that multi-faith, multi-ethnic polity, because the state actually has to do much more to hold it
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all together, because you don't have the benefits of necessarily homogeneity. You have to do more to
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hold it together. And so the state has to energetically do that. So I think that's just one thing that was
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missed in both the Russian and the Israeli cases is these were both sort of civilizational powers
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that when confronted had to, you know, vindicate their rights. And I've never really understood
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how anyone thought the Israelis would endure what they did and that they would not respond in a
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devastating manner. I mean, Hamas had to know what was going to happen to them. Similarly, the idea
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that you would expand NATO and then start dangling Ukrainian membership of NATO and not expect the
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Russians to react was just insane. And I just think it would matter who ran Russia. And I've said this
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millions, I've said this over and over again. I've said this on Twitter, I've said this over again.
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In the Russian political sphere, Putin is looked upon as a, as a, as a legalist, something of an
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obscurantist, someone who any Russians think is not strong enough in defending Russian interests and
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Russian rights. He's far too mild. You know, a friend of mine who said once, yeah, who's, who's from
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a Slavic background, he always says that Putin is probably the best leader that the West is going
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to get from Russia. It's just downhill after him, probably. Yes. And if you thought out any of the
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czars, I would have exactly the same policy. Yes. It was very obvious to me after 7th October that
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the Israeli retaliation was going to be absolutely devastating. I think now though, the stated policy
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of the Israelis is to get the Gazans out of Gaza permanently with the exploration of where,
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which countries could they go to and how to kick them out. And I think with the strikes on Iran now,
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the possibility of breaching the border with Egypt and forcing the Palestinians into Egypt,
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whether they like it or not, is more of a realistic possibility. I think that what people
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have a problem with is that the view that the West would tolerate something like that is,
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is no longer held, that the West would tolerate the mass expulsion of a population is, it's just
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not accepted in the West anymore. And that the cost of it in terms of relations with the Muslim
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worlds are quite severe. And that in the West, the response to various terrorist attacks was never that.
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So I remember after 9-11, friends of mine calling me from the United States and saying,
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we're leaving the US because they're going to be running around massacring Muslims.
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The expectation was of some kind of collective punishment. And that never materialized. And any
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attempt to do something of the sort was instantly condemned. So the objection tends to be that,
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well, given all of the terrorist attacks that have happened in the West, there was never this
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kind of reaction to expel all Muslims from the West en masse. So I think that that's the,
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that's the complicating factor in Israel's case, or that's the additional dimension in Israel's case,
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that the destruction of Hamas is one thing. And God knows it's necessary to sort of eliminate these
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kinds of movements. But it's also a fact that they're a reflection of these societies,
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that they are organic to these societies rather than simply Iranian agents. And that given that
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reality, what if it were to happen in the West? Well, after the Madrid bombings, after 7-7,
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after the Manchester Arena bombings, et cetera, this wasn't done in the West. So I think that's the
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complicating factor here.
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Okay. But if I could put it back to you, it's that, I mean, I'm an Australian. I live on a massive
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island. So I have, I have a certain degree of security that an Israeli living in a very small
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country. I mean, I often make a joke about Europeans when they talk about climate issues. It's like,
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well, no offense, your country would be a farm here. And, you know, I don't mean that in a
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necessarily derogatory way. It's just, you have to appreciate scale.
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That was in French again.
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Yeah. And that's, that's right. But I mean, I don't mean that to be rude, but I mean,
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the Israelis live on a very tight margin of security. And I'm not for like, I'm not for
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something extreme. I think one of the big problems of the obvious participation of UN agents in the
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acts of Hamas over the last few decades has been that what, how you, how you would hope to solve
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this would be the United Nations would conduct a fair plebiscite on Gaza's future with the local
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inhabitants. There would be parties contesting a real election for a post-Hamas existence. There
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would be sponsors in the normal world. That is how you would, how you would do it. You would have
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almost a form of UN trusteeship, but you can't do that because the Israelis just don't trust the
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United Nations at all. I mean, certainly the Americans, even if, even if Trump wasn't the
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president, I don't think the Americans would either. And so you just have all this bad blood.
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I can, I can see your point. I've never, I've never taken the view that necessarily Iran
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owns everything about Hamas. I'm personally a skeptic of how much Iran knew about October 7th.
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I've often wondered if the Iranians, because if you know something about the way, if I put it this
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way, the Iranians do terrorism. Uh, and I mean that not in a pejorative way, I just mean that in
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the standard of tradecraft. Yes. Um, it's a very, October 7th, isn't a, isn't the norm of how the
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Iranians, I'm not saying the Iranians are good, but I'm just saying there are things that terrorists
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do that necessarily the Iranians don't do. So for instance, after September 11, you know,
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the Iranians condemned September 11, they absolutely condemned it as un-Islamic. Yeah.
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There was just, there was just something very, very, uh, just barbaric about it that offended,
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I guess, the sheer mind in a way that I don't think for say, uh, Salafist takfiris, you have
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that same problem. Um, I mean, I'm, I mean, I, I, I was in, um, just a small, I hate going
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back to my past experiences, but in Iraq, um, you know, Al Qaeda in Iraq was well known for
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instance, to use mentally disabled or, um, or, or people with disabilities as unconscious
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suicide bombers. And they actually would send them into marketplaces and they would detonate
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them remotely. And the person carrying, had no idea the backpack they were carrying,
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I mean, the sort of just brutal way of doing things very much. The Iranians had much more,
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I guess, um, a different kind of trade craft, if I can put it that way. So I've always been
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something of a skeptic of what Iran really knew about October 7th, because it just, I
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just can't help thinking that the Iranians would have said, don't do this. This is just
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dumb. This is stupid. The way we do things is we do through mass irritation. Um, don't
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forget, I've always said this, Will, in 2006, because I was in the Middle East in 2006, when
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they launched the Hezbollah against Israel, yes, the Israelis took some punches, but the Israelis
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smashed Hezbollah. I mean, they absolutely smashed Hezbollah to the point where Hezbollah took
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such a beating, they really didn't recover for a number of years. And, um, certainly
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in my understanding is in Lebanon itself, the beating that Hezbollah took, which affected
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the civilian populations in Lebanon was something also that was held against Lebanon as well.
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So it was held against Hezbollah as well. So I guess I just have always been something
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of skeptic of what Iran did. Now what Iran did after October 7th was dumb in saying, oh,
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well, these are our sort of, uh, axis of resistance in the region. We have to support
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them. Um, instead of taking, I think the more sober minded view that a proper empire would
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take. And that is the dog wags the tail, the tail doesn't wag the dog. And we're going
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to let you take a beating here to search, you learn a lesson and which is what Iran didn't
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do. And, uh, and so the Iranians in a sense have only got themselves to blame in that regard.
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But I've always, I've always, I've found like the idea of what do you do with Gaza, uh, post
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all this is, I mean, you're not going to turn it into Dubai on the Mediterranean. You, you're
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going to have to find some way that's realistic to, to sort this. And I just think the idea
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of expelling or relocating the population is obviously, um, unfeasible. I mean, it's unfeasible.
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It's unfeasible. Also Egypt are not going to take the Palestinians. Um, so they're not
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going to take them. My, my growing concern gray is that the Israelis don't see any limits
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on their military power. Um, and don't see, don't seem to have a sense of restraint in
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this cabinet under this leadership. So if you looked at 67 Israel, uh, they were shocked
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at the territory that they recovered, that they captured, uh, and they thought, well, maybe
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we should give some of it back and in exchange for peace that never happened. It couldn't
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work, et cetera, et cetera. Fair enough. The voices who would think this way no longer exist
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in Israel. The, the, the, the, the, the levy ash calls who could think in this particular
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way and who could see, hold on, are we overextending ourselves? Uh, there must be some sort of shared
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legitimacy no longer exist in Israel. And the refrain that the Israelis have kept on repeating
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was that the Arabs only understand force. We must always use force. And it seems to me
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that in fact, this is in a way flipped and that the Israelis only understand the use of
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force now. So the attempts to break the West bank, the, the attempts to break the camps in
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the West bank and to completely eliminate any kind of capability in the West bank. On the
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one side, it's understandable. On the other side, it guarantees the Hamasification of the
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West bank. Um, the idea that the population would be expelled. Well, the only way to do
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it is to go after the, uh, to, to, to force open that border and see how the Egyptians retaliate
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and militarily they can't do anything. Uh, and that's becoming a risk that's acceptable.
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So there's a big panic among people in the Middle East who I speak to that Egypt is next. And I tend
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to share that view that the Israelis have lost the sense that we need to maintain a level of
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stability and they are more on the side that says we will use as much force as it takes to
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build fortress Israel. Okay. So I, I can understand what you're saying. I think one,
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one of two things I would say in response is, and this is not to dispute anything that you've just
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said is that after what Israel suffered and the fact they've still got hostages that have been
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kept now, um, what were almost in July, um, the, the Israelis, the Israel, I think the Israeli view
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would be as long as you're holding our hostage, we're bringing the hammer down. And until we get
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everyone back, the hammer keeps falling. I think that would be the Israeli view in respect to the
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West bank. If that is correct. And I will defer to your knowledge here. That would be, I think,
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a big mistake because, um, you need to be able to distinguish, uh, you know, sort of mortal threats
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from irritants. And insofar as the West bank has been curious by what it has not done since October
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7th. I mean, I think that that's a mistake. Um, I do think the one thing that as going back to my
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civilizational PowerPoint, um, I think the one thing with the Israelis is that, and, uh, I, I grew up in,
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I grew up in Sydney and I mostly grew up in a Jewish part of Sydney in the Eastern suburbs.
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So this is, I won't give you a long disquisition on the geography of Sydney, but it's a, it's an
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interesting city full of people from everywhere. So I grew up in the Eastern suburbs. It's a very
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nice, um, it's a very affluent part of Sydney, but it's, it's also historically, it's a very Jewish
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area. And, um, I remember a colleague of mine saying about exactly what you're talking about,
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about the difference in Israeli politics. And he just said, every, everyone is Bagan now.
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Another year, everyone's Medican Bagan now. Yeah. Medican Bagan who said, I am a Jew. I do not
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come to you on my knees. I come to you. Um, you know, you will respect us kind of, and I have to
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be honest, I think it's just unreal not to understand among the, uh, not just Israelis,
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but the Jewish diaspora over the world, just how much what happened has affected them. And I think
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would have been completely different if Hamas had attacked, say like Israeli outposts or checkpoints,
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say like Hezbollah do, and they, they, perhaps they have duck soldiers and they hold them
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in the sort of way that people are held there, et cetera. That might be one thing, but they went
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after women, they went after girls, you know, just barbaric. And when you see that, the primal,
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yeah, no, I'm just saying the primal response of people is, sorry, this is gloves come off.
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You've, you've, you've crossed the civilizational red line. Yeah. And I, I just think that is
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something that I just, I think it's unreal to sort of not, not, not understand it. Now
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it's not to excuse that. I mean, like after September 11, there were terrible things done
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in the aftermath of that that were justified by, well, you know, these people flew planes
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into buildings, therefore, yeah, they've got where they're coming. But I'm just saying,
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I think, I don't think there's going to be any kind of sensible restraint on what anyone
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is doing until, until all, until all the hostages are back. And I think from the Israeli's perspective,
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The issue with the hostages, the, the, the issue with the hostages has been that Hamas's
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conditions for releasing them went from, we want hundreds of prisoners in exchange for each hostage
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to, okay, so long as we get a full guarantee to end the war and some guarantees about reconstruction
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and aid, which sort of implicitly guarantee Hamas's survival. So the, the issue with the hostages,
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now, isn't that Hamas is still keeping them, it's that the Israelis reject the possibility of Hamas
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continuing in existence. The problem with that mindset, as far as I can see it, is that Hamas
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is a, unfortunately, a genuine expression of what the Palestinians want now. It wasn't always what
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the Palestinians wanted, but it is now. And that removing them is practically impossible.
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So we've, the, the way that this conflict has played out, I mean, I think it was Hilaire Belok
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that said something about a, the anger emanating from a crisis, not making you fundamentally change
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your strategy and thinking as a precondition for being able to exercise wise policy. I wish I
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remember how he said it because it would have sounded a lot better, but that's as best, that's the best
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that I can do with it. And it seems to me that here, strategically, the Israelis have put themselves
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in a particular bind where they have the military power to do whatever they want, including do things
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like strike Iran. But the consequences of that are going to be a deeper hostility in the Muslim world
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than already existed. And I grew up in Jordan, where being called a Jew was the worst thing that you,
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that you could be called. So this is starting from a high bar, and yet it's getting considerably worse.
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And the empowerment of Turkey, which is going to be considerably more competent than Iran,
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by its very nature and its military tradition. And because as the Arabs like to say, the Sunnah are
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for government and the Shia are for flagellation. The Shia can't rule well, the Sunnis can, and they
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have a more capable and impressive military history. So while accepting what you're saying on the emotions
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associated with it, it just seems to me, from a Western perspective, and I'm not a Westerner, but
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this is the Western mood, morally unacceptable to mass expel the Palestinians, who can't be compared to
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sort of Aborigines or to American tribes, because this is an advanced Islamic civilization, not a
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people living in prehistory. And the second one being a Sunni world that is more confident in its
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endless hostility to Israel, and that has a more effective leader in Turkey.
00:22:05.960
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00:22:09.040
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00:22:20.900
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