David Starkey: Can the West Survive?
Episode Stats
Length
1 hour and 19 minutes
Words per minute
139.53253
Harmful content
Misogyny
18
sentences flagged
Toxicity
48
sentences flagged
Hate speech
24
sentences flagged
Summary
Our fantastic and returning guest today is one of this country s most prominent historians, Dr. David Starkey. We ve got lots to talk about, particularly the royals, and we want to get your thoughts on that, so we asked him to come on the show.
Transcript
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British opinion has hardened hugely against Harry and Meghan, and in favour of the monarchy.
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The religion has got a priestess, but she's Meghan.
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He found the Invictus Games for badly injured soldiers.
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I'm sure he managed to go through six years at Eton and not learn a single word of Latin.
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I mean, I think that they're doing profound damage to themselves.
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He's become, to use, I think an appropriate word, because he's been treacherous.
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And this is a show for you if you want honest conversations with fascinating people.
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Our fantastic and returning guest today is one of this country's most prominent historians,
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We've got lots to talk about, particularly the royals.
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We want to get your take on that, and I'm sure it's going to be very interesting.
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But before we do, one of the things I'm pleased to see is that you've recovered.
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So if there was any recovery needed from the attempted cancellation, you're back.
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You've been welcomed back into the fold of society.
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I'm not sure that I was ever driven out of the fold of society.
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There's this strange little world, this tiny world of smug, self-satisfied people, centering
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on places like The Guardian, the BBC, some university common rooms, certain charities, the civil
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They're a little group of self-satisfied people.
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Now, those self-satisfied people can do terrible, terrible things because they control employment.
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In many ways, they control, they used to control.
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BBC had virtually a monopoly on the dissemination of information.
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The one thing they didn't control is real society, save in so far as people are frightened.
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And he was the kind of person who buys friends.
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To give you an idea of the quality of the man, I once visited his garden.
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What they were hesitant about doing, a lot of them, was putting head above parapet.
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But then I decided that no one has ever shut me up before.
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My mother, as always, mothers get you half right.
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She said, your tongue will be the ruin of you.
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And it's this, again, we've seen the same thing with Clarkson.
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You know, those of us who walk tightropes can fall.
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Those of us who parade on knife edges can get cut.
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You need a degree of honest self-judgment.
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Admitting you were a fool yourself is a start.
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But equally, once in my sense, in my case, one of outraged injustice, that an outraged sense
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of justice, that the sheer disproportion, and of course, above all, the fact I wasn't
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You know, if I depended on university salary, I would have been lost.
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The retired, have you noticed, the most outspoken academics are the retired academics.
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You look now at, for example, History Reclaimed, David Aboulafia, Robert Frost.
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Retirement is not only giving them a new lease of life, it's giving them a new lease of freedom.
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You can't, or rather, the whole, as it were, enforcement machinery, dismissal, professional
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It's those, those are the ones who are so vulnerable.
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And then again, as we've been talking about, so that's the fact that the constructions apply
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I mean, I think, I think, again, you look at so many of those who are making, making the
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running in the, in the revival, because there's undoubtedly a very serious revival of free
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They're those out, somewhat outside, those standing away from...
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No, but you're, sorry, you're of a different kind.
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But then equally, the new media were precisely one of the means by which the worst aspects,
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through Twitter and whatever, of cancellation was enforced.
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In other words, we're in a world of margins, aren't we?
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But equally, there are so many bits that you fall off the edge in most interesting ways.
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I mean, I've always argued that the, if you wanted to do really big pseudo-history stuff
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on freedom in the West, you'd said that freedom is a little bit like the mammals in the age
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of the dinosaurs, these tiny little creatures scurrying around between these things.
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And in the West, above all, I think it's the fact that you have the war between church
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And the world that we're in now, with these gigantic forces, oddly enough, it leaves little
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And people like us, the smart, clever little mammals, can run around these gigantic, snorting,
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And occasionally, you're underneath, so you can do horrible things to their tender of bits.
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The person who says, to pick a crass and crude example, no, the sun does not revolve around
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Somebody has got to say what everybody thinks is untrue.
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I come from a background of minority religion, Quakerism.
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And my mother was, in many ways, a profoundly conventional woman in one sense, over things
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But equally, she had a remarkably powerful sense that public opinion is often wrong.
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Just because everybody says something, she would say, is not necessarily right.
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She was fiercely opposed to corporal punishment.
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Dear me, talk about making a rod for her own back.
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She thought the right way to deal with a child is to reason with them.
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Can you imagine trying to reason with me as a three-year-old?
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But it gave me that sense that finally the truth is there, that it can be argued for,
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Again, I was immensely, bearing it my age, I'm born in 45, I was immensely fortunate, both
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in my primary school and more particularly in my little grammar school, 300, a boy's grammar,
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which had been taken over by an astonishing reforming headmaster.
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I think he was one of the youngest in the country.
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He was only in his early 30s, a man called James Boyes.
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And he'd essentially abolished corporal punishment.
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But he'd essentially abolished corporal punishment.
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And the school operated as far as it could on a principle of argument and reason.
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Of course, you always find yourself coming up against the fact that people may say that
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But when he touches things really tightly, my mother, again, her favorite word, she was
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such a bundle of contradiction, was, oh, it's a matter of principle.
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And this little boy learned very quickly that a principle is something that people believe
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in so strongly that they won't listen to reason on the subject.
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Again, at Cambridge, with my great teacher, with Geoffrey Elton, always, you know, I've got
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the view, you know, you should be contemptuous of your elders, harsh to your equals, and generous
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Surprisingly, you know, suddenly, you know, you've rebelled against your intellectual father.
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David, and speaking of dissent, I mean, one of the things that I found, and I don't use
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this word lightly, but genuinely shocking, was to do with the royal family, which is one
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of the reasons we wanted to have you back, but at the tail end of last year, where you
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And it just seemed to me that we've become deranged in the way that we talk about these
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I mean, the way that story was covered showed me that that bubble that you talked about
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earlier, I mean, their view of reality is so distorted now that they are so bought into
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the idea that the royal family is just one racist enterprise, et cetera, et cetera.
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I was profoundly shocked by the way in which the entire case was reported.
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I mean, I was listening that evening when Fulani went public.
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She was interviewed on virtually every channel.
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I was in a car when my friend Ian Dale interviewed her.
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And I have never heard a more shameful, and I say this, and I'm deeply fond of Ian, I've
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never heard a more shameful and sycophantic piece of broadcasting in my life.
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That there was simply this prostration before this woman who clearly had to be the voice
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of absolute truth because of who she was, what she was, what color she was.
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I was again profoundly shocked at the response of the household of the Prince of Wales immediately,
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implicitly accusing his godmother, Lady Susan Hussey, of racism.
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But then, so when you actually looked at Ngozi Vulani, was she?
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Here was a woman with an extraordinary conflation of names.
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Hussey was a church, gather as a member of a church with large numbers of African members
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She was clearly profoundly puzzled by the union of two wildly different tribal names.
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Here was a woman who was wearing, come on, say, it was almost a carnival version of African dress.
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I mean, it was a sort of outfit that, in the old days, a Victorian traveling circus would have used
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She was wearing as much leperskin print as you'd normally only find on a barstool in Las Vegas.
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Is it any wonder that a woman who traveled with the queen to Africa had seen the real thing
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And, of course, you know, the whole game was played to, as it were, get maximum traction for, again,
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this view that British society, particularly upper class British society, is fundamentally racist,
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that she was challenging this woman's right to be British, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
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Fulani goes out of her way to emphasize not her British identity, but her Pan-African identity,
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which, again, very many black commentators were saying is something they find profoundly problematic,
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because, of course, it places skin color above culture,
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which, again, gets us into, to associate identity with skin color, surely is racist.
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So, you know, the whole, we are in the cul-de-sac of absurdities and paradoxes.
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David, the thing that really struck me, and you use your own example, and I think about this in that context as well,
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is the amount of bad faith that was so obvious in that engagement that was not critically analyzed by the media at all.
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I mean, if you and I were to have a conversation, as we might have done when we first met,
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and you said to me, oh, you're foreign, where are you from?
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And I gave you some obfuscatory answer, and you went on, oh, but where are you really from?
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Why don't I just tell him, and then we can have a conversation about that,
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It was very clear from this engagement that this woman was deliberately making this into a big deal,
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and nobody had the balls to stand up and say it.
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It, again, I mean, I had a remarkable conversation, and I wish I could remember his name.
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It was at a history-reclaimed party, and he was from, I think, I think in the Balkans.
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He completely anglicized to a level that I would say for the fact that he used an original version of his surname.
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And what we were then talking about, what was I supposed to call him?
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And I wanted to call him English because he seemed to me to have everything that I regard as English in the sense of the use of language, the sensibility, the culture.
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And I found myself, it was really odd, I found myself arguing that finally Englishness has become a matter of culture.
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It is in the same way that you, despite spelling constant time of the K, and whatever, in so many ways are almost as English as you.
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And I think we're going to, see, I think this is the way forward.
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And I have got this sense, again, England increasingly is becoming a place of the mind in exactly the same way that Rome was.
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And for all the same sorts of reasons, a dominant culture, which was the center of a vast empire,
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which itself is being transformed ethnically precisely because of the empire coming back home and so on.
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But the idea of Roman-ness survived as a mental and cultural identity.
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And one, of course, that was capable of being revived hundreds, a thousand years after Rome had fallen.
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I'm wondering, but it seems to me that rather than just sticking to the brief, it's worth exploring that thought.
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But to return, because you want to talk about that.
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Well, we were wanting to talk about the royalty, the royal family.
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And I think my question, and the question that I really want to ask you, before we get into anything to do with Harry, etc.,
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It is the one continuous thread in our history.
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There are several ways in which you can understand it.
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But essentially, and it is this utter paradox of English history.
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This utter paradox of English history, that all the things that we think of as our freedoms,
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the security of property, the forms of representative government, the rigorous enforcement of law,
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all happen under monarchy, are finally a creation of it, and it is their guarantor.
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In other words, we are that most paradoxical of things.
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As, in fact, Prince Charles, King Charles, very clearly understood in what I thought was a remarkably good speech,
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which he gave the sort of invented, like so much of the accession,
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the invented speech when he met both houses of parliament in Westminster Hall
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and emphasized the fact we are a parliamentary monarchy.
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Now, many people think that that's a sort of creation of democracy in the 20th century.
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It goes back to the very latest, the beginning of the 14th century.
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In 1308, in a ritual that will shortly be reenacted, that's the coronation and the taking of the coronation oath.
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In 1308, Edward II was forced to swear an oath that he would obey and enforce the laws that shall be chosen by my people.
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That's, it is unique in the history of the English monarchy.
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In other words, what I want, what I think is important about the monarchy is that it shows that freedom can be historically rooted,
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that it's part of a tradition, that it is not a product of the 19th century, that it is not a product of democracy,
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that it is not a product of revolution, that it's not a product of a bill of rights,
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although all of those things at certain points enter into the story.
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The thing that finally guarantees freedom in Britain, extraordinarily, isn't the revolution of the 17th century.
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And this is the wonderful paradox of English history.
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In other words, I'm saying our history is monarchy.
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That's why I wrote a book called Crown and Country, which is a history of England through the monarchy.
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It is the institution which reflects us to ourselves.
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Now, what the relationship of that is to Charles and Harry and the soap opera of all of that is anybody's guess.
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But I'm giving you the high intellectual view of monarchy.
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I mean, I'm being desperately serious about it.
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Because, remember, particularly this whole new laborish, new leftish university college constitution unit view of political freedom and whatever,
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that it's all to do with the Enlightenment, that it's all to do with written constitutions,
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that it's all to do with bills of right and sort of doing what, more or less,
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a newly enfranchised Eastern European country would set up as its structure of government.
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I will always gently try to remind people that the average age of a written constitution is about 10 years.
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The fact that, for example, America was able to create a constitution which has endured is utterly unique.
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There is no other example that compares with that.
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And, of course, it has an enormous downside, as we can actually see at the moment.
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You get over the right to bear arms and whatever.
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Whereas, a living and constantly revivifying tradition, such as we have or had and should have,
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I think is the right way to handle human relations.
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David, you talked about England being this idea.
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Do you think we can have England without the monarchy?
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We did abolish the monarchy, and we lasted for 21 years and clamoured to have it back.
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I mean, repeatedly, the obvious thing was for Cromwell to have, there was a clamour to make Cromwell king.
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The sense was that the norm couldn't work without the monarchy.
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I think that the monarchy has become so much of a formality that you could, I'm afraid, very easily see it vanish.
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I think if we did do what we did again in the 17th century, we would discover our absolute vulnerability.
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We have all the things you and I talk about, the world of woke, the awful cesspit of race relations or whatever.
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These are forces which press very, very heavily on the whole of the Western polity.
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It seems to me your only resource against these things is finally tradition.
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It may just be that my mind is no longer as sharp as it used to be.
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But I don't think reason is any defense against these horrors.
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I mean, in fact, the horrors, in my view, demonstrably arise from the reason gone wrong.
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The very fact that so much of it is called critical theory.
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It's a whole series of intellectual movements that, as it were, have turned against the metabolism of the mind and of society.
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And finally, the anchor against them is our traditions of decency, of good sense, of the way in which we do things.
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And this is what is so shocking, for example, places like Oxbridge, and particularly my own University of Cambridge.
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Once upon a time, the sheer notion of collegiality, the sheer notion of the relationship between teacher and taught,
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would have the sheer reverence for learning itself, would have acted as a barrier and a bulwark.
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But the deliberate attack on these traditions, the destruction within my own lifetime of a sense of collegiality,
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the absence any longer of common dining, of dons who live in, of unmarried dons who give their whole lives to their institutions,
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it means that the barriers of tradition have largely vanished.
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There is nothing but reason, self-advancement and whatever, and we can see how totally inadequate they are.
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You go back to my own case, a college, for a mere moment of thinking, oh, this is a bit of a problem,
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throws somebody who has been involved in it at a very high level and doing a great deal of good for it for 50-odd years,
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Now, that represents, in my view, moral corruption.
00:28:02.200
That represents the abandonment of decency, the things on which we really depend.
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Reason, reason, reason, reason I'm sorry, isn't much of a protection.
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Look at the French Revolution itself and the absurdity of the goddess of reason,
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who's some half-naked actress from the Comédie Française performing on the altar of Notre Dame.
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It's a rootedness of behavior and a rootedness of political institutions.
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And one of the things that most worries me about what's happening in Britain
00:28:47.460
is the increasing contempt for our political process, which in many ways I share.
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The parliament, which used to be a thing of genuine...
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Okay, everybody laughs at parliament and individual parliamentarians,
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but broadly that sense of pride in the thing seems to me to have worn dangerously, dangerously thin.
00:29:18.420
Are you familiar with that extraordinary story of Churchill at the beginning of the First World War?
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They're wandering around the Palace of Westminster, as indeed I was last week, the small hours.
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And they wander into the chamber of the House of Commons, dark, blue lights, flickering,
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I suppose maybe electricity, maybe gas at that point.
00:29:50.720
He says, going into the empty House of Commons, this is why we're going to win.
00:29:57.900
Now, would anybody be confident about doing that now?
00:30:05.420
We were talking about the Oxford Union, which, of course, models its debating,
00:30:12.680
Does anybody any longer have confidence that what goes on in parliament
00:30:24.640
And it leaves us profoundly vulnerable, that without that security of tradition, you have very little.
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We talk about tradition, and we talk about being profoundly vulnerable.
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To me, the royal family are profoundly vulnerable without Queen Elizabeth.
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Because even people who identify as republicans, who would openly question or even mock the monarchy,
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practically everyone I speak to in this country had the utmost respect for our Queen.
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But the moment that she passed away, it seems that they're up for debate,
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and it seems that they can be challenged, and they can be...
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I think you reflect that the very last phase of the Queen's reign,
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that this unchallenged respect was very much a product of, I think, really only post...
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I mean, if you actually think at the deeply challenged unrespect
00:31:33.320
that was directed at the Queen at Diana's death,
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when you actually had Blair seeing himself as having to protect the monarchy against itself,
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she was accused of being cruel, unfeeling,
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not sharing the marvellous openness of Princess Diana.
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No, I think that what I was surprised by was the remarkable warmth of the reception given to King Charles.
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I was actually very impressed by the confidence with which he acted at the beginning of the reign.
00:32:12.640
I've been less impressed by, of course, the current hoo-ha.
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But then equally, if you look at opinion polls,
00:32:24.080
British opinion has hardened hugely against Harry and Meghan and in favour of the monarchy.
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The patterns of support, if you want to call them sides,
00:32:43.340
they correspond to that other great, great divide in British life.
00:32:47.960
In general, you will find Harry and Meghan's supporters were invariably remain voters.
00:33:04.880
Now, the overlap between the two groups, in other words,
00:33:08.120
not every Remainer is a supporter of Harry and Meghan,
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but all supporters of Harry and Meghan are on the Remain side and so on.
00:33:18.400
But what is striking about those people is, of course,
00:33:23.600
by definition, are fundamentally anti-monarchist.
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And the kind of source, the kind of groups that they're appealing to,
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particularly the extraordinary trio of people who appeared in the Netflix series,
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you know, when we were talking about the Susan Hussey
00:33:49.140
the business when the alleged essential racism of the monarchy was being discussed.
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David Olusoga, Kehinde Andrews, and Afua Hirsch.
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but the damage they're doing to the royal family is...
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I mean, I think that they're doing profound damage to themselves.
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He's become, to use, I think an appropriate word,
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And what I've said earlier on, it seems to me,
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Woke, about critical race theory as either religions or heresies.
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I said a beautiful woman will do that to you.
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The religion has got a priestess, which is Meghan.
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He also did things that were really very striking.
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And again, one wonders now quite how much he was responsible.
00:35:53.140
He found what I thought was something astonishing,
00:35:57.020
which was the Invictus Games for badly injured soldiers.
00:36:15.960
But I'm sure he managed to go through six years at Eton
00:36:24.200
I'm afraid that really is the level of density.
00:36:29.160
But it is, you see, you got the point instantly.
00:36:35.960
which he designed to say to these men who've been,
00:36:42.440
I find I've got a very awkward relationship with disability.
00:36:46.220
I can't look at those men without wanting to cry.
00:36:56.400
They're the kind of men who express themselves normally simply physically.
00:37:10.540
And here is this man who creates a non-victims games,
00:37:46.980
with the conquest of Scotland in form of the stone beneath it.
00:37:54.780
in that building that is built a century earlier,
00:38:04.420
since the coronation of Edgar in the ninth century.
00:38:23.400
And that institution finishes up in producing Harry.
00:38:41.060
because I thought I'd been doing that all the time.
00:38:55.100
is quite a long-running thing in human history.
00:39:08.180
I do sympathize with the grinding poverty of Nottingham Cottage,
00:39:22.040
I'm wounded deeply by the appropriateness of your response.
00:40:04.200
is actually galvanizing a lot of support for the monarchy.