Dr James Orr: The Barbarians Aren't at the Gates... They're Inside!
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1 hour and 18 minutes
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163.20671
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Misogyny
2
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6
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Hate speech
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Summary
In this episode of Trigonometry, Francis Foster and Constantine Kishin are joined by philosophy professor Dr. James Mennear to talk about what it means to be a liberal in the 21st century, and why it s important to remember that once you ve ve become liberal, you ve become a conservative.
Transcript
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Trouble is that once the liberalism hits its sunlit uplands, the liberal doesn't become a
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conservative. That, the kind of emancipatory dynamism of liberalism is still there.
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What you're saying is progressives value change in and of itself, and they will keep pursuing it,
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even if they've got to a really good place. Sure. Where do we stop? When do we stop liberating?
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When do we stop progressing and say, actually, we've done pretty well. Let's just try and
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settle down and conserve these gains. You can never reason a person out of position that they
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would never reason into. And I think it's high time for some decolonization, but not the kind
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of decolonization that most people, most administrators these days have in mind.
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You need to recognize that ideas age in reverse. We get weaker as we get older. Ideas get stronger
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as they get older. Barbarians are not at the gates. They've been in the city, they're manning
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the Citadel, and they've been there for quite a while. Hello, and welcome to Trigonometry.
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I'm Francis Foster. I'm Constantine Kishin. And this is a show for you if you want honest
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conversations with fascinating people. Can't tell you how excited we are for our guest today. He's an
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associate professor at Cambridge University. We've had plenty of opportunity to speak with him in
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private. He doesn't do many interviews, and it is a big waste that he doesn't, because he's here.
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Dr. James, welcome to Trigonometry. It's great to be here. Thanks for having me.
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It's an absolute pleasure. We've had so many conversations with you just privately over
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dinner or whatever in the past, various events. And I've always just thought to myself, why are
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there no cameras here? Because it's always really interesting. As people watching can tell,
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I'm super excited to have you. Before we get into the conversation itself, who are you?
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What's been your journey through life? How did you make it here, James?
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My journey through life? Well, born and brought up in Brussels, Brussels, Belgium, where I lived
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my early years, and then was packed off to boarding school to learn some manners. I was a pretty
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unruly kid, about age nine, I think. And so boarding school all the way through to 18, and then went to
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university, ended up in London. I was a corporate lawyer for some years and worked in corporate finance.
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Pretty soul-sapping work, but character building. And about, let's have a think about,
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in 2009, I walked away, thanks to a very supportive and understanding wife. I left the law and became
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a student again, age 30. Went up to Cambridge and started studying religion and theology and did some
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graduate work there, a diploma, a master's, and then a PhD. It was a kind of gateway drug to the
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life of the mind, graduate studies in religion, and then increasingly in philosophy and questions of
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meaning and metaphysics and morality. And I did that up until, let's have a think, gosh, about 2014
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when I got the PhD. Then moved across to Oxford to work with one of your previous guests, I think,
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Professor Nigel Bigger at a place called the MacDonald Centre at Christchurch, Oxford, which had
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four fabulous years. Went through, had a ringside seat for the Empire Wars that Nigel went through in
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late 2017, 2018. And that was a, something of a wake-up call. I think I was sort of politically,
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well, not naive, but politically sort of disinterested, I'd say, until the rumblings of
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these sort of new kind of cultural revolutions started to emerge on campus, which must have been,
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I suppose, about 10 years ago. And then, after four years there, I moved back to Cambridge. And I've
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now taken up a position there as an associate professor in philosophy of religion. And so I lecture
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in research and philosophy of religion, moral philosophy, and those sorts of areas. I'm also,
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as of just a few months ago, chairman of something called the Edmund Burke Foundation, the Edmund Burke
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Foundation UK. And we put on big conferences. We've got a big one coming up on national conservatism
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in the middle of May in Westminster in London. And that's been a terrific sort of complement to my main
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job, and something I love to do in my spare time, just to help to kind of catalyze coalitions of
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people, many of whom I think will have appeared on your show before, talking about the urgent issues
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of our time from all sorts of different political perspectives, and observing this unusual new
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coalition emerging. I'm not sure quite what to call it. It's not really conservative. It's not really
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liberal. I suppose it's stitched together by a sense that there is an emerging worldview that is
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very hostile to some of the kind of foundational assumptions that liberals, conservatives, and
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indeed, I think, old school socialists share. Anyway, that's probably more than you wanted to
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bargain for. It isn't. But you know, the reason I am so excited to have you on is I just love
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like throwing big questions at you and just seeing what comes up. And you've already opened one of
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them, which is the thing that I've been thinking about. We've been talking on the show about it
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quite a bit, which is essentially what you've identified is there is a threat to the founding
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principles of what I would describe Western civilization, right? That is, there is a worldview that seeks to
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undermine and destroy and challenge all of that. And people sort of have coalesced around opposition
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to that. But now I think the next step is to go, well, what is the positive alternative, right? And that's
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something we've all, I think, been wrestling, you know, the Jordan Peterson Ark project, and Peter Thiel's
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talked about this, and you are talking about it. So how does that happen? Because you talk about how these ideas
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are antithetical to the founding principles of conservatism and liberalism and perhaps old school
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socialism. But those people are really not going to get on very well outside of opposing something
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that's a threat. Yeah. So how do we have a positive view of the future that we can all get behind?
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Well, we all share probably ultimately quite distinct understandings of human flourishing and the good
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and virtue and virtue and so on. And one of the tragedies of an increasingly polarized sort of
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marketplace of ideas is that we can't really have those conversations about the sort of differences
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and how we understand those kinds of questions. So, I mean, I think, you know, one's got to try to
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put oneself in the place of these, let's call them just radical progressives, and recognize that
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by their own lights, they are doing the right thing. By their own lights, they've got a very clear
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conception of what it is to flourish as a human being. They've got a clear conception of what sin
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looks like, what moral error looks like. Looks like you, yeah, very, very close to me. And one of the
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problems, obviously, is that a lot of that kind of the moral coding rests in often contingent morally
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inert physiological characteristics, skin color or anatomy or what you want to do between the sheets,
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which historically have just not been understood to have any proper bearing on what it is to flourish
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as a human being. And again, I think one should recognize that it's not coming from an evil place,
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a lot of, you know, the early champions of academic freedom and freedom of speech were from the left
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and championed the rights of minorities and wanted to expand the franchise and so on and so forth. But
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as things have developed, and I think this is where I would probably depart from maybe you,
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both of you, and let's find out, is that, you know, this is part of the liturgy of liberalism,
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that this is a feature of liberalism, not a bug. Now, my sort of liberal friends will say,
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and to me as a conservative, no, this is absolutely, this is not a feature, it's a bug.
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It's a strange aberration. It's a metastasis of liberalism. It's sort of freedom that's just kind
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of, you know, intoxicated freedom. It's not liberty, it's license. My suspicion, and it's just a
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suspicion. I mean, my position at the moment is that, you know, liberalism was always going to unravel
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this way. That there's something within liberalism that is intrinsically transgressive, that is
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intrinsically restless, and is always chafing at the bonds of conventions, whether it's social
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conventions or legal conventions and so on. And so, you know, you imagine, you know, the liberal has
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sort of his sunlit uplands, right? That's the horizon towards which the moral arc of the universe,
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as Obama quotes Martin Luther King, is always tending. And the trouble is that once the liberalism
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hits its sunlit uplands, the liberal doesn't become a conservative. You know, the liberal doesn't say,
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right, we've now got to conserve the sunlit uplands. That, the kind of emancipatory dynamism
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of liberalism is still there. And so they might ask, well, what about the 1.2% of the population of
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the sunlit uplands that would prefer the moonlit uplands? What about them, eh? What about their rights?
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Okay, well, right. Well, their rights are paramount. And we must now reorganize the sunlit uplands
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to create a space that respects the moonlit uplanders. And that means we can't call the uplands
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sunlit or moonlit anymore. They're just lit. Lit uplands. So you get my point.
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Now, what you're saying is progressives value change in and of itself, and they will keep
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pursuing it even if they've got to a really good place. That's what you're arguing.
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That's what I'm arguing. And I don't think, you know, that I think is a plausible take on the
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dynamic of liberalism. I should say, by the way, that conservatives have the opposite problem.
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Right. So if the central question for liberals and progressives is liberals metastasizing
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into progressive, as I say, organically and naturally, is where do we stop? When do we
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stop liberating? When do we stop progressing and say, actually, we've done pretty well.
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Let's just try and settle down and conserve these gains. The conservators are saying, well,
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why change? Change? What do you mean change? We've got to conserve this stuff. No, absolutely
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not. And so there's a sort of flip side sort of dilemma for the conservative, which the
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conservatives have always had, which is, well, you know, the world changes, our environment
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changes, culture changes, wars happen. What's got to adapt? But it's not in the conservative
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DNA to sort of accommodate change. And so both sides have these sort of, you know, reverse
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and structurally kind of complicit problems. And so that's a big challenge at the moment.
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And so there are some who would say, look, we can recover liberalism. We've got to see
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this as a strange offshoot. And I don't want to say that, you know, progressivism is just
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issues directly, is just wholly the creature of liberalism. There are clearly other strands.
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I mean, there is a Marxist strand. There are certain hallmarks of the Marxist frame of
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mind in progressivism. The tendency to really see the world as split in two tiers between
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oppressor and oppressed. The idea that there is some revolution behind just behind the corner
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that is going to set everything to rights. The idea that there has to be, you know, that
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there is a kind of, that victory looks like control of the ownership and means of cultural
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production and distribution, and distribution of ideas in particular. That's true. There's
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also a therapeutic element, I think, in the progressive worldview that I don't know if
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that comes quite from liberalism. But what you're seeing clearly is that old school John Stuart
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Mill type liberalism, you know, that rests on things like the no harm principle, you know,
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I'm free to do whatever I want, provided, you know, my freedom to act stops, you know, my fist's
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freedom stops at your nose, and so on and so forth. I mean, what's happened there is, I
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think, quite an interesting phenomenon. And it's described by a chap called, what's his
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name, Nicholas Haslam, he's an Australian psychologist. It's called concept creep. And
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we're familiar with it. Once you see it, you can't unsee it. But particularly the concept
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creep around language of harm, violence, care, kindness, and so on. And it's sort of the
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positive side as well. And effectively, what's happened is that Mill's principle, I think,
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as harm has become increasingly psychologized, and as you've come to the view that, you know,
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hurty words damage you, and disagreement is just tantamount to personal assault, then Mill's
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sort of principle, liberalism can get weaponized, and say, well, that means we now have appropriate
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restrictions on not just everything you say, but really on everything you think, because
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restrictions on what you say will affect the way you think. And this is something we're
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seeing, obviously, in the academy right across the English-speaking world, and to some extent
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in continental Europe. Though perhaps it's less aggressive over that. So, yes, I mean,
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that, it's very, very tempting, particularly when you work, like I do, in sort of history of
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ideas, to say, well, this particular social phenomenon is obviously rooted to, you know,
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obviously emerges from that philosopher's study. Things are just not as simple as that. And I think
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we sometimes overstate, or rather ignore, the contingent in human affairs and in history. So,
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you know, there is always, you know, there's talk on the internet about being white-pilled or
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black-pilled, you know, have you got a positive thing about the view of the future, which you seem
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to, you envisage a post-woke world, or do you have a negative sort of view of the future? And I think
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that's, you know, that simply underplays just how random history, randomly history unfolds. I mean,
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imagine yourself at a dinner party in Berlin in January 1989, or a spam party or whatever they
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had for dinner in Berlin in 1989. And imagine someone turning to you and saying, in 10 months,
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all this will be over. It'll all be gone. And I think people would have thought you were completely
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mad. I mean, there were certainly signs that the Soviet regime was creaking, and he was seeing some
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insurrection movements here, and solidarity in Poland, Havel in Czechoslovakia, and so on.
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But the idea that suddenly it would just be, it would just go, was almost unthinkable. And I think
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similarly today, I mean, just this is probably grist to your milk, Constantine, with your remark,
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you know, what are we going to do? How do we think constructively? One of the things we need to start
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thinking constructively is hope. You know, the sense that it will come to an end, and let's get started
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on building the alternative that's going to take its place. And that's a very hard thing to do when
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things look grim, particularly when they look kind of structurally grim. When laws and the whole
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institutional landscape of the West, or much of it, seems sort of hypnotized, sort of mesmerized
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Take the gray pill. James, you spoke, and that was a forensically brilliant analysis of where we find
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ourselves. You omitted one thing that, considering your background and your area of study, I found a
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little bit surprising, in that you didn't mention the religious element to this.
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Yeah. I didn't mention the religious element, because I think the comparison between progressivism
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and the new forms of, sort of, pathological forms of progressivism and religion can be wildly overstated.
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I mean, religion itself is a notoriously indeterminate concept that...
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And, you know, colleagues who work in religion say this often, that there's certain sort of
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definitional criteria for religion that will just encompass virtually everything, including things
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that we wouldn't normally associate, identify as a religion. Loving the Chelsea football club has all
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There we go. There we go. That's right. That's right.
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Yeah, and they get a bit angry when you contravene.
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And conversely, you can restrict the definition of religion to so, you know, in such a narrow way that
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you cease to have any sense of, you know, that there's things that you would want to include as a religion.
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Say, for example, Mahayana Buddhism, that you'd want to include as a religion that, you know, you can't
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if you define religion by orientation to a god, for example.
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Nevertheless, as I said, you know, I think there are certain hallmarks...
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Well, there's certain sort of trappings of progressivism that you probably could identify as religious.
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And I do think that once a kind of common inheritance leaves a society, and particularly
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dissolves relatively quickly, as we've seen, particularly in the West, certainly in the UK
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over the last 30, 40, 50 years, that does create a vacuum.
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Nature abhors... The natural world abhors a vacuum.
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And by spiritual, I don't mean sort of woo-woo spiritual.
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You may just be a card-carrying atheist, but you still will recognize that religion is a real phenomenon in human history.
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And you'll recognize that actually, modernity is engaged in a kind of very large, uncontrolled experiment
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Large, large societies can function without the one thing that all human societies, up until, in the scheme of human history,
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five minutes ago, had as central, was the sort of glue that tied a society together.
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And it ties a society together not through laws, but by commanding, as it were, a source of moral authority
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I mean, that's the fundamental advantage of religion.
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I mean, I think it was Taleb, Nicholas Nassim Taleb, who drew the analogy of saying, you know,
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just, you know, restaurants charge you, you know, get you in with the food and get your money with the booze.
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And he says, well, religion's a little bit like that, you know.
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It gets you in with all of these beliefs, but really it's giving you the rules, you know.
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And it's giving you these sort of unspoken, often inarticulated, extra-legal conventions, guardrails,
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a sort of social fabric that's very, very difficult, almost impossible,
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for any government or any central authority to legislate.
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And it certainly kind of inculcates, I think particularly in the Abrahamic traditions,
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particularly in the Hebraic and then the Christian traditions,
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it's got, there are certain sorts of, you know, codes that operate on the basis of very clear prohibitions
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The Greek tradition, you know, Aristotle, it's like nothing in excess,
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just, you know, don't overreach yourself, you know, the gods will strike you down,
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but, you know, love your friends, hate your enemies, and so on.
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Whereas the sort of, you know, the Decalogue is, thou shalt not.
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And it can seem, particularly in a sort of liberal context,
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as rather sort of intimidating and terrifying and absolutist.
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But, as you know, looking at religion as an evolutionary phenomenon,
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interdicts, prohibitions, blanket prohibitions, blanket sort of commands like that,
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They're easier to pass on, they're easier to inherit,
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they are much easier to apply in large sort of complex, across large complex populations.
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And I think that, you know, if we are going to try and find some constructive vision of the way forward,
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there does need to be some, maybe it doesn't need to be a religious one.
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Maybe there is a kind of dewy-eyed, Dawkinsian humanism that we can sort of all kind of share
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But I think the last 50, 60 years has shown that in the absence of these very, very sort of complex belief systems,
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others, other sort of, you know, cruder systems of moral accountability and so on begin to creep in.
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So, I mean, and I think there's a difference, you know, a society that is, let's say, broadly speaking shares,
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exists in the same moral universe with roughly speaking the same assumptions about what counts as right and wrong,
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roughly what counts as a flourishing human being and a human being that is suffering.
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I mean, that doesn't mean that you need to be a theocracy.
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I mean, it doesn't mean that you need, you know, even more than, you know, half the population believing any of the stuff.
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You can still, as it were, as I know, you know, many atheists who were much more aggressive 15 years ago
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I mean, a lot of atheist friends I have, which actually one of the things that got me interested in religion in the first place,
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But, I mean, a lot of my atheist friends were much more aggressive back in those days.
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Now, I mean, they're still atheists, a lot of them.
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Some of them have moved over to the other side.
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But a lot of them say, gosh, yeah, I can see what the effects are of leaving this stuff behind.
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I think Ross Dautet has a line somewhere in the American context, you know,
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if you didn't like the religious right, just wait till you see the post-religious right.
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And actually, you know, and I think you can say that on the left, too.
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If you didn't like the kind of, you know, religiously settled Christian socialist left or whatever,
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you know, just wait till you see the hard kind of, you know, Fabian Marxist left.
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Do you think we've become, and particularly I'm glad you brought up the new atheist movement,
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because one of sort of their central tenets was we don't really need religion.
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I mean, not that there were, I mean, there weren't a lot of naive arguments put forward by the new atheists,
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But that was just, you know, anyone with a passing familiarity of the history of the 20th century
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just couldn't, you know, say, oh, yeah, well, thank goodness, once we've passed religion, we'll be fine.
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And then what would happen is things would descend.
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This is particularly when you're arguing about Christopher Hitchens' book, God is Not Great.
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You get into this awful situation where, you know, you're sort of trading genocides.
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Oh, well, you know, think of what sort of proportion of the population of the Americas
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was slaughtered as a result of, you know, sort of Catholic imperialism or whatever it might be.
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And both sides missed the point there, which is a very, as clear a data point as human history offers up.
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The line between good and evil does not fall between nation states, but goes right through the human heart.
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And so the question is, what is the correct analysis of the human condition?
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How is it that we produce a Hitler and a Mother Teresa?
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The secular humanist answer to that is, well, evil is just a kind of some sort of aberration.
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You know, basically human beings are all, you know, cuddly teddy bears,
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provided they are unshackled from the chains of whatever oppressor liberalism is chafing against.
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There were genuine liberal victories and important ones.
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But as I said earlier, now we're getting to the point where a lot of those just,
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it is almost unthinkable for a certain liberal-minded progressive to accept that limits can be liberating.
00:25:36.840
I mean, this is a key conservative insight that we all know deep down.
00:25:43.440
I couldn't have got here had it not been for the fact that there's a dense web of conventions and rules and laws
00:25:51.100
that are limits that are, at one level, seen from one point of view, constraints on my agency.
00:25:59.260
I mean, there are constraints on my agency, but they're constraints that enabled me to get here without really worrying about it or thinking about it.
00:26:06.160
And that is something that it's quite difficult to accept when we have a view of the self as basically autonomous.
00:26:14.500
This is the sort of liberal enlightenment view.
00:26:20.320
Yeah, we may love our mums and that sort of thing.
1.00
00:26:25.300
And any obligations that we might find ourselves sort of caught up in need to be freely entered into.
00:26:34.280
Obligations can really only arise if we choose them.
00:26:39.900
And sort of the conservative critique of that is, I mean, of course not.
00:26:47.720
The first one is everyone is conservative about what they know best.
00:26:52.480
You're going to be conservative about your kids.
00:26:54.600
There are certain things that you're going to let, you know, you'll be happy.
00:26:58.300
You know, this is Rob, my friend Rob Edson's beliefs.
00:27:02.760
You know, you can be conservative about what you know best.
00:27:06.480
And then, you know, you don't care about how your sort of other beliefs might trickle through into wider society.
00:27:12.480
So that idea that limits can be liberating, that freedom, that true freedom should be not just raw freedom, not just raw license, but somehow ordered and downstream of basically non-liberal, I wouldn't say illiberal, but non-liberal forms of human life.
00:27:38.620
I mean, that's a sort of convenient way of putting it.
00:27:41.560
The conservative says faith first, family second, flag, the moral community, the nation state.
00:27:51.240
It could be in a sort of federated, a federal state.
00:27:53.820
But once those three are in place, then freedom, freedom flows well.
00:28:01.760
It's a little bit like you see this argument in the free markets with, you know, Hayek and others.
00:28:06.880
You know, you, there's, you can't just have complete anarchy.
00:28:12.380
And in fact, you want the constraints in order for the freedom to be conducive to flourishing.
00:28:17.780
I suppose the, not that I want to delve too deeply into this, but the immediate pop-up in my head was the obvious counter to that is if faith, flag, and family is what produces freedom, the progressive counter argument to that is, but not for the moonlit uplanders, right?
00:28:37.920
That version of freedom that you're talking about, the progressive argument is, is freedom for someone who looks like you.
00:28:44.280
But it's not freedom for someone who looks like me.
00:28:46.300
It's not freedom for someone who's gay or trans or whatever.
00:28:49.860
And it's freedom for the majority to the exclusion of the minority.
00:28:54.560
That's the, that's the standard, that's the standard critique.
00:28:59.540
Sometimes it's a well-founded critique that certain expressions of religion, you know, Hitchens isn't wrong about some of the examples he uses.
0.99
00:29:06.500
And some of the expressions of nationalism in the past and patriotism in the past have indeed led to, you know, nasty forms of oppression.
00:29:18.700
But I think that the issue is, you know, do you have, not, not just do you inherit the moral norms and moral reflexes of your faith or your family or, or your flag, but what is, what is the best way of structuring a society so that everyone, you can, that can be maximal flourishing for all.
00:29:41.920
And so that means that at the level of the state, or the level of the sort of central authorities, there has to be, as it were, a degree of procedural neutrality.
00:29:51.380
And liberalism is right about this, particularly if you're organizing large, large, complex societies, there have to be certain principles that are principles which are blind to nationality in certain contexts, that are blind to your family structure, that are, that don't take your religion into account.
00:30:12.820
I think the trouble with a lot of those critiques is that they assume precisely what they think they're criticizing, namely that those features do matter, that the rule of law should not be, should not apply to all.
00:30:26.120
Well, of course. That's why I oppose workness so much, because it's obvious that it's a reversal of that very liberal principle.
00:30:32.280
The liberal principle that everyone should be treated as an individual who is worthy and has value is being reversed by the idea that some people's skin color makes them less worthy or more worthy than others.
00:30:43.540
It's absurd. But I want to come back to a couple of the things you said, James, because you used the word that I've heard used before, but the way you used a bunch of light bulbs, I mean, you talked about pre-political.
00:30:56.320
And I think that therein lies the answer to all of this, which is we have to have something that we all agree on, basically.
00:31:05.460
Now, let's put God to one side, because we don't all agree about that. It's just a fact, whether you'd like that or to be different or I'd like that, whatever.
00:31:14.600
What do we have left that is pre-politically agreed on in our society?
00:31:20.280
Because for some time I thought that maybe it's, you know, Western values or British values, but you walk up to the random person on the street asking what British values are, they're going to run away from you, right?
00:31:34.040
Well, I would say increasingly little, or at least the sort of engines that drove our kind of, that produced the glue that stitched us together in a way that transcended the sort of mechanisms of state and law and so on, are under attack.
00:31:56.380
And I think this is basically because there's been a shift to thinking of all pre-political domains as intrinsically political.
00:32:08.240
Like family, sorry to interrupt, but this is such a good example, because for me, a new father, the idea that having a family and children and blah, blah, blah, it's like a self-evident truth that that is something a society is inevitably built around.
00:32:21.200
And if you observe a society, you can't, you can't deny that that's not true, but there are people to whom the very notion of even advocating for the idea of family being central to society is a political statement that they find abhorrent because it excludes the moonlit uplander, right?
00:32:39.280
Yeah, yeah, yeah, absolutely right. So there can be no, there is no kind of non-political dimension to human life.
00:32:49.100
And this is something which, you know, again, I think it is, you know, it's a broadly religious idea.
00:32:55.880
This is a thesis not about the state, not about public policy, but about the way the world is.
00:33:02.260
And so there's nothing within the world that escapes the system, the system of oppression, the system of kind of a sort of structural captivity.
00:33:13.420
And, you know, now at one level, it's not wrong.
00:33:18.500
I mean, Aristotle has a famous line in politics that man is a politic on so on, is a political animal, right?
00:33:25.500
By which he means he's an animal that belongs to the polis, that is the animal that is not designed to be, to exist alone.
00:33:33.240
We are, to that extent, all political. We're all part of a moral community, but we've got to negotiate our participation in that in all sorts of different ways.
00:33:43.480
But yes, that's right. I mean, I think you've now got a situation where there can be no pre-political.
00:33:50.600
Everything, even configurations of family, the understanding of family life, faith is now seen as freighted with, you know, ideologically problematic assumptions.
00:34:04.180
Or often faith is seen as an opportunity to sort of, you know, drive a kind of truck right through our sort of established conventions that the faith historically had built up.
00:34:18.800
So, you know, it is, it's, it's a real struggle.
00:34:24.400
And I think probably one of the reasons that conservatives tend to do so badly in a lot of these struggles is that politics isn't everything.
00:34:34.700
Politics is not something that you're going to do at the weekends.
00:34:39.200
That it's, that it's, whereas, hopefully, or as I see on the other side, there is a kind of, actually sometimes, you know, morally remarkable investment in the political.
00:34:52.500
So it just dominates every, every, every aspect of, of that, those, those activists' lives.
00:34:58.660
It's, it's, it's, it's that, it's that important.
00:35:00.720
And there, there can be no weekends in the, in the struggle to, to, to, to liberate ourselves from tyranny.
00:35:06.480
But Jess, you haven't run off and, you know, joined a convent or jumped off a cliff or whatever, from which I deduce that you do believe something can be done about this.
00:35:19.740
I'm still, I'm still doing stuff and a lot, and, and loving it.
00:35:22.740
And I'm, you know, happy and free and, and I'm doing, you know, work, work that I love with, with people I, I love spending time with.
00:35:32.220
I'm in a remarkable university that has been through some spasms and here and there.
00:35:40.320
But broadly speaking, when you look across the landscape, certainly of higher education across the West, certainly over the other side of the Atlantic,
00:35:47.060
a place like Cambridge is, is still very much a place where you can speak freely.
00:35:55.520
Not, not many people maybe share the views that I share, but, and there can be some, some resistance to it sometimes.
00:36:02.460
But broadly speaking, it's a, it's a, it's a, it's a function more than a functioning institution.
00:36:07.060
And it's an institution in which one can, one can live an intellectually and professionally flourishing life.
00:36:14.300
Um, but, yeah, I mean, there is, you know, I think there are broad, sometimes I think that, you know, people who are, you know, pessimistic about the consequences of this revolution,
00:36:27.460
sometimes think you're sort of in like, a little bit, like you're in the 1520s, just sort of right after the Reformation.
00:36:34.800
You had the sort of Lutherans, or early Lutherans anyway, who thought, well, we can reform this.
00:36:40.740
You know, the institution is bad, but we can reform it from within.
00:36:44.620
Just, you know, give us a bit more time, a bit of diplomacy, a bit of organizing.
00:36:49.100
We'll, you know, we'll regain the university, we'll regain the university, we'll regain this institution.
00:36:54.840
And then I think there's a more radical strand that says, no, it's over.
00:37:03.000
I think you're seeing this in the United States.
00:37:04.520
You're seeing sort of some, to some degree, a kind of sorting mechanism, a sorting pattern in the sort of bit into the red states and the blue states.
00:37:12.480
And that's the kind of Calvinist option, you know.
00:37:21.160
And I think of these as what I call the digital Anabaptists.
1.00
00:37:23.960
So the Anabaptists said, you know, now the problem is institutions, full stop.
1.00
00:37:29.160
And we need networks and we need to operate, and we can only flourish and operate outside the institutions.
00:37:35.460
And I actually see what you guys are doing to be not, to sort of fall into that third strand.
00:37:40.280
You are, you know, you've got enormous influence and reach and you talk, you're engaged in a lot of these discussions and matters,
00:37:50.440
And that's actually been very, very effective, particularly in this new digital public square,
00:37:56.300
which opens up all sorts of, you know, interesting kind of opportunities and dynamics.
00:38:01.320
So I'm, you know, I'm in the first camp because I think in Cambridge, you know, all is not lost by any means.
00:38:10.700
If I were in some other universities in this country, and certainly if I were at many universities in the United States,
00:38:18.060
I think I probably would say Barry Wise and Neil Ferguson are spot on.
00:38:24.240
They need to, we need to, you know, start something new.
00:38:27.020
Or my friend Stephen Blackwood, who started Ralston College.
00:38:34.060
It was hosted by the great Larry Arnn, the president of Hillsdale College.
00:38:37.620
It's just a small classical liberal arts Christian college, but it's a remarkable place.
00:38:43.520
And just sticking to, you know, the Western canon is pretty ecumenical, not denominational.
00:38:53.060
And then, you know, and I admire and support people who want to build their new Genevas.
00:39:00.840
And admire and support those who are operating outside the institutions in what you might call networks.
00:39:07.660
I mean, this is Neil's square and the tower distinction, which I find very helpful.
00:39:12.100
I mean, a lot of people are thinking, you know, the idea is that, you know, the tower is the way we tend to look at history.
00:39:17.940
You know, big institutions, popes, kings, great men, etc.
00:39:21.600
Whereas, in fact, a lot of the drivers of historical change and cultural change, economic change,
00:39:28.440
are operating in the square down below, in the marketplace, through networks that are largely invisible to the naked eye of the historian.
00:39:38.340
You know, you can't, you can trace the history of institution much more easily than you can trace the development of a sort of network of, you know,
00:39:45.680
friends and, you know, patterns of correspondence and so on and so forth.
00:39:50.180
But I think increasingly, you know, the good that is to come, I do believe is around the corner,
00:39:55.520
will be those sort of networks in the square, as it were, or perhaps networks that end up in the tower.
00:40:03.880
And there's something, there's a huge advantage to networks, I think.
00:40:10.200
They can adapt much more rapidly to changing circumstances.
00:40:17.100
You know, if you sort of, a couple of people fall out, or two important people fall out, that can be a disaster for an institution.
00:40:23.460
An institution splits, there's schisms and so on and so forth.
00:40:26.280
In a network, you just sort of, you know, rearrange the nodes a bit, maybe cut a couple off.
00:40:30.700
But, you know, it's very, very sort of adaptable, it changes.
00:40:34.140
The trouble is, I mean, institutions, you know, have this legacy that can go way beyond, you know, the lifetimes of its members.
00:40:43.720
Whereas networks are much more dependent on its people, on the people who make it up, which is not a bad thing.
00:40:51.020
I mean, you know, it's, the good thing about networks is that they're easier to trust.
00:40:56.840
I mean, you know, I think it's more likely that the British Museum is going to go woke, probably has gone woke.
00:41:05.700
I was there a couple of months ago, and I was staggered by what I saw.
00:41:08.860
Right, so more likely for the British Museum to go, very likely for the British Museum to go woke, than you, Francis, will go woke.
00:41:15.040
That is to say, you know, people are much harder to capture in that way, whereas institutions remarkably are.
00:41:24.560
And that puts conservatives in a funny, you know, paradoxical situation, because the instinct is to conserve.
00:41:34.520
You know, we don't, you know, don't like burning things down.
00:41:38.500
But what happens when maybe, you know, you do need to go off and do something else?
00:41:42.860
You need to just say, look, this has got to the point where, you know, this is an institution that is hostile to me,
00:41:49.480
and hostile to all the values I hold dear, and I think hostile to the founding vision of the people who set it up
00:41:56.640
But, you know, I'm not going to spend my money and my time trying to keep it going and change it from within.
00:42:02.360
And that puts conservatives in a very difficult position, or at least people with small-c conservative instincts.
00:42:10.900
So, yeah, that's the sort of spread of options as I see them.
00:42:19.960
And different people are sort of tuning themselves into different ones.
00:42:25.240
And James, what would you say to those people who go, look, everything that happens in America, we ingest,
00:42:31.880
we take, and then we just apply it, and we've seen it.
00:42:37.240
Look how bad things are, for instance, at Columbia University, which are talking about getting rid of the SATs
00:42:41.960
as a way of assessing a student's academic ability.
00:42:47.080
I mean, this is inevitably what's going to happen here, isn't it?
00:42:53.460
I mean, I agree that we are largely operating within our institutions and within our culture and within, to some extent,
00:43:00.460
our policymaking with a, dare I say it, a colonized mindset.
00:43:05.300
And I think it's high time for some decolonization, but not the kind of decolonization that most people,
00:43:15.740
most administrators these days have in mind in the UK.
00:43:17.960
That is to say, we've lost our sense of what it is to be, I say to be British,
00:43:26.180
but at least to emerge from this particular moral community, with this particular history,
00:43:31.300
this particular makeup of people, these particular traditions.
00:43:34.980
Yes, demographically we're very different, but we're very different mainly because a lot of people have come over to live here
1.00
00:43:40.360
since the Second World War because they love this rainy little island for some reason.
00:43:44.420
And it's not because it's not the rain and it's not the food.
00:43:47.400
You know, there's some reason that something's attracted to them over here.
00:43:50.320
And it's not because it's America, it's something different.
00:43:56.440
I mean, I think there is a sense that, you know, it is quite extraordinary that,
00:44:01.440
I was talking to an academic about this the other day,
00:44:04.540
it is quite extraordinary that the death of a man, tragic death of a man in a foreign city 5,000 miles away,
00:44:11.960
can lead within 48 hours to that academic being asked about the skin color of the authors on his undergraduate reading list.
00:44:22.120
I mean, that is an ideology working at such speed and in such lockstep
00:44:28.360
But it's very, very hard to know how to respond to it, or let alone, you know, resist it.
00:44:36.820
And again, I think people with conservative instincts are at a structural disadvantage here.
00:44:42.180
Why? Because conservatives are conserving, this is a familiar point,
00:44:47.140
that conservatives are conserving their own particular traditions,
00:44:50.540
their own particular laws and language and literature and religious expressions and so on.
00:44:55.500
And so, you know, the communists, the Soviets used to have a Comintan,
00:45:00.540
short for Communist International, was founded in 1919,
00:45:03.400
as a movement that tried to implement this idea of workers of the world unite.
00:45:10.380
It was an intrinsically cross-border, universalizing movement.
00:45:15.180
And similarly today, you could say, you know, wokesters of the world unite.
00:45:20.640
I mean, there's just, it has got a sort of transnational appeal.
00:45:28.120
because I don't think that's actually entirely true compared to the Comintan,
00:45:32.240
because the Comintan idea was, for communism to work, everybody gets it, right?
00:45:37.100
Like, otherwise, you're going to have places that are better and then it's not going to work.
00:45:40.900
But with wokeness, it is a uniquely Anglosphere phenomenon.
00:45:47.300
Now, it is leaking out, you know, I did an interview for a German newspaper today.
00:45:51.400
Like, people are such, but generally it's an Anglosphere phenomenon.
00:45:54.780
Why are we so vulnerable to this mind virus in the Anglosphere?
00:45:58.840
Well, I mean, going back to what I suggested earlier, that, you know,
00:46:02.760
if I'm right that this is a feature of liberalism, not a bug,
00:46:06.560
then you would expect the feature to emerge in that part of the world where liberalism has been dominant.
00:46:22.780
And if you then marry that to the culture of the therapeutic,
00:46:29.280
which we haven't really talked that much about,
00:46:31.200
but, you know, the emergence of homo psychologicus, you know,
0.95
00:46:34.960
the idea that human beings are primarily to be understood
00:46:38.580
in terms of their sort of psychological balance and so on.
00:46:46.520
if you throw in some of the sort of Protestant evangelical impulses
00:46:51.620
that, again, are quite sort of, you know, broadly particular,
00:46:54.780
historically at least, distinctive to the English-speaking world,
00:46:57.980
then you've got a kind of heady mix that I think explains quite naturally
00:47:02.980
why wokery, this kind of metastasized progressivism,
00:47:06.840
has emerged in the English-speaking world rather than anywhere else.
00:47:11.580
But as with the other kind of institutions and ideas that we exported,
00:47:17.840
you know, rule of law and habeas corpus, et cetera, et cetera,
00:47:22.380
it seems that this one also has export potential,
00:47:34.500
Because you're a philosopher, you deal in the world of ideas.
00:47:37.260
Why is this idea so, I mean, people compare it to a virus.
00:47:53.560
and not just infect the industry or the comedians,
00:48:03.820
these ideas have shifted from the kind of normal sort of sphere of the political
00:48:13.560
That is to say, these issues now affect what it is to be me.
00:48:19.780
Now, you could imagine, you know, back in the 1970s,
00:48:21.640
you always had this big ding-dong between left and right
00:48:24.040
over, say, you know, the intervention by the state
00:48:28.180
or the degree of ownership for means of production
00:48:31.160
and economic distribution and so on and so forth.
00:48:34.640
Now debates have shifted to issues that at least one side thinks
00:48:40.380
pertain to the constitutive elements in a person's identity.
00:48:46.300
That one's sexual orientation, for example,
0.85
00:48:48.200
one's skin color or one's anatomy or whatever it might be,
00:48:51.700
it actually belongs to, you know, is what I am.
00:48:55.700
And therefore, any disagreement with it isn't just disagreement
00:49:07.880
And so this is why you get these sort of strange language you hear on campus
00:49:11.100
of, you know, erasure, you're erasing my existence,
00:49:17.480
You know, bodies are sort of sites of moral focus.
00:49:23.180
And it's a language that can, you know, sound very strange to our ears,
00:49:32.040
And this makes disagreement almost always turn into,
00:49:36.660
or be seen as, a kind of assault, a kind of an attack.
00:49:41.940
I mean, evangelical Christians, they have this motto,
00:49:49.800
You heard this in the same-sex marriage debates in the United States,
00:49:56.880
But there's certain activities that we find to be morally objectionable
00:50:04.520
this was just a sort of normal distinction to draw.
00:50:07.820
The arrival of identity politics meant that it was impossible
00:50:14.420
Hating the sinner meant hating the sinner.
0.99
00:50:15.960
Because the sin was just, as it were, what was understood as the sin
00:50:23.600
So that really ramps up the, you know, ramps up the sort of decibel levels
00:50:31.360
And if you then add to the mix this sort of therapeutic shift from sin to syndrome,
00:50:40.820
where, you know, what were previously seen as forms of life or activities or acts
00:50:47.400
that were invaluable in moral terms and negatively or sort of condemned in moral terms,
00:50:55.420
but are now somehow, you know, where they're not welcome, are not actually, you know,
00:51:02.120
not actually my fault, but due to the sort of certain forms of psychological oppression
00:51:10.260
You there got a sort of a recipe for kind of the deep kind of tectonic disagreement
00:51:18.980
And this is why we see the dialogue of the deaf that you've seen so much of,
00:51:23.900
you that you guys picked up on almost, you know, earlier than almost anyone in on the comedy circuit.
00:51:31.860
And James, I suppose the one thing we haven't talked about, and you mentioned the Reformation.
00:51:39.200
I mean, the Reformation is a product to some extent of the changing nature of the media environment,
00:51:44.820
to put it, you know, very fancifully for what it was, you know,
00:51:48.080
the ability for people to read more and for the fact that not only the church could print information
00:51:54.440
for people to read, that changed the entire landscape.
00:51:57.620
You get centuries of religious war, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah.
00:52:00.480
And it seems to me, at least, like we've just lived through another revolution
00:52:03.520
and we are still living through another revolution of exactly the same kind.
00:52:07.040
And I would argue, and I'm interested to hear your opinion,
00:52:09.400
that the fact that we live online as much as we do now means that ideas that sound good
00:52:18.600
but are practically not true will reliably outperform ideas that sound bad
00:52:27.660
And I would argue that a large reason why this spread of this ideology has coincided
00:52:34.060
with the spread of social media and online communication
00:52:43.500
There's a lot to that and that they've got a kind of self-sustaining energy and appeal
00:52:50.660
and that the emergence of the digital public square
00:52:54.640
and digital means of communication has just sort of, you know,
00:52:59.220
made the, you know, it just accelerated the kind of transmission of these different ideas
00:53:06.840
and accelerated to the dissolution of all of those bonds that would hold a society together.
00:53:16.600
And, you know, and you see, and there's a kind of capitalist dimension to this too,
00:53:23.140
then that's going to have, you know, subversive effects on a settled moral community
00:53:32.620
I mean, you know, and it has, you know, ownership and capital
00:53:38.000
and employment can have subversive effects, which are not necessarily bad effects.
00:53:43.140
I mean, I think of, you know, maybe traditional African communities
00:53:45.540
and, you know, it's hard to be patriarchal when your daughter's earning more than you,
00:53:53.960
So, yes, I mean, but I think you're right to compare it to the Reformation.
00:53:58.200
I mean, I think it's, what we're seeing at the moment,
00:54:01.880
I think what we're living through is of that order of magnitude.
00:54:05.440
I think it's that sort of epochal shift, both in terms of technology
00:54:10.220
and in the reconfiguration of public space and the marketplace of ideas
00:54:16.480
that it's bringing about, partly because it's, I mean, it's dissolving the marketplace.
00:54:21.480
I mean, this is something that is very, very difficult for conservatives to cope with
00:54:26.920
because, you know, the sort of conservatives had basically worked out how to conserve
00:54:37.140
what they wanted to conserve, but these acids are just far more powerful
00:54:45.800
And so that's why you're seeing, as it were, the sort of phenomena that have held people together,
00:54:54.980
whether it's faith or whether it's ordinary, you know, normal sort of ordinary family structures
00:55:00.680
or allegiance to a common nation state or just allegiance to, you know, your local town,
00:55:05.900
your local village, all of that has now sort of gone out the window.
00:55:08.800
And so there's a kind of, you know, there's an asymmetry, as it were.
00:55:15.520
The technology has sort of accelerated the asymmetry between those who value what's near and dear,
00:55:22.720
who want to devote their affections to basically to the local or to the land
00:55:33.100
It makes it very, very hard to kind of sustain that, to make that idea appealing.
00:55:38.800
And so this is, yeah, I mean, that's no doubt at all that technology is driven,
00:55:46.860
you know, has made these ideas sort of a lot more attractive and has sort of accelerated their spread.
00:55:54.080
Isn't also part of the problem as well that conservatism simply isn't cool, James?
00:56:01.540
If you think of any of the great artists, we'll take music, for example,
00:56:04.960
particularly the last 50 or 60 years, the great artists, David Bowie, were transgressive.
00:56:16.220
They played with what we know to be, you know, the norms, as I said before.
00:56:23.300
Conservatives are never going to do that because they're intent on keeping things as they are.
00:56:34.760
Of course, there are some comedians who are conservative.
00:56:37.600
But the vast majority and the people who are attracted to the arts are themselves liberal by nature
00:56:43.160
because they have open-mindedness, they're progressive, they want things to change.
00:56:47.120
And by the way, even in this country, the comedians who you would say are conservative,
00:56:56.900
You know, like these are people who are, they're not on the left,
00:57:01.540
but they're not sitting there saying, we must conserve what we have.
00:57:05.700
Like, they still have a kind of counter-cultural or at least, you know, unorthodox views about the world.
00:57:13.540
They're not trying to preserve everything exactly rigidly as it is.
00:57:17.240
There's a wonderful line by a Scottish poet whose name escapes me for the time being.
00:57:21.060
You know, he says, let me write the songs of a nation and I care not who writes its laws.
00:57:27.340
And there's no doubt that culture, whether artistic creation, has a kind of binding effect,
00:57:37.600
is able to elicit the desires and the loyalties and the feelings of people far, far better than the kind of,
00:57:46.820
you know, the alternative, far, far better than the kind of, you know, rules and traditions
00:57:58.740
Feelings don't care about your facts, you know.
00:58:02.180
And the people who are best able to excite and quicken your feelings are the ones who have got an advantage.
00:58:09.600
I suppose what I'd say is that there has been a sort of boomeraming effect
00:58:12.920
that you guys have lived through and you've witnessed and Jeff and others and Simon have witnessed.
00:58:18.360
Yes, you're right that the Conservatives weren't able, you know, sort of, well, at least recently,
00:58:23.420
I'm not going to say it's always been true, but, you know, in the last 50, 60 years
00:58:26.340
when artistic freedom has been associated with political freedom,
00:58:37.540
it's absolutely true that Conservatives have been on the back phone.
00:58:42.260
What we're witnessing now is just as much, I'd say, far more sterility and sameness
00:58:50.760
in artistic production and in comedy and music and TV dramas and film.
00:58:56.620
I mean, I was just looking, you know, looking down the Oscars list the other day
00:58:59.820
and I realised that the last time I'd seen a film, actually seen a film at all,
00:59:04.340
that had won Best Oscar was, I think, 2014 or 2013, 2014, 12 years of slavery, I think it was.
00:59:08.920
And so it's not as if, you know, a kind of broadly liberal kind of transgressive momentum
00:59:17.420
is, doesn't itself have negative, you know, blowback effects.
00:59:23.920
And so we're now in this strange position where, you know, artistic genius has been sort of desiccated,
00:59:31.780
partly because novelty is discouraged and, you know, the ideological lockstep demands innovation only in the ornamental.
00:59:47.480
There is a new orthodoxy and it's an orthodoxy that has to be conserved at all costs.
00:59:51.020
And so there is a kind of, you know, and that conservation involves excluding any sort of dangerous ideas
01:00:02.640
or any new ways of expressing things that might go against or cut against the grain of the ideology that's being conserved.
01:00:10.940
And you might say that, you know, one talks about conservatism and liberalism.
01:00:15.820
I mean, really, these are, you know, they're parasitic terms.
01:00:19.940
I mean, liberalism just, you know, there's always the second question that needs to come.
01:00:29.600
Is that what you're sort of basing your whole worldview on?
01:00:32.180
And so with the conservatives, conserving what?
01:00:34.100
I mean, it's an intrinsically kind of parasitic idea.
01:00:37.220
Well, do you want to be a conservative in Berlin in 1943?
01:00:44.660
So this is where you have, you know, this interesting and quite interesting, but often quite anemic debate
01:00:52.320
in academic departments, political departments, political philosophy departments,
01:00:56.800
and also among politicians between conservatives and liberals.
01:01:01.700
Because, you know, the thought is that conservatism is basically, you know, conserving the fruits
01:01:08.160
of the previous revolution, you know, and that conservatism is a kind of, you know, hesitation
01:01:15.940
It's sort of liberalism at the speed limit, you know, that there isn't something prior and deeper
01:01:22.160
that's being conserved that comes before the Enlightenment, actually.
01:01:30.080
And I think that a lot of, you know, conservatives, people who think that they're conservatives,
01:01:33.800
coming after the Enlightenment, see themselves as basically, you know, conserving liberalism
01:01:42.680
I mean, Roger Scruton is a great, of whom I am an enormous admirer, and was fortunate enough
01:01:52.920
I mean, he says that, you know, he's basically a Kantian.
01:01:55.540
Everything before Kant is just, you know, confusion and delay and all this, you know, strange
01:02:00.940
God stuff and all these sort of medievals, et cetera, et cetera.
01:02:10.000
So, yeah, I mean, this back and forth is helpful.
01:02:17.060
But I think what we're seeing now is the emergence of something very, very different.
01:02:22.560
And in a funny way, you might have seen this kind of coalition between liberals and conservatives
01:02:29.380
from the sort of post-war or during the war and beyond the war, where effectively you can
01:02:35.060
really tell the difference between these two broad constituencies, broad sort of ideological
01:02:40.060
families, because there was a common enemy uniting them in Marxism, Marxist-Leninism.
01:02:45.200
And then you have this sort of strange sort of unravelling period between the sort of,
01:02:49.640
you know, early 90s and let's say 2010, this sort of golden era, which, you know, I went
01:02:53.960
through school and university and this, you know, what we all thought, you know, end of
01:02:58.100
history and the sort of, and the kind of, the dusk of all kind of political conflict
01:03:05.320
But in fact, that was just a, you know, it was a pause.
01:03:08.540
And there's a new religion, a new outlook that is emerging now, which is creating once
01:03:16.580
again a kind of very strong alignment between old school liberals and conservatives, old
01:03:22.580
school lefties as well, old school Marxists who want to talk about class and not identity
01:03:28.540
And it's a, it's a great, you know, it's a great coalition to be in.
01:03:34.440
I mean, a lot of my, you know, if you, if you told me that, you know, five, six years
01:03:38.900
ago, I'd be cheering on gender critical, lesbian, Marxist, feminists, you know, and they go
0.74
01:03:46.400
for it, you know, you're doing, you're fighting a tremendous battle and, and seeing myself as
01:03:50.560
broadly, you know, broadly aligned with their vision of, of, of freedom.
01:03:55.640
And, and reason and, and, and the pursuit of truth and so on.
01:04:01.440
I mean, I, I, I don't, I'd have thought you were mad if I'd be, you know, if you told me
01:04:05.280
I'd be, you know, part, part of an alliance with them, but, but, but what we are where
01:04:09.480
And I think that's a, it's, it's, it's, it's an exciting time.
01:04:14.000
And imagine kind of coming of age in the late eighties.
01:04:16.180
I mean, just how boring that would have been, you know, sort of.
01:04:26.120
I mean, we, we've obviously talked about a lot of this in the past and with you today.
01:04:38.000
What is the future look like according to Dr. James Orr?
01:04:40.700
Well, look, I mean, I, I probably don't share your kind of proximate optimism.
01:04:48.440
I mean, I think that this is what can I, sorry to interrupt you so early, but can I just adjust
01:04:54.180
that because I am not saying I have looked into the future and what I see is this beautiful
01:05:02.220
post-woke utopia in which we all hold hands and hold, you know, sing Kumbaya and live happily
01:05:10.700
I'm saying either it's that or it's the end of Western civilization as we've come to conceive
01:05:22.600
I'm saying it's like, well, you know, this is the fight we got to fight because this is
01:05:27.380
And my worry is if the fight is fought solely from the perspective of woke people or idiots,
0.99
01:05:32.760
we can all agree on that, but there's not much we can agree on beyond that.
0.99
01:05:36.560
And that is not a recipe for, you know, from a sales point of view, that's not a great
01:05:43.280
The other guy's shit is not a great sales technique.
1.00
01:05:58.900
So, I mean, I, you know, I love studying civilizations that I thought were amazing, but that faded and
01:06:08.280
The Roman civilization lasted an unbelievably long time, I mean, in relative terms.
01:06:18.000
Civilizations have a certain sort of life cycle and empires have a life cycle.
01:06:25.780
I think some people have calculated it to roughly 250 years, which would give America another three years.
01:06:42.160
And it would have certainly emerged from an empire, maybe.
01:06:45.160
But, yeah, so I, you know, it's, I think talk of white pills and black pills and this sort of talk is not helpful,
01:06:55.080
partly because, you know, I think there's an element of contingency in how things, as I said earlier,
01:07:00.500
in how things unfold that we should always factor in.
01:07:03.140
I'm a Christian, so I, and I take the view that biological death is not death and that the human
01:07:12.440
individual has a transcendent, infinite value that, you know, it is of a kind that reduces the
01:07:26.580
But there's a lot of us that are going to become bodies that rot in the ground.
01:07:29.860
And before we do, I want to, I mean, you mentioned the lifetime of civilizations.
01:07:36.500
Do you think this is, we're kind of on the downslope?
01:07:42.480
I think it's hard to avoid that conclusion for the time being.
01:07:47.060
I mean, I do think, you know, it may take a very long time.
01:07:51.060
But if the question is, you know, have we passed our peak?
01:08:04.660
And, you know, part of me thinks, you know, barbarians are not at the gates.
01:08:10.380
They've been in, they've been in the city, they're manning the citadel, and they've been
01:08:15.980
Which is what happened in Rome, to a large extent.
01:08:17.620
They started to incorporate barbarian tribes into the military.
01:08:20.500
I mean, this is an interesting, you know, in whatever it was, August 410 AD, the barbarians
01:08:31.260
Civilizations typically destroy themselves from within.
01:08:38.240
They are crippled by burdens that they themselves have generated.
01:08:45.560
It's quite rare, apart from Genghis Khan, it's quite rare for, as it were, foreign foes,
0.97
01:08:51.560
external foes to come in and sweep and destroy everything, destroy civilization just like that.
01:08:58.820
And I think it's hard to avoid the sort of smell of civilizational death at times, and
01:09:10.300
But, you know, as glorious as Western civilization has been, it doesn't have, you know, an automatic
01:09:21.140
And we've forgotten how to fight for it, and we got nervous about fighting for it.
01:09:24.860
The other side, the side that thinks that really anything to do with Western civilization
01:09:30.400
just is to be repudiated completely, is well organized, knows what it thinks.
01:09:37.220
It may be statistically, numerically in a minority, but that, you know, doesn't really matter.
01:09:43.700
As we know, it tends to be minority elites that can achieve massive, massive social, cultural
01:09:51.760
I mean, I can't remember what it is, but I mean, I don't want to compare them to the
01:09:59.720
The Bolsheviks were a tiny, relatively small minority.
01:10:05.080
And I think we're seeing, you know, it doesn't really matter what large swathes of the population
01:10:11.360
And in fact, when you do a lot of the polling on, for example, I don't know, attitudes to
01:10:15.580
our imperial past and attitudes to our heritage or attitudes on, you know, sex and gender
01:10:21.240
and so on, there's actually a very mixed picture, or very often a clear majority that is against
01:10:29.380
And we've recognized this pattern again and again.
01:10:34.180
And certainly the ballot box doesn't seem to, you know, do much.
01:10:37.140
I mean, it doesn't seem to affect much change at all.
01:10:41.780
I mean, there are signs, I think, here and there, maybe in the Conservative Party at the
01:10:49.100
There are signs in the United States and certain states in Florida and Texas and elsewhere.
01:10:54.580
There are signs of some sort of more organized attempt to offer an alternative vision and a reasoned
01:11:05.620
repudiation and critique of, you know, of the people who are kind of letting these acids drip
01:11:15.260
through and dissolving a sort of the settlement of Western civilization.
01:11:21.680
And, you know, there may be reasons to be hopeful that they will kind of staunch the, you know,
01:11:34.100
So, I mean, I'm broadly, you know, in the near term, pretty pessimistic.
01:11:38.600
In the long term, look, there's a line of Horace, this great Roman poet I did, a Latin poet I
01:11:45.780
studied at university, here's a line, that you can drive nature out with a pitchfork, but
01:11:52.780
it's always going to come rushing in through the back door.
01:11:57.040
So, you know, reality is a very good ally to have on your side.
01:12:01.120
In the end, you're going to, and the more detached an ideology becomes from underlying, from being,
01:12:14.640
the more it slips its moorings from the world, from human nature in particular, the less sustainable
01:12:23.800
And just the less self-evident those ideological claims are going to be.
01:12:28.720
That's why there's been so much energy devoted to shutting down free speech, and why you've
01:12:35.600
had such sort of kind of corrosive attacks on academic freedom, because I think the more
01:12:42.400
radical an ideology gets, the less it can afford the open playing field, you know, the sort
01:12:48.600
of the crucible of scrutiny in a kind of open and free market place of ideas.
01:13:03.500
We always end with our final question, which is always the same, which is, what's the one
01:13:06.700
thing we're not talking about as a society that we really should be?
01:13:16.800
Well, look, I mean, this is probably too bland and generic an answer, but one of the things
01:13:23.140
we're not talking about is what are the pre-political sources of meaning that we can share,
01:13:35.480
we can sort of draw on, that will help us stitch ourselves together into a flourishing community?
01:13:42.320
We know that, you know, culture has started to dissolve.
01:13:54.180
What is the glue that could stitch us together?
01:13:57.760
And we're not asking that question because, you know, it's very difficult to ask it.
01:14:04.540
Hopefully that will, you know, emerge over time.
01:14:09.420
So it's not as concrete an answer as back maybe you were expecting.
01:14:13.380
But it's exactly the right answer for the moment, I think.
01:14:15.940
That's why I asked you this question because if there is an answer, it is going to be produced
01:14:23.920
And the difficulty we face, as I think you're right to say, is we don't have much in answer
01:14:32.680
But I think the reality is the solution is within that answer to a lot of this stuff.
01:14:40.740
And we're all, you know, those of us who are thinking about this stuff, we're all going
01:14:44.880
to have to agree on something beyond not liking the other people.
01:14:49.580
And that may mean the problem for a lot of people particularly, the sort of more liberal
01:14:56.020
of us is we don't like telling other people what to do.
01:15:00.360
And once you get into the realms of, you know, it's family, it's this and it's that, there's
01:15:05.900
a hesitation there that perhaps is a reflection of the fact that 30 or 40 years ago, there
01:15:16.380
were a lot of people going, you must have a family.
01:15:18.260
And none of us wanted to be told that because we wanted to make our own choices in life.
01:15:23.760
But maybe, maybe, maybe there is an opportunity to work out a more, and this is what Peterson
01:15:29.600
and I talked about when I was on his podcast is it has to be sort of invitational enrolling.
01:15:37.220
It has to be like, you don't have to have a family.
01:15:41.920
You're a free atomized individual, just like you believe.
01:15:45.300
However, if you want to have a good life, here's some of the things that people have
01:15:49.720
found in the past that do help you towards that.
01:15:56.780
Trust old books because you need to recognize that ideas age in reverse.
01:16:11.140
When you're trying to implement a new ideology, you want historical ground zero.
01:16:18.640
It's Orwell's old line, whoever controls the past controls the present, whoever controls
01:16:22.620
the present controls the future and all of that.
01:16:27.440
That would be, I think that would be wise advice.
01:16:41.920
Dr. James O, before we let you go, we're obviously going to ask you a few questions
01:16:45.660
from our local supporters that only they will get to see.
01:16:50.100
And I think a lot of it is actually on the subject we haven't talked too much about,
01:16:53.180
which is religion because that is one of the things, obviously, that you do professionally.
01:16:58.720
Before we let you go, where can people find your work online
01:17:01.200
and what would you like them to know about things coming up, etc.?
01:17:04.760
Well, look, I've just stepped into the bear pit.
01:17:19.400
But at the moment, I'm busy announcing speakers for this upcoming National Conservatism Conference,
01:17:25.900
middle of May, 15th, 16th, 17th of May, 2023, in Westminster.
01:17:33.200
You'll find all the details on my Twitter profile.
01:17:38.460
And if you can bear it, you can inflict some of my academic work on yourselves
01:17:46.280
by going to my faculty webpage at the Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge.
01:17:58.500
And for those of you who like your trigonometry on the go,
01:18:04.340
What evidence is there that the biblical character we now know as Jesus,