Francis Foster is a research fellow at King's College London researching war studies, and the author of this brilliant book, Why We Fight. He's also a veteran of the war in Afghanistan, and served as a political officer for the British military.
00:06:33.520So after I left the army, I did quite a lot of journalism
00:06:39.040or working with journalists, writing articles about Afghanistan.
00:06:41.820And something used to consistently come up,
00:06:44.260which was that the journalists living and working in Afghanistan
00:06:47.580or very close to studying the conflict understood this.
00:06:50.480They might not have had as much detail as I had.
00:06:52.400I wrote my PhD on it and I spoke push-to,
00:06:54.840But they understood that it wasn't this black-white narrative.
00:07:00.140But when they submitted their 700 words to Newspaper X or spoke with their editors for Broadcaster Y, without fail, the editor would say, no, that doesn't fit the narrative of the conflict.
00:07:13.960Because in the UK particularly, there's only so much foreign news that is going to get into the news cycle.
00:07:21.760and there's only enough there might be one afghan story a day right for example when the conflict
00:07:28.040was its height in 2012 we had 10 000 british troops there probably if at lucky one afghan
00:07:35.140story a day and if a british trooper died that would be that story yeah right and apart from
00:07:42.080that there were only a few narratives so there was the kind of drugs crop narrative there was
00:07:47.420kind of the girls' education narrative, which actually was probably the thing that was the
00:07:52.760most successful about the Western intervention in Afghanistan. And so there were a number of
00:07:57.880sort of almost cliched narratives that editors had as their filter, because how complex can you get
00:08:05.540in 700 words? And yes, people did long form and so on and so forth, but not many people read long
00:08:13.000form. The main news narratives had this very simplistic filter because people spend four
00:08:20.380minutes a day on average on UK politics, let alone a war in another country that people don't really
00:08:25.660understand why we're there. So people are saying that we shouldn't have got involved in Afghanistan
00:08:31.640and it created the wave of terrorism that we see nowadays. Is that true? Not really, no. I think
00:09:07.220and what happened when the Russians left
00:09:09.820There's a lot of those volunteers went back to Chechnya, Bosnia, Algeria.
00:09:16.060And so in the early 90s, you see a number of Islamist inspired, either kind of governments falling or, you know, rebellions or, you know, so that that was an earlier stage of the Afghan conflict.
00:09:29.520And it's the same conflict. These are not separate conflicts. Afghanistan has been experiencing a civil war since 1978, at least.
00:09:35.580right um so the west intervening in 2001 absolutely didn't create that wave of terrorism
00:09:44.140and then your other question was should we got involved i think i think again if you look in
00:09:49.300more detail at the afghan conflict there were there were two decisions about the level of
00:09:55.560three decisions about the level of western involvement in afghanistan one was do we go
00:10:00.220in after the Twin Towers. And I think broadly, most people accept that that was justified
00:10:05.400because the, you know, Osama bin Laden was being given shelter by the Taliban, et cetera,
00:10:11.420et cetera. I think the evidence was overwhelming that Osama bin Laden was involved and the
00:10:14.820Americans warned them. And I think most people accept that that was probably justified.
00:10:19.960Mistake number one was in sort of 2004, five was deciding rather than...
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00:12:20.780That was a victory of the Alazai and the Norzai, two of the three biggest tribes in Helmand.
00:12:26.760And when we came back to Helmand in 2006 and said, we're coming here for reconstruction, the Alazai and the Norzai said, that doesn't work.
00:12:38.080And because they have, you know, Helmandias are mostly illiterate.
00:12:44.300It's about 10% literacy at the beginning of the, you know, in 2001.
00:12:49.0008% literacy, half a percent for women.
00:13:48.140But let's move on to talk about why we fight.
00:13:51.960Because what you talk about in the book is a much broader look at conflict and why human beings engage in warfare and conflict more generally.
00:16:48.260even if there's a 30% chance of being killed because the bounty that you get, potentially at least, is so great.
00:16:57.240Evolution can never tell us what effect will it have on that individual.
00:17:02.660What evolution tells us is across thousands of generations and across millions of people, what the averages will be.
00:17:11.340And if, say, the average death rate from war because of the drive towards social status,
00:17:15.880And I'm plucking these figures out of the air, but just to give an example, you know, if the death rate is three out of 10 from war, but the advantages of that same mechanism that drives social status are four out of 10, then that mechanism will remain in the gene pool.
00:17:28.000Yes. Yeah. And it's the same with belonging. Right.
00:17:30.480there's a huge that was the most interesting part of the book because i think most people will be
00:17:35.000aware of the first thing that we've talked about but the idea that people fight and are prepared
00:17:39.800to go to war and be killed and maimed in order to belong to to some kind of tribe is fascinating to
00:17:46.240me tell us more about that so whilst while social status is a positive thing you're trying to
00:17:50.660attain you know the higher you have your social status the more as you said the more action you
00:17:55.300get right but belonging is actually the opposite so you've got to think back to where humans did
00:18:01.940most of their cognitive evolution which was on the african savannah basically um between about
00:18:08.14080 and 50 000 years ago there was a huge burst of cognitive evolution and about 50 000 years ago
00:18:14.380it was called the cultural explosion so artwork and all that stuff starts up here and in that
00:18:19.580environment humans lived in groups of less than 30 kinship related maybe a few non-kin members but
00:18:28.000that was the that was the group right and these bands were fighting each other and they were
00:18:33.660surviving in the environment that had lots of wild animals and in that environment um not having a
00:18:40.820social group to belong to was an almost immediate death sentence yeah okay and so these feelings
00:18:47.320that we have towards belonging to something whether it's a tribe you know chiefdom an ancient
00:18:54.160empire a modern nation state a political party a football team a choir these are all triggered by
00:19:00.040the same mechanism which forces us to seek out a social group something to belong to and and we do
00:19:07.820that you know as i said because to not have a social group in in evolutionary terms and don't
00:19:12.980forget we're still stuck now in 2020 with these mechanisms um that we evolved that we've evolved
00:19:19.380over the last you know two million years as hominids to not to not belong um and was a death
00:19:25.160sentence and if you look at how that mechanism evolved it it gives you a real insight into both
00:19:32.300politics and war so think about it this way if you have this mechanism which causes you to seek
00:19:38.700belonging yeah to to find people to um um come together to co-join with that only works if as
00:19:48.960well as creating a drive towards an in group if it creates an out group at the same time you can't
00:19:54.980have one without the other and why well because if if the mechanism evolved that said trust everyone
00:20:01.200pull everyone towards you make everyone part of your group then another genotype would arise in
00:20:08.140the population that said take advantage of those people who are trusting all the time so the only
00:20:12.220way you can have a mechanism that says trust other people is if you say trust the in group
00:20:17.320and don't trust the out group and this mechanism which you know has a hormonal pathway which is
00:20:22.920regulated by a hormone called oxytocin and status is regulated by testosterone but this hormonal
00:20:28.040pathway um does two things it creates feelings of empathy and trust within the in group at the same
00:20:35.760time that it that it derogatizes an out group and creates distrust and what you know it has
00:20:42.200all sorts of other effects like you can see heterogeneity within the in group but you
00:20:46.460homogenize the out group what we might call othering in social science yeah you know these
00:20:50.760are very basic um mostly subconscious evolutionary mechanisms that we've evolved for very good
00:20:56.840reasons both status and belonging but that have the side effects of driving us towards group
00:21:04.880conflict it's a fascinating explanation of why francis is racist
00:21:08.520but um sorry i know it's fine it did i did i just can't believe a russian is calling me racist
00:21:16.620i mean bloody hell anyway well you see i'm just proud of it whereas you you have to hide it yeah
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00:22:16.400so what was what i found very interesting good touching on the hormone oxytocin
00:22:22.720is essentially we're not even aware that we're being driven like that so every time we
00:22:29.500join a choir we wear a football shirt we we sing together national anthem you hear the national
00:22:34.220anthem it's almost like we're getting a hormonal rush which drives us to to create these bonds and
00:22:40.080these groups have either of you two had the experience in you know singing in a choir
00:22:43.640football match whatever where you get a tingle down your spine yeah yeah well that that is that
00:22:49.520pathway yeah that's that's you feeling a sense of belonging and it triggers the oxytocin pathway
00:22:55.440it then triggers a bunch of positive hormones um that then give you those feelings of of pleasure
00:23:02.820so by that logic if somebody doesn't get as big a hit from that as other people they wouldn't feel
00:23:09.880as as inclined to be part of a group right right and and you know it's amazing the degree to which
00:23:16.880very simple things that biologists have understood for say 50 years haven't translated into our
00:23:23.220study of politics so for instance um you know most traits um how how tall you are so that's a
00:23:33.540physical trait or a behavioral trait whether you feel this sense of belonging um they tend to fall
00:23:39.920on a kind of bell curve right so most people are in the median they you know they're about
00:23:45.480five and a half foot or six foot or whatever the average height is and they feel a kind of
00:23:49.320medium sense of belonging but of course you get extremes you get some people who can't feel a
00:23:54.540sense of belonging at all and you get some who are you know mega passionate and these are the
00:23:58.700kind of political activists for a political party for instance um and another thing that you know
00:24:06.220another aspect of biology that's sort of well understood in biology that doesn't translate at
00:24:10.040all into public debate is this idea that every trait whether it's physical or behavioral is as
00:24:18.320a result of your genetic inheritance multiplied by environmental factors this nature nurture
00:24:25.480argument is is nonsense it's both every single trait has both and some have slightly more
00:24:32.340heritability so genetic component some have slightly more environmental but they are
00:24:36.880but both involved both genes and environment involved in behavioral traits and in physical
00:24:42.160traits so you're saying that some people essentially might have a genetic predisposition
00:29:19.160And that's something I'm personally massively in favor of, of course.
00:29:23.200But let me ask you this, because you mentioned the gender thing.
00:29:26.300And I think one of the most misunderstood and also fundamentally unhealthy concepts that has emerged in recent years is this idea of toxic masculinity.
00:29:38.680The idea that men are trained by society to be violent, to rape, to behave in all of these ways, right?
00:29:51.440But based on what you're talking about is fundamentally men from an evolutionary perspective evolved to engage in violence in certain contexts, right?
00:30:02.480So what do you make of this idea that kind of the nurture of the way that we nurture men in society is wrong and bad and that's why, you know, we're all toxic and evil?
00:30:14.920So I want to be really clear that what I'm about to say is not kind of going, well, that's the way it is, you know, okay?
00:30:25.000And, you know, men, that's how men are.
00:30:28.000He's about to say that's the way it is, isn't he?
00:33:07.000And that's not a, well, it is a social cliche.
00:33:09.880And the reason it's a social cliche is because there's a hormonal basis for it.
00:33:12.280Yeah. So is that to say that there are no aspects of, say, misogynistic behavior that aren't learnt?
00:33:21.480No, of course, there are aspects of misogynistic behavior that are learnt.
00:33:25.420But there is also, you know, genes, times, environment.
00:33:28.600There's also a herited component and an inherited component of this for the vast, vast, vast majority of males on the planet.
00:33:37.200OK, now come back to this other idea of like unconscious versus conscious.
00:33:41.400Right. That's a tussle within our brains. And of course, you can bring up boys, for example, in a way that recognizes that they have 20 times on average levels of testosterone that girls do, which means they will chest puff and they will peacock and all of those things.
00:34:04.080And so you can bring boys up with that knowledge. And this, you know, this is why men are risk takers, for instance. And I just think, you know, to come back to this idea of why aren't we talking about this in politics?
00:34:16.080It's not helpful to say toxic masculinity is a learned behavior and we all need to bring up our children in a gender neutral way.
00:34:27.740Right. Which I don't pass any comment on. I'm just saying that's one of the arguments where actually I think it would be much more beneficial to say, OK, there are actually these differences between men and women.
00:34:38.740And so we can we can construct our society in a very clever way that gets to the ultimate goal.
00:34:45.400If we agree that we all want to get to complete equality between the sexes, I find it would be a much better way to get to that eventual goal if we say these are the differences and therefore we're going to construct our society to get to that point rather than saying, no, there are no differences.
00:34:59.520It's all, you know, to know to get to where you want to get to, you have to know where you are.
00:35:04.440Yeah. Yeah. And if you think you're in the wrong place, you're not going to get to where you get to where you want to get to.
00:35:09.740And one part of the book that I found particularly fascinating
00:35:13.580was how you were saying that a lot of fights are caused by
00:35:16.280a perceived loss of status between the two combatants.
00:35:21.380So, you know, if they walk away from the fight,
00:35:23.660they've somehow lost status, their status is diminished,
00:35:26.360and therefore they have become, in inverted commas, weaker.
00:35:29.360Yeah, I mean, the statistics on this are stark, okay?
00:35:35.240So in criminology, 95% of murders are committed by men, of which about two-thirds of those are what are called trivial altercations is what the criminology category is.
00:35:57.460And what a trivial altercation is, is a fight over a pool table or, and the beauty about this is this goes through time.
00:36:07.380So we have records from the 1200s in England where people started fights over games of chess or mistresses in taverns and stuff.
00:36:14.920You see the same pattern throughout, you know, England has 800 years of murder statistics and stories and judgments.
00:36:21.960So we have this long, long skew of data to look at it.
00:36:25.380and um that that is the reason that um men commit and they're also the victims as well as the
00:36:41.320perpetrators of the vast majority of murders because they are the ones that seek status over
00:36:47.420each other because and this is where if you drill down in statistics you find that not only is it
00:36:52.660men but the vast majority of those men who commit murders are between the ages of 17 and 30
00:36:56.400and they're from lower rungs lower social status so they're sort of unemployed maybe they're
00:37:02.160illiterate or poorly educated they don't have a job they live in deprived areas and that's because
00:37:09.840effectively what's been triggered in their brain is i'm in a low part of the social rung so i need
00:37:15.340to climb up it and so you see higher levels of violence and you know there's so much evidence
00:37:21.440for this in in china when they introduced the one child policy they did it region by region so they
00:37:25.900didn't do it all at the same time and of course what the one child policy does is it creates
00:37:30.140female infanticide because there's a preference for sons that skews the sex ratio so where you
00:37:35.440have the one child policy coming in you get uh more men and lower women right which means that
00:37:41.780the men when they get to 20 are competing for a smaller that cohort when it becomes marriage age
00:37:46.820they're competing for a smaller number of women and what you see is um a very very small change
00:37:53.800like nought point i don't have a statistics like off the top of my head but you know nought point
00:37:57.060one's nought point three percent change in the sex ratio leads to kind of five percent more violent
00:38:01.380crime and murder when that birth cohort reaches um reaches marriage you know reproduction age
00:38:08.260that makes so much sense that makes so much sense i mean this is obvious stuff it should be shouldn't
00:38:13.100I mean, all of the stuff you're saying, it should be part of how we talk about these things,
00:38:18.600because it's just a very logical and simple explanation.
00:38:23.420And we've instead invented all these complicated concepts that are not necessarily all that helpful, are they?
00:38:32.220There's something called Occam's razor, right?
00:39:00.620when the social science tries to unpick these things,
00:39:02.980because when social science tries to unpick these things,
00:39:04.900when you're starting with a kind of rational actor model,
00:39:06.860The people are rational actors that make decisions that are the best decisions for them in irrational terms.
00:39:14.240They benefit the most from those decisions.
00:39:18.060You have to construct quite elaborate social models about population level movements and forces and all that kind of stuff.
00:39:30.140And it's very hard to test those models empirically and to gather data.
00:39:35.740It's very hard in social science to gather data because effectively what you're trying to do is, let's say you're trying to measure the degree to which an ideology penetrates in a population, right?
00:40:00.540And how I define that will give me the answer.
00:40:03.020but in biology for instance like there's not many ways i can define testosterone level
00:40:09.500like that's it i'll take a blood sample and i'll do that to 20 000 people and then i'll come up
00:40:15.420with you know 10 000 men 10 000 women i'll come up with you know two bell curves that overlap but
00:40:21.300have different medians for the levels of testosterone like it's it's i don't wish to
00:40:31.060disparage the social sciences but I think there are some questions where we could
00:40:37.480to a much greater degree there's much more explanatory power in things like psychology
00:40:43.820and biology and you know I was invited to give the annual lecture at King's College London
00:40:51.200this year at the War Studies Department which was very kind of them frankly it was a great honor
00:40:56.640And that was exactly the argument that I advanced, which is that there are all sorts of fields, scholarship, disciplines that we can bring to bear on the study of war and international relations that will give us a much greater explanation of what's going on rather than these models that we construct that rely on our own definitions of things that are hard to kind of pin down in empirical models.
00:41:26.640And you were talking about war and conflict there. And one of the things that I found fascinating in Why We Fight, your book, you talk about the fact that when we construct these complex theories about why there's conflict, why we do these things, we think of nations as fighting.
00:41:46.000We think of nations as making decisions, whereas in fact, it's a few, usually men, who are making these decisions right at the top.
00:41:55.140And typically they are competing for status between each other.
00:41:58.840And frequently the wars are essentially caused by chest puffing from these guys.
00:42:04.340Right, right. So so and this is where I think it will go next.
00:42:08.580right if if if we let's say that we kind of look at these social phenomena for an individual level
00:42:16.880right because the moment we're trying to study them at a societal level and that's you know
00:42:20.340from reach the limits of what we can explain so let's say we go actually we're going to look at
00:42:24.140it from a from an individual level you know i don't know we're going to measure hormones or
00:42:28.780we're going to whatever we're going to do right like you say to try and identify this sort of
00:42:31.780status um you know chest puffing then the the next challenge after that is right and we haven't even
00:42:38.220got there yet but i the next challenge after that is once you've understood the individual basis for
00:42:42.840this stuff how do you then abstract that to the population level because you've got effectively
00:42:48.180you've got a relationship between leaders who pursue belonging but mostly pursue status right
00:42:54.820that's the drive that drives leaders obviously right and you have followers who pursue status
00:43:03.380a bit but mostly pursue belonging right so you have this tension between leaders and followers
00:43:08.680and between the drive for status and belonging and what followers give leaders is they fulfill
00:43:13.500their need for status right because they create the group that the leader can lead and um what
00:43:19.520leaders do for followers is they create the sense of belonging by articulating a framework and a
00:43:24.240narrative for that group which helps people belong to a group so there's a there's a you know these
00:43:30.640these ideas about you know elites and and how they are you know just controlling the masses and all
00:43:36.720that kind of stuff now there's a tension between the two like human society always has this tension
00:43:41.420and it's it comes out in politics and it comes out in war and so the real challenge is once we've
00:43:48.760rerouted ourself in the individual how we then abstract that and try and understand
00:43:52.760population level how population level dynamics abstract from the individual yeah all right
00:43:59.220We've got time for basically our final question, man.