The Debt Crisis No One’s Talking About - Sir Niall Ferguson
Episode Stats
Length
1 hour and 17 minutes
Words per Minute
157.05356
Summary
What is money, where does it come from, and how did it get its name? Triggered by the financial crisis of 2008, economists and historians have long been concerned about the growing levels of debt that plagues the Western world, especially in the form of consumer debt. In this episode, we talk with Daniel F Ferguson about the origins of money and how it came to be.
Transcript
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We don't seem to be able to live within our means.
00:00:04.860
I mean, we really are in trouble in that aspect of things, are we not?
00:00:08.780
If you borrow to consume, well, that way lies trouble,
00:00:16.240
whether you're China, Europe, the UK, the United States,
00:00:34.180
It's sort of depressing that we can't come up with new material,
00:00:39.160
Those who enter adulthood without a clue about how interest rates work,
00:00:45.900
who've never made an investment in the stock market and never will,
00:00:49.160
those people will have worse lives than the people who get informed.
00:01:03.460
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You are one, of course, one of our favorite historians to have on the show.
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And the thing that we want to talk to you about today is money.
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One of the things you have been prominent in trying to raise attention for
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and awareness of is the level of indebtedness the Western world is in,
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particularly as it relates to our military spending,
00:02:02.980
because there are some historical patterns that are very unfavorable on that side of things.
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But we thought, you being one of the world's most interesting and prominent historians,
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the first thing we should talk about is something you wrote about immediately after the financial crisis
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And the best place to start, I think, is right at the very beginning,
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which is what is money and where does it come from?
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When you said we want to talk about money, I thought, I don't owe them anything.
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In fact, I had the involuntary Scottish reaction.
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I nearly touched my wallet just to make sure it was there.
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It's the way in which human beings transact that is superior to barter.
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And so we find thousands of years ago, you know, 2,000 years before Christ,
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that IOUs are being carved in little pieces of clay in ancient Mesopotamia.
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Because if I owe you two silver rings, it's much more convenient to just write that down
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than for me to say, I think that's roughly three sheep or maybe two and a half goats.
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So money is just a way of making exchange much smoother than if you tried to do it by barter.
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I mean, if you've ever tried barter, you'll realize immediately that the difficulty,
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When you say money these days, there are still people who think that it's pieces of paper or cloth, banknotes.
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Those have largely gone extinct in England as far as I can see.
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But Americans still tend to think of money as dollar bills.
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Older people will remember coins around metal objects.
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But that's relatively recent by historic standards.
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The first money is, as I said, clay tablets with little inscriptions on them.
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Large, inconveniently large stones have been used as money.
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Stephen Colbert once asked me on the Colbert Report, am I in money?
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If you want to be a medium of exchange, then you can be money.
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And I imagine that there is a bit of a transition between barter and money in the sense that an IOU carved in a tablet
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implies a level of social trust or some sort of cultural adaptation and innovation to facilitate.
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It's important for money to work that it should be trusted.
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And in fact, I think I once wrote in The Ascent of Money that it's trust inscribed,
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But if it says that it's exchangeable for two silver rings or three sheep,
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then you kind of have to believe that a counterparty will agree that that's the case.
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That is why we don't really encounter money in prehistoric societies.
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It's something that really is associated with the beginnings of civilization.
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It really exists in electronic ledgers of banks.
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Relatively small amounts of money consist of banknotes and coins, tiny in some cases.
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And so most money is, in fact, invisible electronic items in bank accounts.
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And in fact, most money is created by banks when they credit somebody with an amount of money.
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We all have to trust banks for a system based on fractional reserve banking to work.
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You mentioned that The Ascent of Money was written after the financial crisis.
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It was written before the financial crisis and published just before the failure of Lehman Brothers,
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which tells you that I anticipated the financial crisis, which I did, because the book was begun in 2006,
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at a point when very few people realised a huge financial crisis was coming.
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I was very confident that a large financial crisis was coming.
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And at the heart of that crisis was a loss of trust in banks.
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Also, Jung, you may not remember the lines outside Northern Rock.
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There were genuine bank runs in Britain and the United States.
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And so at the heart of modern money is the role of banks.
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If you lose trust in banks, then you're in a financial crisis.
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And there's always been a connection between money and precious metals, particularly gold and silver.
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Gold is something that has been prized by human beings since time immemorial for the obvious reason that it looks nice and it's extremely durable and it's scarce.
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So we've valued gold and most civilisations have valued gold, but not always as money.
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And so gold was valued by, say, Inca civilisation in South America, but wasn't used as money.
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The interesting thing that happened in the course of history was that people began to use amounts, fixed amounts of gold and fixed amounts of silver for payments.
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And the sort of classic gold and silver coins are precisely that.
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But the problem is that because gold is very rare and silver is relatively rare, you can only really use gold and silver coins for quite big transactions.
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And so you have the problem of, well, what do we do for small change?
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And hence the need to use base metals to produce coins for smaller scale transactions.
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But the link that you mentioned becomes hugely important in the course of the late 17th, 18th and 19th centuries when it is decided, beginning in this country, England, to create a fixed relationship between money and gold.
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And so pounds are defined in terms of a quantity of gold.
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This is one of Isaac Newton's many contributions to our civilisation.
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At the same time, there were other systems that defined money in terms of a quantity of silver and systems which did both, biometallic systems.
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So for much of modern history, the kind of history that tends to get taught in schools in the 18th and 19th centuries, say at the time of the American Revolution, the French Revolution, going right through the 19th century, the time of Britain's rise to imperial dominance.
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We are in a world where there are fixed legal relationships between money and precious metal.
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And so you can go to the Bank of England and say, I got this banknote that says £100 on it.
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So that was the kind of system that, for a period of centuries, became very dominant, persisted through into the early 20th century.
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It was suspended during wartime for reasons we can get into.
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And it finally entirely broke down after World War II.
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It had a kind of afterlife as the Bretton Woods system when only the dollar had a relationship to gold.
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And then in 1971, Richard Nixon severed that final link.
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And since 1971, there's been no link between precious metal and money, except that central banks like to keep in their reserves some quantity of gold.
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And before we get into that, because I think that's very important to the conversation that we are having,
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I would like to delve into a very interesting story you told in the book, which is a man called, I think it's Francisco Pizarro.
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And his journey from Spain to South America and creating a form of currency.
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So the dream, if you were in medieval Europe, was if only we could find some more gold, because there just wasn't that much.
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And indeed, part of the problem for medieval economies is just there doesn't seem to be that much gold or silver.
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And these relatively underdeveloped agricultural economies, that produces some interesting innovations.
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One of them is the bill of exchange, which is another form of IOU, only this time on paper,
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where Merchant A says, I'll pay you, Merchant B, X amount in three months' time.
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And these IOUs, bills of exchange, were tremendously important, particularly in the period after the Black Death,
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when there's a serious labour shortage in Europe, and there's also a chronic shortage of precious metal.
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So what do you do in a world where there isn't enough gold?
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And it's pretty clear that there isn't much in, say, England, not famous for its gold mines.
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And so a lot of exploration, a lot of what sends men and ships around the world, across the Atlantic or around the Cape of Good Hope in the other direction,
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And interestingly enough, the Spaniards strike it rich in Central and in South America.
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They find substantial deposits of precious metal in what today's Bolivia, Peru, Mexico.
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And that is enormously good news for the Spanish or Castilian Empire, which acquires not only the territory and the people living there as a result of the conquistador's success,
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I mean, there is literally a giant mountain of solid silver, Potosi, which I remember visiting when we filmed the television series of A Sense of Money.
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There is a television version, by the way, for those who've lost the power of reading books.
00:12:57.360
You can find it all, it was all stolen by YouTube, the intellectual property brazenly, nicked.
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So the series of A Sense of Money shows you the silver mountain, the great mountain, great mine of Potosi,
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which is one of the principal sources for bullion, for gold and silver.
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And those were then sent from Spain's empire in the Americas all around the world,
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principally to pay for the incessant wars that the Spanish kings fought in Europe and elsewhere.
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I think this is taking us partly towards the modern conversation we want to have,
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but I also think it's an important conversation to have from a historical perspective as well,
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which is the leap from I owe you for this thing that you've given me to I owe you because you've given me money
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that I then have to repay you at a higher level.
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That is an extraordinary cultural adaptation that I imagine.
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First of all, it'd be interesting to know when that happens and how that happens,
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but also I imagine that is transformative for human society because it, among other things,
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allows you to effectively do things now that otherwise you'd have to wait 20 years to do.
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That's right. In the end, the most important development is to have institutions
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that can smooth all the different transactions that people want to make.
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And we can see the first modern banks emerging in Renaissance Italy.
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In Florence, the Medici start out as essentially foreign exchange dealers
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where you can bring in your coins that you picked up trading in Germany
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and exchange them for coins that are more likely to be acceptable in Rome.
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And they sat on benches, banky, and that's where the word bank comes from.
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So what do banks do? Well, banks create a kind of centralised exchange
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where people with money can deposit it and people who need money can borrow it,
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And this clearly greases the wheels of commerce.
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It's part of the reason why you see a significant uptick in economic development
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in northern Italy. At the time of the Renaissance,
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there is a more advanced financial system there.
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the merchants of London start to move beyond there being goldsmiths
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are really the progenitors of the modern city of London.
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Kings matter because, and also republics, but kings mostly matter
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because they always have greater financial needs
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than they can satisfy with taxes on their subjects.
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And so one of the early sources of debt finance
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King of Spain needs money because he's fighting wars against the Dutch
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That's part of the attraction of having silver and gold mines in the New World.
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So what we see happening in early modern Europe
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is the emergence of the modern financial institutions we know today.
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where governments can borrow from their subjects,
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or in the case of the Medellin Republic, from citizens
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in order to finance those big expenditures like wars
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that you can't really finance out of current tax revenues
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Those are two big leaps forward in the financial system.
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And so by the time you get to, let's say, 1700,
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you've already got certain key components of modern finance.
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You've got the concept of money as being coinage,
00:17:00.700
You've got banks which allow borrowers and lenders
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to transact through some kind of central institution.
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And you've got the beginnings of a bond market.
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And each year, I'll pay you 5% of that currency,
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And I'll keep doing that for a fixed amount of time.
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And these bonds are the basis of government debt management.
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and then all the different Italian city-states develop that system of public finance.
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So whatever you think is going to happen in the future,
00:20:00.960
And Neil, what is it about Renaissance era, Northern Europe, Italy in particular?
00:20:06.800
There was no such thing as Italy, but, you know, the Italian states that existed at the time,
00:20:13.680
Because moneylenders, I mean, moneylenders are mentioned in the Bible.
00:20:16.980
So the idea of borrowing money has, I imagine, existed for thousands of years by the point this happens.
00:20:22.460
What is it that happens that that adaptation into banks actually takes place?
00:20:28.340
Well, it complicates matters that Christianity and, indeed, Islam both take a rather dim view of lending money at interest.
00:20:39.440
There are even laws against it, and the crime is defined as usury.
00:20:46.800
And so this makes the business of being a Medici somewhat more complicated than it would otherwise have been.
00:20:54.700
The way around it is that you don't explicitly charge interest,
00:20:59.080
but you have commissions or payment arrangements that, in effect, charge interest.
00:21:06.080
So there are ways around, there are workarounds.
00:21:09.760
I think it's worth asking, where do the restrictions, I mean, for two major religions to take a dim view of this,
00:21:18.580
and you put it very diplomatically there, to have that attitude to lending,
00:21:23.240
there's got to be some pretty serious motivation for that view.
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Where does that resistance to the idea of lending come from?
00:21:31.180
Well, the love of money is the root of all evil.
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There is a recurrent theme in Christianity that casts a shadow over the love of money.
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Not money itself, it's the love of money that's the root of all evil,
00:21:51.020
and views with some skepticism the activity of money changing.
00:21:56.760
I think this has quite deep roots that are probably pre-Christian.
00:22:01.940
Somehow it's all right if you own a bunch of sheep and the flock naturally increases because the sheep have lambs,
00:22:10.420
but it's not okay if that process happens to your flock of money.
00:22:15.740
So there's an aversion to the notion of the natural increase of money through interest,
00:22:21.480
or the interest that you might get from lending it out.
00:22:24.580
So there's this moral distinction that gets drawn early on between it being okay for you to increase your agricultural capital
00:22:34.100
through the natural increase of the sheep, but it's not okay for you to increase your finance capital.
00:22:40.200
That moral opprobrium that's cast over money lending has an important feature
00:22:47.420
because there is a group, a religious minority, that isn't constrained when it comes to lending money at interest,
00:22:57.460
And so part of the issue, if you don't know what I'm talking about, try Shakespeare's Merchant to Venice,
00:23:04.060
is that there is a group lending money at interest in Italy, indeed in much of Europe,
00:23:11.440
that is neither Christian nor, for that matter, Muslim.
00:23:13.860
It's a religious minority, it comes to be seen as a racial minority,
00:23:19.200
and that's part of the reason that there is a kind of suspicion, antagonism towards the lending of money.
00:23:26.020
But is there not also another thing, we have this great saying in Russian about borrowing money,
00:23:30.460
which is when you borrow money, you take someone else's money,
00:23:36.120
you get someone else's money for a short period of time,
00:23:38.500
and when you pay it back, you give away your own money forever.
00:23:40.960
There is a disconnect in terms of how you feel about the process.
00:23:47.500
And I mean, I don't know what the etymology of the term usury means,
00:23:51.020
but there's a sort of, I think, instinctive feeling that people have,
00:23:54.900
which is that someone who gives you money and charges you for that,
00:23:59.300
it's almost like if you borrow, I don't know, a rake from your neighbor to rake your garden,
00:24:05.100
So why would you charge me for borrowing 100 quid?
00:24:07.280
So that kind of argument is quite common, not only in Eastern Europe, but in Western Europe too.
00:24:15.820
And I think one explanation for this is that if you go back to the medieval and early modern period,
00:24:26.100
People who lend money to British kings, or indeed any European kings,
00:24:31.820
would frequently be disappointed because the kings would say,
00:24:40.460
And if you put up too much trouble, off with your head.
00:24:43.240
So part of the problem is that interest rates in the medieval and early modern period are pretty high.
00:24:50.720
And that makes it feel like it's really expensive, you know, credit card rate expensive to borrow money.
00:25:01.460
Interest rates trend down historically as markets become more liquid, become more efficient,
00:25:06.580
and risk is reduced because the rule of law starts to protect creditors.
00:25:14.080
But in the early modern period, it's an expensive thing to take out a loan,
00:25:17.940
and it's expensive because so many people default on their loans.
00:25:20.720
I think that's the best explanation I can really give you.
00:25:24.320
Sorry, Francis, I just want to come back because I've interrupted Neil twice at this point.
00:25:27.860
Obviously, if I borrowed your rake for a year and used it aggressively to rake my garden and the leaves and earthen my garden,
00:25:39.780
and I give it back to you, it would have worn down somewhat.
00:25:43.000
So the rake would, in practice, be worth less if I borrow your car for a year and give it back to you.
00:25:50.340
And I say, well, thanks, thanks very much, and you don't charge me your mug because the car's worth a lot less than it was
00:25:58.320
after I've spent a year driving it around, not worrying too much about it because it's not my car.
00:26:03.440
And you have no use for... I have no use for it for a year, which I have to find some way of compensating for.
00:26:11.580
And so the key thing to get across here, because let's be clear,
00:26:14.520
the constant drumbeat of hostility to moneylenders, to bankers, to Jewish bankers, to non-Jewish bankers, is kind of absurd.
00:26:24.720
It's based on the kind of stupid notion that money doesn't have a price.
00:26:31.120
But of course it has a price, just as the use of a car for a year or a rake for a year has a price.
00:26:38.220
And so I derailed you only because I think this is an important distinction.
00:26:43.160
But you were talking about the way that Renaissance Europe made adaptations that created modern finance,
00:26:52.160
or the beginnings of modern finance, and you were talking about why they were able to do that.
00:26:56.740
I think it's a very striking feature of world history that these things happen in Europe.
00:27:03.900
They do not happen, say, in China, which has a much simpler monetary system, which has a system of coinage,
00:27:16.540
no real system of public debt, fairly basic and rather low-yield system of taxation.
00:27:26.960
And the, I think, most plausible answer, which I also try to explore in a book called Civilization,
00:27:32.620
is that Europe is divided into a lot of relatively same-sized polities.
00:27:40.240
And these polities are in aggressive competition with one another.
00:27:48.100
Periodically, one of them will try to create a European-wide empire,
00:27:51.960
and the others then band together to stop that.
00:27:55.540
And war is, in many ways, the driver of financial innovation in Europe.
00:28:02.960
And it just takes a very different form from the geopolitics of East Asia,
00:28:07.960
which is characterized by one fairly large and more or less homogenous empire
00:28:13.220
with a relatively low-level financial system with taxes as a share of GDP much smaller.
00:28:21.380
So one of the lessons of financial history is that you need to have the kind of stress of regular warfare
00:28:28.900
to propel financial innovation forward, as well as to propel scientific innovation, exploration.
00:28:35.140
People are motivated by a sense that there isn't enough money for the needs of the state.
00:28:40.920
And that's why you set sail for the Americas, thinking you're going to the Indies,
00:28:47.660
That's why you sit down, come up with the idea of public debt.
00:28:50.700
Hey, wouldn't it be a good idea if the rich people lent the government money to fight the war?
00:28:54.540
These innovations, I think, are propelled by the imperatives of geopolitical conflict in Europe.
00:29:00.420
But in a way that we talk about the borrowing and the attitudes to people who lent us money,
00:29:06.600
is that why Shakespeare talked about a pound of flesh when it came to Shylock?
00:29:15.580
Well, if you think about the merchant of Venice, Shylock is trying to collect on a debt,
00:29:24.500
but decides when it's clear that he can't be paid,
00:29:28.580
that he will take full advantage of what he thinks is his power as a creditor
00:29:37.220
And that leads, of course, to his coming a cropper,
00:29:41.840
because as Shakespeare makes clear, that's actually a wicked thing to do.
00:29:50.180
because as we've alluded to, without borrowing,
00:30:00.400
And that's innovation whether it comes to exploration,
00:30:06.380
whether it comes to, you know, a government, for instance,
00:30:16.320
I mean, Shylock's being asked to finance oceanic trade,
00:30:24.280
So there's quite a substantial risk in financing any maritime trade.
00:30:29.820
That's, of course, the side of things which would make you sympathetic to Shylock
00:30:34.520
before he decides to go for the pound of flesh.
00:30:38.540
But, I mean, I think the point you make is a really critical one.
00:30:41.600
Just as there's a cost to my borrowing a car for a year,
00:30:49.020
so there's a cost to my borrowing £100,000 to start a business.
00:30:58.000
And anybody who's going to bet on my business being successful
00:31:04.300
And that's at the heart of almost all financial transactions.
00:31:11.480
One risk is the default risk, which Shylock encounters.
00:31:35.980
And so the debtor gets to pay back in these depreciated patents,
00:31:40.400
the purchasing power of which has been reduced in the year by 20%.
00:31:48.640
and what's the depreciation or inflation risk that I am running?
00:31:56.120
to use a term that's been much abused over the years,
00:31:59.880
deliver, if there's sufficient information and sufficient liquidity,
00:32:05.480
they deliver a reasonable price for those risks.
00:32:12.400
And one of the stories that you tell in the book,
00:32:32.440
So let's talk about the story of Nathan Rothschild,
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Yes, the story of how the Rothschilds made their first million
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It's even been made in two movies a couple of times,
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that this story has often been used by anti-Semitic writers.
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I wrote a history of the Rothschilds back in the 1990s,
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based on the archives of the bank here in London,
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and tried to tease out what had really happened.
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And the Rothschilds were one of a very significant number
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against revolutionary and then Napoleonic France.