"The West Has Lost Its Confidence" - Frank Furedi
Episode Stats
Length
1 hour and 6 minutes
Words per minute
158.59401
Harmful content
Misogyny
4
sentences flagged
Toxicity
17
sentences flagged
Hate speech
33
sentences flagged
Summary
Dr. Frank Farady is an emeritus professor at the University of Kent and a prolific author, not least of his latest book, The Road to Ukraine: How the West Lost Its Way. In this episode, Dr. Farady talks about his journey to becoming a Russian-American academic, how he became a writer, and why he thinks the West is losing its way.
Transcript
00:00:00.680
Broadway's smash hit, The Neil Diamond Musical, A Beautiful Noise, is coming to Toronto.
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Like Jersey Boys and Beautiful, the next musical mega hit is here, The Neil Diamond Musical, A Beautiful Noise.
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Now through June 7th, 2026 at the Princess of Wales Theatre.
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Suddenly we find that, especially with COVID and the Ukrainian war, that suddenly the world is breaking up.
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And everybody's looking, you know, what side they should be on.
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They could pretend that, you know, it's us and the United States, we run the world.
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And now all of a sudden you wake up one morning and you realize that you're just a large regional power.
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And I think for those people, a lot of those people, that came as a bit of a shock and they basically began to sort of blame the West for the predicament they were in.
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You know, you know, you can't blame the war on this single individual.
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And if Putin is taken out, then somebody else will replace him who might smile a little bit more than Putin does.
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But essentially, things will pretty much remain the same.
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One of my fears, you know, is not just simply what Russia is doing in Ukraine.
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One of my fears is what will happen if Russia implodes, the Federation implodes.
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It's because, you know, the Russian Federation is by no means as coherent and stable as it looks.
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A lot of the republics, you know, sort of that exist within the Russian Federation are dying to get out of that Federation.
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He's an alien, he's not a journalist, and more importantly, he's fucking fictional, mate.
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If he was fictional, then why did Friedrich Nietzsche write about Superman, otherwise known as Übermensch,
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in his seminal work, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, published in 1883,
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but still widely quoted today by both students and intellectuals alike?
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Sometimes, Francis, I feel as if I have no clue who you really are.
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But if you do like journalism, then you have to check out the Epoch Times.
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The Epoch Times, unlike most media organisations, is produced without the influence of any government, corporation or political party.
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They distill a story down to the facts and get readers as close to the truth as they can.
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The articles are free from the influence of big tech, corporate media and socialist and communist forces as well.
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The Epoch Times believe the more facts you have at your disposal, the better able you are to preserve your rights.
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The articles present a factual picture of the news from a conservative and American perspective.
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I feel the Epoch Times is the only publication out there that gives me factual information about stories in the news
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that other outlets and publications blatantly report with liberal political biases.
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Go to epochtim.es forward slash trigonometry and click the link.
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That's Epoch, Tim, E-P-O-C-H-T-I-M dot E-S slash trigonometry.
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And this is a show for you if you want honest conversations with fascinating people.
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Our brilliant guest today is an emeritus professor at the University of Kent
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and a prolific author, not least of his latest book, which is this,
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The Road to Ukraine, How the West Lost Its Way.
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We've been meaning to have you on for a while and this is a good opportunity to do that.
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Before we get into talking about your latest book, tell everybody who are you, how are you, where you are,
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what has been your journey through life, leads you to be sitting here talking to us?
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Well, it all began in 1956 in the Hungarian Revolution, when my parents and I were very active fighting the Russians
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and decided to leave when the revolution was crushed.
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I grew up in Canada where I studied politics and decided to come to London to do my PhD.
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The plan was to go back to Canada, but I just kind of never went back.
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I realized I was a European and got involved in radical left politics at that stage in time, a student radical.
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I'm one of those 60s persons that has no regrets.
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And then gradually, with the passing of time, the world changed.
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I found myself being drawn more and more in a slightly different direction than even a greater direction
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towards becoming much more interested in old classical liberal ideas.
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And at the end of the day, I became very active politically and commented on political cultural issues
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And today, I've got the honor of being called, in any day of the week, a Marxist by some people
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But I just think I'm a regular guy, you know, sort of with strong views.
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When was the last time you were called a Marxist, mate?
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That's just what your girlfriend calls you.
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Anyway, Frank, you've got a book out, as smooth as that transition is, which is called The
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And one of the things you talk about is our inability to understand the role of the past
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And you talk about how this conflict has its roots in World War I, which, let's be honest,
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wasn't covered heavily in the mainstream media news coverage of this conflict.
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Well, the way that I look at it is that in the First World War, everything became disrupted
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So you had the Russian Revolution that kind of kicked in as a result of that.
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You had the breakup of the different empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire,
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And this led to a chain of events where all kinds of national ethnic conflicts became
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They were all unresolved, which meant that nobody was surprised when the Second World War
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And people thought, well, that might bring things to an end.
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History is probably going to become easier from here onwards.
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And what happened was that when the Cold War finished, and in particular when the Soviet
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Union disintegrated, a lot of people imagined that that's history.
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And they imagined that, you know, they had this fantasy that somehow Europe was going to
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Books were written with the title of how wars had become obsolete.
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How we're not going to have a harmonious existence.
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The Germans in particular imagined that they could somehow seduce the Russians by, through
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economic trade, that somehow economic trade would lead to democracy and it would lead to
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the liberalization of cultural life, both in China and in Russia.
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And then all of a sudden we realized that wars, you know, which were not supposed to happen,
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And what I'm arguing in the book is that by forgetting what history was about, I call it
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historical amnesia, we somehow lost our way and failed to realize that there is a legacy
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There's a burden of history there that we've got to engage with a little bit more sort
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Otherwise, we're going to be caught unaware as we did when Russia invaded the Ukraine.
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Isn't part of the problem, Frank, I know Konstantin always talks about this, is that we believe
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They have, they see the world in a different way.
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And as a result, they're going to do different things.
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I don't think there's any need for everybody to kind of talk to the same script.
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And when you go to Russia or when you go to East Europe, there's something nice in their
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particular interpretation of the world, the way they see things.
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But I think where there was a problem was imagining that somehow through the imperative of the market
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and through economic relations, that somehow consumerism and capitalism would seduce everybody
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And that somehow that would transcend their historical and cultural legacy.
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And not really understand that when you sit down with a Russian or a Polish person or a Latvian person,
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you're talking to somebody who sees the world from a very different perspective
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We talked, let's come back to World War I because you've got these huge empires that collapse.
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They leave a lot of simmering national conflicts.
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I mean, I think I have an interpretation, but tell our audience.
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Well, I think that the Ukraine became this battlefield for competing national interests.
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And during the 20th century, it was dominated and invaded by a variety of different nations,
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from the Germans to the Russians to the Czechs, the Hungarians went in there as well.
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And the Ukraine wasn't really a nation, you know, in the sovereign sense of the term until much, much later,
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even though in a very strong national movement in the Ukraine that hoped that after the First World War,
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The Russians, the Soviet government promised them this new Ukrainian federation, which would be almost like a nation,
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But what's interesting is that when you go to Ukraine, it is like a very layered society with different historical interest in it.
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And I remember, because I started off the book with my trip to the Ukraine,
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and I was really walking around in a place in Transcarpathia, which I heard so much about from my parents.
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You see, you know, like you go to the church, and on the church door it says there's a mass for, in Slovakian,
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on Monday, on Tuesday we have a mass for the Hungarians, on Wednesday it's for Ukrainians.
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And it's even now, it's got these different layers of historical influences.
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And I felt that when I went into Ukraine, I just stepped into history.
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It really had an emotional, psychologically, you know, sort of unexpected impact on me,
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I was going back and forth, at least in my own head,
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because I was seeing traces of the past everywhere that I went that were not always Ukrainian,
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And I could really understand why it is that Ukraine had this very difficult predicament,
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and is going to have that difficult predicament, unfortunately, for some time to come.
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And you say that, and we're looking at the First World War,
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what are the other parallels that you see between what happened with the First World War and the current situation, Frank?
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Well, I think the main parallel with then and now is not so much the First World War,
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Because the years leading up to it was, I'm talking about essentially from about 1910 to 1914,
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were years when the old order was breaking down.
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and all of a sudden that golden era was coming to an end.
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Because I don't think a lot of people will know about this.
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What do you mean by a golden era in the early 20th century, Frank?
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Well, the late Victorian era ends in the 19th century.
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And if you go anywhere in Central Europe, you'll find these beautiful buildings.
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And they were all essentially built between 1890 and 1905, roughly.
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Because that's really when, due to the Industrial Revolution,
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due to the relative economic prosperity, not for everybody,
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but for the middle classes, really began to kick in.
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That's the beginning of what we call consumerist society in Europe.
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And everybody's saying, this is really incredible.
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Now, some Bohemians feel upset because life's too easy,
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and you have the new avant-garde kind of emerging at that time.
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But by and large, this was an unprecedented era of peace.
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I mean, decades and decades of peace in inverted commas in Europe.
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I think it begins to break down because national tensions and rivalries,
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And nobody knows who's going to be on what side.
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Because until that point, Britain, the British Empire,
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So what you then have is a situation where, for example,
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And nobody knows who's going to be on what side.
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whether they're going to be on the side of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany,
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or whether they're going to be with England and France and America.
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that you cannot predict how it's going to unfold.
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that we were led to believe would last forever,
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Taiwan should be defended or not defended.
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People are wondering whether Europe should make an effort to pull together
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are the Germans and the French just going to go their own way?
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So it's a very kind of fluid, dynamic situation.
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And it just so happens that in the middle of that,
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And it just so happens that in the middle of that,
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we discovered this week that Armenia and Azerbaijan,
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which could turn out to be even more significant
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And it's interesting where we're talking about that
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Do you think that people get lulled into a sense of security,
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nobody's at war, therefore we've eliminated war?
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because China is one of the big issues of our time.
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And I think that our elites have become uniquely ineffective
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and the post-Cold War period and what's happened?
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I mean, I have some difficulty with this argument,
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but people do make the argument that, you know,
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Russia wasn't treated the way it should have been treated
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and you had the privatization of the nomenclatura,
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who'd basically managed to appropriate for themselves
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They're not going to be particularly accountable.
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it's not so much that Russia needed a Marshall Plan.
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I think that there should be much more of an effort
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after 9-11, I was involved in a NATO consultant group
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And we were discussing how to deal with a common problem,
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Obviously, we had very different interests and all that.
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But I kind of wish that we had created much more,
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And all that the West does is kind of watches it,
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that this is a very, very dangerous development.
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But surely, Frank, as well, we didn't just watch
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because I think it was during Tony Blair's regime,
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we allowed billions of dirty Russian money
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Because when you look at all the foreign energy companies
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It was privatized economically, but politically,
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And although the KGB might have changed its name