In this episode of Trigonometry, Francis and Constantine are joined by Matt Goodwin, a professor of politics at the University of Kent and the author of National Populism: A Revolt Against Liberal Democracy. The pair discuss the election of Donald Trump and the lessons they have learned from it.
00:01:46.980It's a highly consequential election for lots of different reasons.
00:01:50.000I think on the one hand, it's a referendum on Trump, the guy that, of course, we all thought wouldn't win.
00:01:57.100But it's also going to tell us ultimately whether liberalism, mainstream politics, has a reply to populism.
00:02:04.900And that essentially is what November is about.
00:02:07.100When you say sort of self-deprecatingly, it's something we all said wouldn't happen.
00:02:10.680You actually tried to get people to recognize that Trump wouldn't be elected in 2016.
00:02:15.120Well, I wrote a piece explaining why I thought Trump would win.
00:02:20.000And I mean, it's an interesting story, I suppose. I used to write quite regularly for the New York Times and mainly on stuff about Europe.
00:02:27.940And then during the summer of 2016, I thought that people were obsessing about the national polls and they were losing sight of the state level polls.
00:02:37.360And they were losing sight of the groups that were more likely than than others to turn out, in my opinion.
00:02:43.320And fast forward to the election, that's kind of what happened.
00:02:46.680Anyway, I sent that piece to the New York Times. That's why I thought Trump would win.
00:02:50.000um it wasn't published because at that point we were dealing with you know 99 implied chance of
00:02:55.820a trump victory sent it to politico who did publish it um and uh i think at that point it
00:03:02.820was very much about trying to learn from the experiences of britain and learn about what
00:03:07.420what was the message of the referendum that actually there are some fundamental problems
00:03:12.240with the way that we poll certain groups and there are some issues with how we interpret
00:03:16.740people's enthusiasm in elections. And that played out, obviously, to Trump's benefit.
00:03:22.740So I think, you know, 2016 was, you know, the big shock. And since then, I know we're going to talk
00:03:27.480about it. But since then, obviously, we've learned a great deal, too, not only about Trumpism, but
00:03:32.560also about how you respond to somebody like Trump. And we're seeing Trump now, he seems to be on the
00:03:38.420back foot, doesn't he, in terms of the polls as a result of COVID? Was it very much the case that
00:03:43.420if COVID had never happened, he would have absolutely stormed the election? Would it
00:03:47.280have been a bit more complicated? I think Trump would have won without COVID. I think it would
00:03:51.920have been fairly comfortable. The reason I say that, firstly, is if you look at the polling
00:03:57.100on the economy, he had a significant lead, even at the beginning of this year.
00:04:03.120He also, we tend to forget this now, he also has a fairly clear record and list of things that he
00:04:10.240can point to for his supporters, you know, standing up to China, building part of the
00:04:14.560wall, tax breaks, judges, all of that kind of stuff that Republicans want to see. He has
00:04:20.580delivered for some of his key groups of voters. But I think also at the same time, the Democrats
00:04:29.440have focused overwhelmingly on the anti-Trump message and haven't yet, at least in my view,
00:04:36.120articulated the pro-Democrat message. And I think that's symbolic of a deeper problem within our
00:04:40.740politics, particularly in the West, which is that liberalism has not really renewed itself
00:04:46.860in an instrumental, positive way. It's very good at saying why its opponents are evil, racist,
00:04:54.840ignorant, etc. It still has not renewed its core message to voters, i.e. why is it relevant
00:05:03.060today? What does it want to achieve? What's its vision for society? I mean, if you told me
00:05:07.680or asked me today, what's Biden's vision for the United States, apart from it not involving Donald
00:05:14.400Trump, I don't really know. Maybe there's a bit of stuff around clean energy, a bit of stuff about
00:05:19.860making it easier to join unions, a bit of stuff about taxing high earners. What's the vision,
00:05:26.680right? And I think that speaks to a deeper problem facing not only social democracy,
00:06:27.200I think Biden's having some real problems with Hispanic, Latino voters in some specific counties.
00:06:33.580And I think the job numbers do matter.
00:06:37.000You know, I don't agree with the narrative that it's all culture and economics doesn't have anything to say.
00:06:41.580I think as long as Trump is able to say there's another one and a half million going back to work this month,
00:06:47.020the markets are beginning to stabilize, albeit having a bit of a wobble recently.
00:06:52.860He's going to be able to have that sort of let's not ruin it narrative.
00:06:56.060And of course, then there's law and order. And there's this issue of safety and basic security, which I think ultimately will play to Trump's advantage.
00:07:07.000And the other thing, perhaps it's deeper than all of that, is the sort of way in which liberalism has become detached from what it was supposed to be.
00:07:18.840And it's morphed into this sort of hyper-liberalism that is quite disparaging of the national community.
00:07:29.740And it seeks to repudiate many of the symbols and the myths and the identities that come with that national community, whether that's expressed in terms of questioning the underlying foundations of that country or tearing down important symbols for particular people in particular states or rewriting the narratives of history.
00:07:49.560Most people still primarily identify with their country and most people derive their sense of self-esteem from that national identity.
00:07:59.740So the more and more we see that being pulled apart and questioned and the more and more we're saying to citizens, you should feel bad for coming, for being born into this country and coming from this country, the more and more you will stoke a backlash against that.
00:08:12.480And, of course, Trump benefited from that partly in 2016. But if anything, the volume of that, I think, has increased significantly since then.
00:08:20.320Well, I'm an immigrant, so I'm better than you, mate.
00:08:23.340You mentioned the polls quite a lot there, which I think is interesting to talk about
00:08:28.280because I've been watching you on Twitter talking about the polls.
00:08:31.180I mean, it's a big part of what you do, commenting on the different information that's coming
00:09:15.580So Trump has lost ground in terms of how people perceive his handling of coronavirus.
00:09:22.280He's become weaker on those indicators.
00:09:24.900He's now level with Biden on the economy.
00:09:27.940In a couple of polls, he's been trailing Biden.
00:09:30.660But the point is that when you ask that question, who do you think would better manage the economy?
00:09:34.360Only around 35, 36 percent of people are picking Trump or Biden.
00:09:38.880So there's not an overwhelming enthusiasm for either candidate.
00:09:42.280The other thing that's changed, which might be significant, is that the large majority of Americans now say America is heading in the wrong direction and that they think that they and their families are worse off than they were four years ago.
00:09:56.180And so I think around the polls, what you're seeing is a general mood of disillusionment and despondency among Americans.
00:10:04.860Now, of course, that can be interpreted in different ways.
00:10:07.600That's not to say it's all anti-Trump.
00:10:09.360I think there's just a sense of despair about what is happening to their country.
00:10:14.460And I think they look around at the protests and the police officers being shot and the harassment and the polarization and just clearly they can see their country.
00:10:23.320In the right direction and the pandemic. Yeah, true.
00:10:27.040So I think Trump's position in many ways has weakened, but I would still argue that the Democrats and Biden have yet to cut through in terms of the positive message.
00:10:38.140Now, Obama did that. Obama cut through overwhelmingly. But to me, the Biden campaign has quite a few similarities with the Remain campaign in the UK and many similar campaigns in Europe in that it's overwhelmingly focused on the negative aspects of its opponents rather than setting out that positive vision of a sort of Biden America.
00:11:01.880and that's where you can see on the polling questions around how do you feel about Biden
00:11:07.060a lot of voters are still not enthusiastic about Biden including Democrats he's not inspiring the
00:11:15.920same kind of grassroots mobilization that say Obama was able to do and on many of the enthusiasm
00:11:22.580questions Trump still has quite an advantage you know in that I think unlike 2016 this election
00:11:31.440is probably seen as being more existential, right?
00:12:37.140But what I'm hearing there is the social stuff is where you are seeing people really feeling like Trump is maybe protecting them from something or not on side with people who are coming.
00:12:53.600Is that going to be the driver here, do you think?
00:12:56.060I think there are probably a lot of voters who might not be expressing their view, that might be expressing what we'd call a social desirability bias, that Trump is so toxic that perhaps they feel that they can't really confess to voting for him after the shit show of the last four years.
00:13:13.920But also, I think at the same time, there's a lot that can change between now and early November.
00:13:19.320The job numbers can change. The economy can begin to improve. The cases could start to go down.
00:13:24.660Trump could point to weaknesses within Biden.
00:13:39.560Now, whether the COVID virus and the lack of rallies and the difficulty with organizing that on the ground, you know, will that hurt Trump?
00:13:49.480Possibly, you know, not forecasting and saying categorically.
00:13:53.960Trump is going to win the election. But if anything, I think over the last few weeks,
00:13:58.300we've seen things beginning to move in Trump's direction in some of the polling.
00:14:02.800And I wouldn't at all be surprised if that carries on. Biden has been very quiet.
00:14:09.020And he's not really shown himself to be the charismatic unifier that we expected.
00:14:16.260Final question from me on just that line of questioning, Matt. If you were advising the
00:14:20.100Biden campaign right now, what would you tell him to do?
00:14:22.740The same thing I tell Keir Starmer to do, which is start to explain why you love the country.
00:14:28.200What do you love about America? Stop telling people what you want to tear down and what you
00:14:32.600want to change about the country. What do you love about the country? And why do you want to come from
00:14:37.260that country? What do you identify with? And this is the same problem that runs through
00:14:41.920centre-left politics today, in that it's become so detached from ordinary, average public opinion.
00:14:51.040so at times self-absorbed and neglectful of how ordinary people think and feel
00:14:59.520that it can no longer articulate why it is it wants to be in that country.
00:15:04.900It's constantly talking about what's wrong with that country.
00:15:14.780And as a researcher, there's not an easy way that we can survey that.
00:15:17.720And I can say to you categorically, this is what makes a difference.
00:15:20.600But if you look at the comprehensive defeat of Jeremy Corbyn less than a year ago, and if you look at Trump's win in 2016, and you look at the rise of populism, and you look at the collapse of social democracy across much of Europe, for me at least, and I'm happy for people to disagree with me, I think what runs through all of those moments is a clear sense among voters that they are sick of politicians telling them what is wrong with their country.
00:15:48.000and they are proud to be from that country
00:46:27.400And then you've got this interesting choice between sort of doing that through a kind of, you know, neoliberal sort of centre-right, you know, let's go back to the liberal consensus, business-friendly, you know, let's stop talking about migration, let's just be, you know, good old-fashioned conservatives, versus the sort of Rubio stuff that we can see coming through.
00:46:48.140Let's actually be a bit more like Tucker Carlson. Let's be a bit more interventionist on the economy.
00:46:54.380And let's also keep the culture pedal down. And I think those are the strategic choices that the Republicans will face.
00:47:02.500And something that has clearly come through over the last few years is just how influential some of those voices really are.
00:47:07.740So if you look at what Trump did with the executive order on critical race theory,
00:47:12.420I mean, if you go back and you watch Tucker Carlson, I think the week before had the show and the guests saying this, you know, this is what Trump should do with his executive order. He should remove all training involving critical race theory from federal agencies and institutions. And the next week, Trump did it word for word.
00:47:31.940And so clearly, this sort of orbit of Tucker Carlson and those people is clearly more influential than they used to be.
00:47:42.200So the Republicans will have this sort of strategic dilemma facing them after a Trump loss.
00:47:49.040Well, as someone who's been on Tucker Carlson, and I have some very good ideas about what Donald Trump should do about YouTube.
00:47:55.980Donald, if you're watching, or Tucker, rather, if you're watching, get me on.
00:47:58.880I've got some great ideas that Donald needs to hear.
00:48:01.940But we joke about it. And you talk about the situation in America in a sort of clinical detached way, as is your job, you know, a professor of politics. But for me, as someone who's observing it, I find it very worrying. I find it incredibly worrying.
00:48:17.060This fraying of what you're really describing, if I can paraphrase it, is a country that had a uniting myth or uniting idea.
00:48:27.140Noah Harari would call it a uniting myth of some kind, is now retreating into racial groups and no longer speaking to its common purpose, its common sense of who these people are.
00:48:42.900I mean, that's an incredibly dangerous recipe, isn't it?
00:48:45.000Yeah, but I try not to be apocalyptic, because I think, you know, if you go through history, you know, there's always been apocalypticism, and there's always been a sense of sort of doom and gloom and despair. And America is also the country that has been routinely written off over the years, but has managed to hold itself together and keep going.
00:49:03.220and the American dream we tend to forget this but it is highly individualistic I mean it is
00:49:08.020ultimately about making yourself successful and rich and prosperous and that that is slightly
00:49:13.700different from the cultures that we are more used to I think in parts of Europe so I'm I'm probably
00:49:20.120less won over by the idea that America is suddenly going to fall apart I think you know what is
00:49:25.740significant perhaps over the longer term is that in some sense the the communal bonds that are there
00:49:31.980in some senses are being undermined on different levels and I think that's what's becoming
00:49:37.180problematic. You've got the educational divide where we can see people pulling away from one
00:49:41.900another. You've got this sort of distant insular political elite that is moving away from voters
00:49:50.800both in terms of their backgrounds being very affluent, often being multi-millionaires but
00:49:57.060also their social liberalism in many senses, their cultural liberalism. And then I think we've got
00:50:02.940this lack of external challenge and threat that is not allowing, I think, Americans to define
00:50:09.940themselves against that in a way that they would, for example, against, you know, against Russia and
00:50:15.920against communism. And if anything, they're looking internally at the threats rather than
00:50:21.100externally um but we have to get away from this politics of deconstruction because that that is
00:50:27.220dangerous i think the more and more people believe that you are deconstructing their imagined
00:50:33.740community and those unifying myths that you pointed to and what do they have to to cling on
00:50:39.880to because there isn't really much else for lots of people i think that's where we need to try and
00:50:45.400accept the good and the bad and watching nigel bigger on your show i think made this point very
00:50:49.640eloquently that history is complex and there are good bits and there are bad bits and we need to
00:50:56.160accept both of those but the puritanical approach to national history that we can see even today
00:51:03.780with the renaming of the building in Edinburgh but also that we've seen in the United States with
00:51:10.880the various projects that have been pushed by various media I think it's incredibly
00:52:43.940Most of the people who have suffered their health effects of coronavirus are those same groups.
00:52:48.420Meanwhile, we know the middle class university graduates, winners, have been at home, on Zoom, drinking quarantinis, and generally things have been, you know, okay.
00:52:58.000And what was interesting at the beginning of the crisis, at least for me, is that our isolation at the beginning was compulsory.
00:53:06.100And some groups have been able to do it because it's been an economic luxury.
00:53:09.940And other groups haven't been able to do it.
00:53:12.020And so we've seen, again, this divergence between different groups. You've also seen it at the state level. If you look at the eurozone, the economic divergence between north and south has been exacerbated during this crisis. And the recovery story in Europe will be one of different speed recoveries that will exacerbate the story of divergence between north and south.
00:53:31.820It's not to say the Eurozone is going to disintegrate, but it is to say that as we come out of this, the divides that really dominated the 2010s and led to what was one of the most volatile decades in a long time, those divides are going to still be with us and probably be a little bit bigger than they were in earlier years.
00:53:50.960So what was the message of the 2010 Great Recession?
00:53:56.340I mean, if we had this conversation as Lehman Brothers was collapsing and we said, let's predict what's going to happen as a consequence of this over the next 10 years, would we have predicted Trump, Brexit, Bolsonaro, Salvini, AFD, you know, Le Pen in the final round, et cetera, et cetera?
00:54:49.020All I think we can say for certain, and you can replay this in 2029 and we can all laugh at how wrong I was, but I think the 2020s are going to be just as volatile, if not more volatile, than the 2010s.
00:55:38.140Why at this point would you say that Biden will win?
00:55:40.460I think that the sheer hatred of Trump among various groups is going to boost turnout and conceal many of the weaknesses that still face the Democrats, the lack of a positive unifying message, all of the things that we've talked about, Biden's personality issues and so on.
00:56:05.260I think for millions of Americans, Trump is so ghastly and it's such, in their eyes, an aberration that I think we will see turnout around the block.
00:56:17.620And I think that will be millennials, Zoomers, African-Americans.
00:58:02.760they are going to be bombarded by those big guns.
00:58:08.360And do you think as well the reason Obama's so powerful
00:58:11.060is that when he walks on stage, he's a statesman-like figure?
00:58:14.980Even if you disagree with his politics,
00:58:16.780the way he holds a stage, the way he conducts himself,
00:58:19.340the way he speaks, he comes across like a president.
00:58:22.700And when you combine it with someone like Trump
00:58:24.480and the way he's so divisive on Twitter and inflammatory,
00:58:28.320that that is really going to be the thing that pushes Biden over the line.
00:58:31.920I think Obama appeals to the better angels of people's nature.
00:58:36.560I think he is more focused on the unifying aspects of American culture and identity.
00:58:41.140And I'm not saying I'm necessarily a pro or anti.
00:58:45.440I just think as a strategist and a politician,
00:58:47.980he's better at getting people to turn out than Biden is.
00:58:52.540And I think probably he's a lot better at doing that than Trump is.
00:58:57.460And if you go back and you watch the 2016 campaign, Obama really did keep his distance from Hillary.
00:59:04.160He wasn't as prominent as perhaps we might have expected him to be.
00:59:08.300And this time, I think he's taken it very personally.
00:59:10.960And you can see that in how the campaign has been evolving around Biden.
00:59:16.540And I think for a lot of people, even today, I read that Bloomberg is giving Biden 100 million for Florida. I think a lot of the old guard elite have taken Trump very, very personally.
00:59:30.760Now, I completely accept there's an argument, as we saw in Britain, that if you line up the elite, voters will rebel even more.
00:59:39.020But I think even among ordinary Americans, I think there's something about the Trump project that will increase their turnout in a way that may be problematic for Trump.