Riots, Plagues, & Murder Hornets
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Summary
Ted Cruz explains how the Senate confirmed the first African-American chief of staff in U.S. history. He also explains why he thinks the Senate is not likely to flip back to the Democrats in the midterms.
Transcript
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2020 has started off with a bang. We have had riots. We have had plagues. Worst of all,
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we have had murder hornets. And don't forget, this is an election year, so the year is only
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going to get crazier. Lots of seats in play, including the U.S. Senate. The U.S. Senate is
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far from safe. Luckily, we've got a guy here who knows a thing or two about winning a Senate race.
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We'll go behind the scenes. This is Verdict with Ted Cruz.
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Welcome back to Verdict with Ted Cruz. I'm Michael Knowles. And Senator, you know,
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I forgot because when I come to town, I'm here doing this show. When I'm not doing this show,
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I'm swilling martinis. I'm smoking cigars. I'm generally loafing around.
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I'm a California man. You don't want to work too hard. You actually have been working. You are
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in session right now. You've just come from the Capitol. You had a vote today. Could you tell
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us a little bit about that? Well, sure. We just voted a few minutes ago to confirm the new chief
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of staff of the Air Force, General CQ Brown, who is the first African-American service chief in U.S.
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history. So Colin Powell was chairman of the Joint Chiefs, but he wasn't head of one of the service
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branches. And interestingly enough, a little bit astonishing, there's never been an African-American
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service chief. And so we confirmed him this afternoon. And actually, Mike Pence, the VP,
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presided, which is fairly unusual. Normally, it's a senator from the majority party who is presiding.
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And so I looked up, cast my vote, and there was Pence sitting in the chair. And so actually,
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Mike Lee and I, we both walked up and said, you know, hey, Mike, what are you doing here?
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Yeah. I said, look, is this going to be 50-50? I mean, what, are we missing something?
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And he laughed and said, no, that it just was history to have the first African-American service
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chief. And, you know, today being the day of George Floyd's funeral in Houston, I think it is
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particularly momentous to be making that confirmation. And Pence pointed out, he said, look,
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Trump had nominated General Brown back in March.
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Right. So it's not like he nominated him because race happens to be dominating the conversation.
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No. He was the choice on the merits to be the chief of staff of the Air Force. And, but, you know,
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Pence laughed and said, you know, in our house, we call that God's timing.
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Right. There's a little providential aspect to this.
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This brings up some worries for November because Republicans control the Senate now. That is not
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guaranteed to be the case after the 2020 elections. Things are looking tight in a lot of different
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states. You know a thing or two about winning a Senate race. What is it looking like right now?
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So look, it is very much hanging in the balance. We've got right now, the majority is 53-47. So
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there are 53 Republicans. But 2020 is a difficult map. So if you think about it, the Senate, you've got
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100 senators. They're each broken into thirds and a third are elected every two years. You've got six
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That means every Senate election is the echo of the election six years earlier.
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And so if you have a really good Republican election, six years later, it can be a much
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tougher election if it ends up not being a great Republican year. Likewise, if you have a great
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Democratic year, six years later, Republicans can pick up seats. 2020 is the six-year echo of 2014.
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2014 was a phenomenal year. 2014 is the year we took the majority in the Senate and retired Harry Reid as
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majority leader. As a result, we've got a bunch of Republicans in very purple states that are tough
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states. And right now, the poll numbers in a lot of these races are right on the bubble. I think we could
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easily lose control of the Senate in this election.
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Because everybody's focused on the presidential. I get it. That's where all the attention gets paid.
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Don't forget, there's a lot more to our government than just the president. It seems very important to
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hold the Senate, you know, to maybe retake Congress if that were possible, to keep these local races as
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well. And if you break it down state by state, so you take a state like Colorado. Yeah. Colorado is a
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tough state. It's a purple state. Trump lost Colorado four years ago. Cory Gardner is a freshman
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senator up for re-election in Colorado. That's going to be a tough race. Yeah. Arizona. Arizona has
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historically been a pretty red state. It's gotten a lot more purple. Martha McSally is the incumbent,
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but she ran in 2018 for Senate and lost in Arizona. So the last election, Martha lost. She got
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appointed to the seat and she's running again. Arizona is going to be a tough, tough race. And
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the polling there, the polling there doesn't look great. You got a state like Maine. Susan Collins is
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running. Now, longtime senator, much more moderate than you and I are. Yeah. But listen, Maine is a
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pretty blue state. And particularly with Trump on the ballot, I don't know how Maine's going to go,
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but Susan will have a fight. There are a whole lot of liberals nationally putting a bunch of money
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against her. North Carolina, Tom Tillis. North Carolina is another battleground state. It's another
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purple state. That will be a hard-fought race. We could easily lose that race. Georgia. Georgia,
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we've got not just one, two Senate seats up on the ballot in Georgia. So we've got David Perdue and
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Kelly Loeffler. And Kelly Loeffler is in the middle of a tough primary race. So it's what's called a
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jungle primary, where in all likelihood on election day, someone won't win outright. The top two people
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will go on to a runoff in December. We could end up with control of the Senate
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being decided by the Georgia runoff in December. Yikes. And you know, one of the patterns, if you
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look at states like North Carolina, like Georgia, like Arizona, one of the patterns in the age of Trump
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is the suburbs. Yeah. We've talked before about the two broad demographic trends going on in this
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country. Working class voters are moving right. That's moving Midwestern states, more Republican.
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The same time, suburban voters are moving left. That is moving states with big suburban population,
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states like Texas, states like Arizona, states like Georgia, much more purple, because in particular
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suburban women, that has been a tough demographic for Trump. And so 2020, the Senate is very much in play.
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Right. Especially when you, when you consider those two demographics, it's very hard to pin
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down. Okay. This will be the effect on this state. This will be the effect on another state.
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Now you, and there aren't a whole lot of Senate seats that are being contested in states where
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there's a big working class population. It's not like, so we picked up Indiana, for example,
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last time around, Indiana is a great example. Well, we don't have an Indiana seat on the ballot this
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time. And so the states that are up are states where it's, it's particularly challenging.
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It becomes tricky. And now you've run two Senate races, first time challenger, you kind of come
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out of nowhere. Obviously you'd had a long career, but in terms of national political office,
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all of a sudden you're the new guy in town. Six years later, you run a race where the mainstream
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media, the national political media, they were gunning for you. They got behind this other candidate,
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Beto O'Rourke. It actually took me a moment to remember his name, but that was, he was all anyone
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was talking about for quite some time. Those two races, how were they different? What lessons do
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you think you could take from those races for the senators who were maybe up in tough fights this
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year? Well, very different races, very different strategies. Let's start with 2012. 2012, I had no
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name idea. No one knew I was, and I'd never been elected to anything. I mean, it's a little bizarre,
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but the first office I was ever elected to was the United States. That's right. That's pretty good.
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That's not too bad. You know, I've joked the last thing I was elected to before that was student
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council. And that, that is literally true. Um, so when I ran in 2012, actually, actually let's,
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let's watch. So the very first poll we did, um, I had 2% name ID. Those are real numbers. And, and,
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and, uh, the margin of error on that poll was 3%. So you may, it could have been negative one.
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So I appreciate that sunny optimism and, and, and you and Heidi are on the same page. I actually came
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home. I was amazed to be at 2%. I was really psyched. I'm like, look, I'm not at zero. And, and Heidi's
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response was the same as yours. Well, couldn't you be at negative? Yeah, we're not positive here.
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All right. Thanks my love. But, but, but that's where we started. Yeah. And that was a race. It
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was a grassroots race. Um, we had a strategy, um, of systematically earning the support of
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conservative leaders, raising money and, and being using guerrilla tactics to drive messaging. So,
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so my opponent in the Senate race was the Lieutenant Governor of Texas, a guy named David Dewhurst.
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He had a lot of money, as I recall. He's personally worth over $200 million. So he's massively wealthy.
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He'd been elected statewide repeatedly. Yeah. In Texas, the Lieutenant Governor is the most powerful
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state official because the Lieutenant Governor runs the state Senate and has almost total power,
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can assign any bill to any committee, can assign any Senator to any committee,
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can basically decide what bills die and what bills live. Right. That meant that every lobbyist in the
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state was against us. Yeah. Every special interest in the state was against us. Every big company in
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the state was against us. We didn't even really try with them. I mean, to be honest, if you had business
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in front of the state legislature, you had to be with him. Um, and he also had universal name ID. He'd run
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statewide and won over and over and over again. He'd poured millions of his own, own dollars into the
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races in the past. And in the Senate race, he ended up putting about $35 million of his own money into
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the race. Um, so we had to find other ways to succeed. Uh, we started, for example, going to
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all sorts of candidate forums all over the state. Um, and you'd have a local tea party, you'd have
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Republican women, you'd have a county party that they'd do a candidate forum. And there were, I think,
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nine candidates who ran in that race. Dewhurst was the 800 pound gorilla. Right. And then the rest of
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us. So he wouldn't show up at the debates. So I'd go to them against candidates who,
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who were not running serious campaigns, not raising money, but we'd go and have,
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I think we did something like 40 or 44 debates. It was something like, I mean, it was some crazy
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number. Dewhurst wouldn't show up at anything. Yeah. So we began doing things. Uh, we launched a
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website, duckanddewhurst.com. Um, I got a campaign staffer to dress as a duck and show up at Dewhurst
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event and he's a full size duck and he'd show up and, and, and I actually told him, I said, Josh,
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if you can get him to take a swing at you, I'll give you 20 bucks. Just once. I just want the
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headline, Lieutenant Governor punches a duck. Punches a man dressed as duck. But, but what,
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what would happen is he'd go do an event designed to get some great press. And the opening line of
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the news story would be today, a man dressed as a duck went to the Lieutenant Governor's event
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and we'd steal the story from it. Right. Um, we had one candidate forum where a grassroots activist did
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this actually made a milk carton with his picture on the side. Have you seen this missing? Um,
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we put out a, a humorous cartoon, uh, that, that, that's very campy. And, and, and, and it had, uh,
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uh, a broadcaster that sounded like an old timey horror movie and said, you know, Bigfoot,
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uh, the Loch Ness monster, the Chupacabra, a strange coyote like creature that some claim to have
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seen in South Texas. There's mysteries. And then there's our Lieutenant Governor. And we have an
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image of the Lieutenant Governor. Somehow he can't seem to be found anywhere. We have him dancing
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around and we list all the places he, he skipped. Right. It was campy. It was corny. I think it cost
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us like $2,000 to make this cartoon. And we got all this free media. People shared it on social media.
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They laugh. And so when you're running a guerrilla campaign, you got to find ways to, to, to take
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asymmetric advantage to, to use. And, and our greatest strength is that Dewhurst totally took it for
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granted. He thought there was no way on earth, this punk kid, uh, which is how he viewed me this,
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you know, young, young, never been elected to anything. No, no. And we, you know, my attitude was
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like, you know, David, you're exactly right. Please, please sit on your couch. Yes. Good. Relax.
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No, no, no. Nothing to worry here. And we systematically got the support of conservative
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leaders across the state. We got conservative leaders nationally. Yeah. Uh, we raised a ton of
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money and, and that was shoe leather. And it's interesting. Self-funding candidates often lose.
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And part of the reason is if, if you write a check, writing a check is, is relatively easy. If you write
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a check for a million dollars, I would rather have a million dollars raised from real voters. Yep. Yes.
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Then 5 million or 10 million just from your own bottomless bank account. You know, this is something
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I've noticed in successful campaigns, whether they're challenger campaigns or whether they are
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incumbent campaigns. I remember this was in 2011, I think Mitch Daniels, then governor of Indiana,
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there was talk he might run for president. Mitch Daniels was facing this tough legislative fight
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there. And the, the Democrats in the house, they're the, you know, the house of Indiana,
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they just left town. They skipped town because they didn't want to vote on something.
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And as I recall, Mitch rewrote, he made a parody of a 1940s song joking about how the guys had skipped
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town, put it on the radio and a campaign. It was fun. It was campy, just like you're describing.
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I was, the first campaign I ever worked on, this was in 2010. It was for my friend Nan Hayworth.
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She was running a challenger race against this guy who, his name is John Hall. He was a rock star in
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the seventies. He was in the band Orleans. They did the song, still the one, you know, those kinds of
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like silly songs you see on commercials. And so we decided, this is again, a challenger campaign,
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very low name ID. We decided to start a side group called the young voters for an Orleans reunion tour
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to get the guy out of Congress, get him back on the road again. So he wasn't passing bad laws.
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Same thing. They said, this is so stupid. They're ignoring it. They net, well, guess what? Those
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kind of campy grassroots tactics that got a lot of people involved. It was fun. It was offbeat.
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They, they really helped. They raised a little bit of money, got some good press. And I've noticed
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this even with reelection campaigns. So it's, it's not as though you were only doing this sort of
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thing in your first race. The second time around the presidential race and the second Senate race,
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you were still doing the same kinds of tactics. You, you didn't get, you didn't get complacent about
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it. Well, there are a couple of things really important that you said that are good lessons for,
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for any campaign. Um, one is, is have fun. Yeah. Um, you know, too many candidates take it too damn
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seriously. And, and particularly with negatives. Yeah. Um, they're like so ominous and there's a
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voice we all know, a political attack act. And I don't know, it's this dude that apparently has a
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voice like so deep that comes on. Did you know that Michael Knowles eats kittens for breakfast?
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I know. I don't tell them. Like, like, I mean, it's, it's, and, and the voters are smart enough to
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come. Like, like, like they just don't believe it. You just hear it. You just tune it out. It just
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much more effective, especially with, with, with negatives is having a light touch, having a,
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a, a tweak. Go, go, go back to that first Senate race. Um, the Houston symphony invited
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Dewhurst on, I think the 4th of July to be a guest conductor. And I have to admit, I sent an email to
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my team. I'm kind of a little annoyed. I'm like, okay, why is the symphony favoring him? I don't,
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I don't get it. It was outrageous. And, and, and my, the guy running my campaign guy named Jason
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Johnson is a great, great guy, dear friend. Yeah. He sees that and he sends an email,
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must dot, dot, dot, get dot, dot, dot video. And so Jason went to the concert. It was an outdoor
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symphony concert. And you have Dewhurst in white tie tuxedo conducting with a symphony behind us.
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And Jason's sitting there with his phone recording it. And we put out this ad. I don't even remember.
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It was something about flip-flopping or something, but the whole image is him in white tie conducting.
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And it was priceless, but it wasn't so over the top as to be unbelievable. Um, that's one piece.
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Yeah. A second piece that you said also, that's really important is getting others to invest in
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the campaign. You know, one of the better political books I read was, um, Chris Matthews wrote a book
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called Hardball. Uh, and he talked about lessons and he talked about a lesson he learned from Jimmy
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Carter, which is, he said, you know, in politics, if, if you want to have a chit, most people think,
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okay, if, if, if I want Michael to be on, on board, I'll do you a favor. Yeah. And if I do you a favor,
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then I owe you, you owe me. Yep. And, and what Jimmy Carter apparently told Chris Matthews, he said,
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look, that actually doesn't work very well. He said, human nature is weird. If, if Michael owes
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me half the time you grow to resent it and get ticked off that you owe me. Yep. He said, if you
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really want to get Michael on your team, you know what you do? You get him to do you a favor.
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This is a profound insight. It doesn't matter what it is, anything, because if you do something for me,
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you're invested in me. Yep. And it becomes then it becomes what you're doing. And ironically,
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you want to do more favors once you're invested. I think the example, if I remember right, that Carter
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used was having someone pick them up at the airport, having a volunteer drive to the airport and pick
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them up that, that just, Hey, you know, I went and got that guy. Yep. That person's more likely to do
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more. I'm involved. You know, this is, it's the same thing with campaign swag, having, you know,
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having worked on a number of campaigns, people think that campaigns make a lot of money on the
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swag. They don't make a lot of money on the swag. I mean, you know, it's a little pricey or something,
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but trust me, you're not making your campaign money by selling t-shirts and buttons. But part of the
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reason you sell the t-shirts and buttons is so that people feel a connection to the campaign.
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I buy a lot of campaign swag for campaigns that I support, politicians I support. And it, it bonds me to
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them in that I say, okay, I've got the big foam finger, you know, I've got the t-shirt or whatever.
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I'm on the team now. It's a way of creating that relationship with the constituents that you hope
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to represent. Well, you're absolutely right. And if you get someone to do a little, they're much more
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likely to do a lot. You know, going back to that 2012 campaign, I remember that the Texas state
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convention. So we made it to a runoff, which was our whole challenge was hold Dewhurst to 49.9%.
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Right. And if we got to a runoff, I believe we'd win. That's what ended up happening. Yeah.
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The Texas state Republican convention happened between the primary and the runoff. So it was the
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it's the biggest gathering of grassroots Republicans actually in the whole country and it was all
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there. And, and so in terms of swag, now we didn't have any money. Yeah. So the Dewhurst campaign had
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these fancy buttons. They're like two, three bucks a piece to print, you know, they're nice buttons that
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you pin. We didn't have the money to pay for a bunch of two, $3 buttons. Right. So what we did is we
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printed really cheap stickers that were the exact same size. And then we told people, go get a Dewhurst
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button and put our sticker on top of it. And like everyone had the Dewhurst button, took all their
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money to do it and then put our stickers on top of it. And it was one of the great.
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That is a fiscal conservative, right? That is a fiscally conservative campaign. So I, you know,
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we've got to get into the mailbag, but just for, for your colleagues and maybe other people who are
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running in 2020. One thing I'm getting from you here is we are in, we are in probably the most
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negative news cycle of my lifetime. I mean, this is a really tough news cycle. And I think there
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are a lot of campaigns who just really want to play into that negativity and really just, but
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maybe what I'm hearing is that might not be the most successful way to, uh, to inspire people.
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Have fun. People can tell a joyful campaign. People can tell a campaign that are miserable,
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miserable, but empower the people. Yeah. Um, best political advice I ever got in my life was,
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was from Heidi. It was years ago. It was right when I started to run. I was getting ready to
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give a speech and Heidi told me, said, remember, it's not about you. It's not about you. It's about
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them. Yep. It's about their families, their kids, their future. And I still to this state to try to
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remind myself of that in front of every speech. That means, all right, so quick anecdote I'll tell
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back from the 2012 campaign. Yeah. So we're down in South Texas and we're doing an event in a,
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in a church. It's a Saturday night. We're in the fellowship hall. About 300 people gathered there.
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And, and the county Republican chairman comes in. He says, you know,
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most Republican candidates, when they come down to the valley in Texas, they do a, they do a
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fundraiser. And he said, they go to the local country club. They charge a thousand bucks a plate.
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And he said, this is not a fundraiser. Yeah. He said, Ted is here because he wants to listen to
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you. He wants to hear what you have to say, uh, and be part of conversation. So I got up and I,
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and I said, I said, listen, thank you everyone for being here. Thank you. It's a Saturday night. You
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could be home with your kids. Thank you for coming out to this instead. And I said, thank you.
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Javier to their local Republican chairman for, for being here as well. So there's one thing
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Javier said that was wrong. He said, this is not a fundraiser. Everything we do is a fundraiser.
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I said, listen, if you can max out, if you can write a $5,400 check for you and your spouse,
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God love you. We need it desperately. But you know what? Everyone here can give something.
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Yeah. If, if you're in college, if you're in high school, you can get 25 bucks. Yep.
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25 bucks is two pizzas. You're telling me you can't afford two pizzas. And here's the thing.
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Here's why. If you give $10, 25, 50, whatever, if you give, you're invested. You know what? If you
00:23:14.500
give 25 bucks, you're going to vote. That's right. But not only that, you're going to talk to your
00:23:18.180
friends. You're going to talk to someone else because suddenly your skin is in the game. And so
00:23:23.140
we treated every event, grassroots events as, I told them there, I said, you know what?
00:23:30.200
I can't win this race. Flat out. It is impossible for me to win this race. We can win this race.
00:23:38.520
But I certainly can't. If it's just me, it ain't going to happen.
00:23:40.840
And most campaigns, look, campaign consultants, they don't get paid for grassroots. They don't
00:23:45.740
know how to do it. And the concept of empowering, creating ownership, you know,
00:23:51.580
you mentioned the presidential in 2016. We had 326,000 volunteers in that presidential campaign.
00:24:01.720
We raised over $90 million. That is the most money any Republican has ever raised in the
00:24:07.760
history of presidential primaries, more than George W. Bush or John McCain or Mitt Romney.
00:24:12.520
And that came from 1.8 million contributors. That's right. You know, well, so mentioning the
00:24:19.540
political consultants here, just quickly before a mailbag, I have to ask you, you gave the best
00:24:23.520
political advice you ever got. What's the worst political advice you ever got?
00:24:31.500
I don't know. I think I have an answer to this question, but I'd be curious.
00:24:34.300
Go ahead. What's your answer? So the worst political advice I ever got on any campaigns,
00:24:39.380
and I've heard it on a lot of campaigns, is listen to what the Washington consultants tell you to do.
00:24:45.160
So that's a kiss of death. It's the kiss of, you've got, you start out with the great
00:24:48.920
local campaign and it's working. And the minute it starts working really, really well,
00:24:53.340
all of a sudden, some guy from Washington decides to come on in, tell you how to redo everything.
00:24:59.760
Nine times out of 10, they will lose the campaign you were winning.
00:25:03.720
So, so let me give an example. I don't know about worst advice, but I had conflicting advice. It was one
00:25:07.780
of the hardest moments. So 2012 campaign against Dewhurst. We run a grassroots campaign for months.
00:25:16.680
Start building support. Dewhurst's campaign does what any dominant front runner does,
00:25:20.960
which is ignore us. Doesn't mention my name. We don't exist. And our numbers were steadily going
00:25:25.840
up. We're steadily going up. Remember, we just had to get to a runoff. So we just had to keep him
00:25:29.540
below 50 and he was well below 50. So their consultants, we know we're telling them, all right,
00:25:36.740
ignore him, ignore him, ignore him. Okay. That this is not working. We're not, we're not breaking 50 by
00:25:40.860
ignoring him. All right, let's unload. And so they, they launch over a million bucks a week
00:25:47.740
of negative attacks. I mean, just carpet bombing us. And, and by the way, their attack was that I was a
00:25:54.580
Chinese communist. Well, I always knew that about you. I thought that was a given.
00:25:58.040
I mean, down to, and it was based on when I was a lawyer in private practice, there was a civil
00:26:03.480
lawsuit between two tire companies, both of which were manufacturing tires in China, but one of which
00:26:09.960
was owned by a Chinese company because my firm had been on that side of the litigation. They argued
00:26:15.060
that, that, that Cruz, I mean, they like put out mailers with me next to the Chinese flag.
00:26:20.000
They handed out money, Chinese money with my face on it, discolored to make it look Chinese. I mean,
00:26:26.660
it was campaigns are so stupid. And so, all right, million bucks a week of just saturation ads and
00:26:33.100
I'm watching them. And, and at the time, Dick Morris, the campaign consultant, who's a friend,
00:26:39.620
he was someone who, who would, it was giving me advice, not charging me. He wasn't on the campaign
00:26:43.680
payroll. We don't have any money, but, but I asked Dick, what do you think of this ad? And he watched,
00:26:48.840
he said, it's fatal. This is, this is this, if you don't respond, you're dead.
00:26:55.340
But it's, it's, he said, this is crushing. You must get a response. And I mentioned Jason,
00:27:00.680
who's running my campaign. I talked to Jason and Jason begged me, do not respond, please.
00:27:06.120
And we had at the time, a couple million dollars in the bank. So we could have gone up on, on,
00:27:13.660
And it was like, look, if you go up and respond, then the whole campaign is going to turn on whether or not
00:27:18.340
you are a red Chinese communist. Yeah. Yeah. And instead what Jason convinced me to do,
00:27:24.560
he said, I'll tell you what, let's do a tracking poll. Let's monitor what happens. And if our
00:27:29.740
numbers are just cratering, if we're getting crushed, then let's respond. Yeah. But let's
00:27:34.460
see what happens first. And so I agreed to do that. So we went through several weeks of,
00:27:38.720
it was a million bucks a week. And then it became 2 million bucks a week of attack. And we had zero
00:27:43.060
response. And it's like a boxer in the ring, putting his hands up, just saying, punch my ribs.
00:27:47.580
You're literally just standing there getting hammered. And we had no money to respond. We
00:27:53.180
put out on grassroots, we put on social media, these response, this attack is crap. And here are the
00:27:58.500
facts. Yeah. But we put no money behind it. Yeah. And the tracking poll showed our numbers were going
00:28:05.060
down. They were going down. My unfavorables were going up about a point a day. Okay. So we could see
00:28:11.340
every day my unfaves would go up a point, up a point, up a point. What we also saw is do her sun phase,
00:28:16.700
we're going up about two points a day. And so because the ads were so nasty, yes, they were
00:28:22.600
hurting me, but they were hurting him even more. And so we ended up, we never did respond to that ad
00:28:28.260
with paid advertising. Instead, when we went up on air, it was our positive message, my record,
00:28:34.160
my vision. Do you want a proven conservative fighter or do you want a moderate establishment
00:28:40.180
dealmaker? And that choice is what won us the race. But those couple of weeks.
00:28:48.820
Just getting pounded. I still remember Jason said after that, he said, I remember this first
00:28:53.080
race I'd done, but Jason said, well, we know you don't have a glass jaw.
00:28:58.400
That's right. And that is good advice. Very quickly, there's one mailbag question that keeps
00:29:04.080
coming up. It has been coming up since we started the show. And I've just got to ask it. This is from
00:29:09.820
Ryan. Boxers or briefs? Those are the only two choices. On that note, moving right along,
00:29:17.860
we will have to get to more of the mailbag questions tomorrow. I'm Michael Knowles. This
00:29:21.840
is Verdict with Ted Cruz. This episode of Verdict with Ted Cruz is being brought to you by Jobs,
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