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Summary
In this episode, we sit down with former Conservative MP and current candidate for the leadership of the Western party, Jason Kenney. We discuss a wide range of topics, including gun control, carbon pricing, the carbon tax, and more.
Transcript
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Okay. Well, thank you very much for joining me today, Mr. Chere. We really appreciate it. And
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hearing from you out West, you kicked off your campaign out here in Calgary. We don't have
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anybody at this point in the conservative leadership race from the West. So of course,
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we have concerns and that's where a lot of the questions are going to land today.
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Well, and I'm your Western candidate, if that's the case, I'm happy to fill the
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bill for Western Canada court. Okay. Well, we'll see how that goes. So I'll start with one of the
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questions I got from a viewer the other day when I'd said you were going to be coming on. Some
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people are looking forward to it, but she was concerned, of course, out here, the firearm
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legislation, things like that. It's been going on since the 90s when you were in parliament.
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And with some of the cabinet recently admitted, like with some of the rifle bans, some of it
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overlapped and took on some hunting rifles and things such as that, as opposed to assault style
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is what the goal was. It was a Carol Seville was asking about that. And we're wondering,
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would you be looking at revisiting perhaps to make sure that firearms legislation is remaining a little
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more fair to people who have been legally using firearms?
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Corey, the focus of the federal government on firearms should be handguns in cities like Toronto and
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Montreal and working at the border to stop those handguns from coming into the country. That's where we
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should put our money and resources and not target hunters or farmers in northern Alberta. And so on the
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legislation itself, I think we would need to look at what it does exactly to make sure it's efficient
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and not just for the pleasure of trying to further legislate. So I would think that we would want to put
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together maybe because it's done on a regulatory basis. There has to be a better control and a more
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rigorous control of who makes decisions on what it is exactly that we want to ban. And instead of just
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addressing appearances, why don't we address the real fundamental issue, which is handguns in cities?
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Okay. I think that's what a lot of people wanted to hear. There was a bit of a knee-jerk, I think,
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response and some things get banned and it's not necessarily actually impacting anybody except
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law-abiding firearm owners. So getting on to another policy then that's quite big out here
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of concern is the carbon tax, of course. That was a large dividing issue with the Conservative Party
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in the last couple of years. And it's certainly a strong issue with us in the West. Energy prices are
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very high. It's hard on agricultural producers. And whereas BC has had a carbon tax for quite some
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years now, it doesn't seem to have had an impact on emissions. So where are you standing on a carbon tax or
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emissions control? We have to be smart about this, which means a comprehensive climate and energy
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policy that which includes carbon capturing, storage, biofuels, hydrogen, blue or green hydrogen,
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small modular reactors, hydro, all these things, and oil and gas. And the only way to do it, Corey,
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effectively is if the industry's in the room helping to design it and they buy into it. And the same is
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true for the provinces. So I'm certainly able to look at a policy and have a policy that has carbon
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pricing into it. It has to be flexible, simple, flexible enough to avoid increasing the carbon
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tax as the Trudeau government wants to do on the 1st of April. And it doesn't make sense. And then it
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should not discriminate against rural Canadians. It cannot be a wealth transfer tax. So we can walk and
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chew gum at the same time. Alberta has done it. I mean, Alberta has a price on carbon for industrial
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emitters, and they have a policy that makes sense. So that's the way we need to approach it. And if we
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approach it that way and deal with the transition, which includes natural gas, and we'll include the
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use of oil, well, then we'll get to the same objective, but we'll do it in a smart way as opposed
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to just doing it while excluding industry or excluding the provinces.
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Yeah, because Western energy producers, I think sometimes haven't gotten enough credit for how
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much they have innovated and reduced emissions or taken on means of carbon capture or even taking
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carbon and turning it into other products. So it'd be good to see that recognized and pursued.
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So now we've still got the ongoing issue of getting our products to market. And that's been quite a battle
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going on, whether it's coastal pipelines, east, west, or in any direction, to be frank. How can we get
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assurances that we're going to still manage to meet those world energy needs? I mean, we may transition
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away eventually, but for the time being, the world needs a lot of our product right now.
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And this conflict in Europe, you know, the invasion of Ukraine by Russia now has shed light on what it
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is that we should have been doing. And Canada should have been building pipelines. The last pipeline built
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in Quebec, by the way, was built under my government. I've always been pro-pipeline and pro-oil and gas.
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And the reason for that is the common sense that we all need to abide by as we see what's happening
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in Europe in this conflict, where we could be an alternative of oil and gas for Europe, as opposed
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to being shut out, as we are right now. So, but to do that, Corey, requires that there be a prime
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minister who actually stands up from time to time and says, I'm in favor of a pipeline, as opposed to
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to not saying anything at all or not supporting the industry. That's what has been sorely lacking
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in the last few years. And now to have someone like myself, who has been premier of Quebec,
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out there saying and defending these things, which I did when I was premier and what I did when I left
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office, I think gives us a much more chances of succeeding at getting big projects done than if it
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were someone else. Well, there's definitely been an investment chill. I mean, we've had an
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ideologically driven government for quite some time and a person doesn't feel confident in investing
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in a large infrastructure project when it sounds like the federal government wants to pull the rug
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out from under it. So, I mean, changing that atmosphere would certainly be a good start to
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improving our production facilities. It would be. And to get a prime minister who actually stands up
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and says, this is a good idea. This project should be done. And then says, we'll do it right
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environmentally. We'll do all the work that needs to be done so that it's environmentally sound, which
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we can do and we can do in reasonable delays and do it in a fashion that is predictable, which in
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industry, which everyone wants, would be a 100% change relative to what we've seen with the liberal
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government. So moving more into regional challenges and issues, Senate reform, you know, again, I was
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of the old reformers back in the 90s and Triple E was the big call. I understand reforming the Senate
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itself would be a very large task to be done. But for the more immediate term, what are your thoughts on
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appointing senators that have been elected in provinces? It's been something of a tradition for some
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time, if we do choose to elect them, that often conservative governments will appoint them.
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Well, for a while, that's what the federal government was doing. And during the Meach period
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where they appointed provincially nominated candidates to the Senate, the Senate when it was
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thought and designed, it was to be a house where the provinces were represented. That's the core idea
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of what the Senate was designed to be. It's not that now. And that's one of the issues that needs to be
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addressed in the future. The bigger question is, does this mean we reopen the Constitution? I think
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there's probably other options that would allow the provinces a say in how we nominate senators. And
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that may be an option that we would look at. I'm open to those ideas. If the province of Alberta brings
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something forward and says, here's something that we would like to do, I would be very open to that,
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Corey. Well, and going farther, though, I mean, we went through that with Charlottetown and Meach Lake,
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but at some point down the road, are you receptive to looking at constitutional reform in Canada?
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Well, it's, I don't see now how it can be done because the conditions are not there. I don't,
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you know, if we undertake a round of constitutional discussions, we do it only if there is a huge
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and a very substantial buy-in and preparation from the provinces. That work has not been done
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and I don't see it right now, but that doesn't mean that there are not alternative things that
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can be done in the meantime that would allow this federal system of ours to work more effectively.
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And by the way, Corey, that's one of the things I want to bring to this job as leader of the
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Conservative Party and Prime Minister. I know how the country operates. I know how this federal system
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works and I know how to make it work to get big things done. It would be a breath of fresh air
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in Ottawa to have a Prime Minister who has that direct experience and able to connect Quebec to
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Alberta, able to connect the West to the East and Central Canada to make our country work. It's the
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only way for Canada to be efficient, by the way. And so as a Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative
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Party, that would be right up our alley in terms of what we represent in terms of our views and
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our values and our history of making this country work.
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And then likewise, I guess in a theoretical example, but something a very recent one,
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we had that vote in the House of Commons over protecting Quebec seats no matter what the
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population distribution would be. I mean, our Parliament is supposed to be repped by POP at
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least. And at that point, we basically seem to have voted to override even that principle,
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which sort of upsets some people out there. I understand it's just a single seat, but that's
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a big principle. How would you have responded to that if you were in at that time?
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Well, there was a second vote to which all the Conservatives voted in favor of that says
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we could maintain the minimum level of seats in Quebec at 78 and then add, and then you'll
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get the same outcome. Well, I mean, that's a common sense solution that the government should
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have applied. And it avoids reducing the number of seats in Quebec, but also increasing the number
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of seats elsewhere where the repped by POP should be respected. I mean, isn't that the right solution?
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Isn't that the one? That's the one that Conservative caucus voted for. And I, and from my perspective,
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works well for everyone, including Western Canada.
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Well, it does lead to more politicians, which could be a problem for people in general, I guess,
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There's only one thing for it. It would be more journalists, but you know,
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No, no, I understand. Okay, well, going forward, something else. And same thing, you know,
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I understand the equalization. That's a big issue out here. It is constitutionally entrenched,
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but it is the government who does maintain, you know, periodically adjusting the formula. And
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there's been a lot of, you know, concern that the formula really hasn't been well adjusted by
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Conservative or Liberal governments over the years. And it just seems no matter how hard times get,
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Alberta keeps paying in. And when the times are good, we pay in. It's consistent that way,
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Well, you're right. I mean, equalization is written into the constitution. So it's not as
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though we can just discard it. We have to apply it. How we apply it is the issue. And I went through
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different debates where on the calculation, whether we should or should not include the revenues from
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non-renewable resources or renewable resources, we have to look at the way it's calculated. That's
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where the real decision is made. That's where the real impact is felt and ensure that it's fair.
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And it has to be revised periodically anyway. I think it's on every five years. So let's look
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at it so that it's fair for everyone, including the people of Alberta and of Western Canada in
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general. So I've been through the process of revising it. And we've made it better in those
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days. It's imperfect. But let's look at it with, again, a view of making it fair for everyone,
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including Alberta. Okay, now we're getting into some times with foreign relations, of course,
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are between the Ukraine-Russia conflict, and as well with China's really looming as a large power
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on the world scene. And in my view, Canada has been fairly weak internationally, unfortunately,
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though traditionally, we've been a very respected player on the world scene. How could we reclaim our
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space, I guess, as a country to be respected in that sense and have a role on the world governance
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scene? Well, Corey, Canada is, under this liberal government, has a weakened position internationally.
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I mean, we are not the voice that we once were. And let's start with our immediate neighbour,
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the United States, with whom, obviously, the relations are not as good as they were.
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I mean, they are as a protectionist as they were under the Biden administration,
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as they were under the Trump administration. One of the messages coming out of that is that we have
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to rely on ourselves. We have to diversify trade. We have to do it aggressively. We have to get out
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in the world more and depend less on the United States. The other part of it is defence, which the
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terrible conflict in the Ukraine has brought home. I mean, it's heartbreaking for us to watch
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the reports every day on the news. But what lesson should we draw from that? We need to do more on
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national defence for ourselves, to start with, occupy our north and not lose sight of the fact that we
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are neighbours of Russia in the Arctic. We need to occupy our northern territory and to make sure that
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we are there and not absent as the way we are now. And you know, Corey, even in the Northwest Passage,
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the Americans do not recognise the Northwest Passage as being Canadian territory.
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That speaks volumes of the fact that we have to be much more assertive in our foreign policy across
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the world. It starts with defence, but it also starts by being present in Africa and the Middle East,
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where we're missing in action in a lot of places in the world, where our interests are at play. Asia is
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part of that. Now, we do need an Indo-Pacific strategy that puts China in the context of Asia, but not only
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China. We need to look at the broader Asia area and region, which includes India, which includes
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ASEAN, which includes Southeast Asia. That's the only way for us as a country to be able to
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have a strong, relevant presence in those parts of the world.
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I appreciate that you brought up Arctic sovereignty. I spent a number of years working up there,
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actually. And ironically, some government scientists would come to our oil field camps
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to study because they didn't have the means to get as far north as we did, which is pretty unfortunate
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when you look at things. You know, the private industry can get up there, but not government
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funded things. And we're leaving a big space up there unattended, so it's kind of hard to claim
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sovereignty if we can't even get to it. And, you know, Stephen Harper made annual trips to the north,
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and people, you know, sort of pooh-poohed it. They thought, well, what's the point? It was very relevant.
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We look back on that. It establishes a presence that is extremely important in a tangible way. So,
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at least the minimum is that we have to occupy our own territory.
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So, going a little further, you were talking about international relations with the United
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States. I'll kind of close out, and it's been a sticking point regionally as well, though,
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and a sticking point when it comes to trade is supply management. Our dairy system and poultry and such,
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we've had difficulties. Do you like bringing that up when we do get a trade dispute with the United
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States? Are you willing to start examining supply management for reform and maybe starting to work
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our way out of that? Well, supply management in the industry is very important for the dairy. It's
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not just dairy. It's poultry, for example, and eggs. And so, you know, it's been fairly good for
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Canada. I understand those who think it's not the best system in the world, but we've already given some
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on supply management. We did it in the Canada-Europe trade agreement. We gave some. We did it on
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CPTPP. We also gave in to some part of the market there, and we did it on Kuzma in three different
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trade agreements. So, the industry and producers have already made some concessions on that front.
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I wouldn't go any further than the concessions that we've already made now.
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Okay. Fair enough. Well, I think that's about the time we had with you. Is there more you'd like
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to add before we let you go, and where can people find information on your campaign?
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Corey, I would, I just have one request for it. That's to support a candidate that's going to make
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the Conservative, allow the Conservative Party to unite, and allow the Conservative Party to be the
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national political party that will win an election campaign, which is what I can do for this country
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and this party. Thank you, Corey, for hosting me. Oh, thanks for coming on. I hope we can talk
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again before the end of the campaign. It's going to be a long one developing, I'm sure, for some time