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- January 09, 2026
HANNAFORD: Alberta independence in 2026, and the difference between Eastern and Western Canada
Episode Stats
Length
21 minutes
Words per Minute
144.0441
Word Count
3,057
Sentence Count
153
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
3
Summary
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Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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Good evening, everyone, and Happy New Year's Western Standard viewers. Today, we welcome
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you to The Hannaford Show. I am Leah Maschid. I am filling in for Nigel Hannaford today.
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And to help us to welcome the new year, we have Barry Cooper, a professor of political
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science at the University of Calgary. He will help us discuss and understand more about
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Alberta independence today, which we'll definitely be seeing more of in the new year. So I thought
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it would be a great topic to talk about, as well as his most recent book called The Paleolithic
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Politics, The Human Community in Early Art. So thank you very much for joining us, Mr.
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Cooper. Yeah, so I guess my first question for you today would definitely have to be with
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how plausible do you think Alberta independence really is? And if you think it is very plausible
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in the near future, when do you think it might occur?
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Well, political scientists almost never predict anything, because politics is about humans taking
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initiatives that can't be predicted. It's not a question of behavior. It's a question of,
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I would say, leadership. And much of that will depend on how Laurentian Canada responds to the inevitable,
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I would say inevitable, or nearly inevitable, likely rejection of the Memorandum of Understanding,
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which Premier Smith and the Prime Minister signed, what, a month ago now. A lot will depend on how the
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Laurentians respond to that, because it's not going to work. Anyone who's taken a look at the text,
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or has performed an analysis of it, realizes that there's so many escape clauses for the Government of
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Canada, that they have absolutely no reason to push either British Columbia or the Indigenous
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partners, potential partners, particularly for pipelines. So it's going to go nowhere. You know,
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then what happens? I think that probably Premier Smith will be put under a lot of pressure,
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because it will be coming time for the various referenda to take place sometime in 2026.
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And then if that happens, and she takes an active role in the pro-independence side of that,
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then suddenly independence becomes both respectable and, in the short term, more likely.
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Okay. Well, I guess relating to that, since you're saying, you know, political science just can't
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really predict that stuff, and it's all about human behavior. How do you think if the, because there's a
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petition that just got approved for signatures for Alberta independence, sorry if I'm not speaking loud
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enough, there's been a petition that was approved for Alberta independence, that was approved, I think,
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late December, right before Christmas. And if they get enough signatures, it's going to go for a
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referendum vote, and say that the referendum vote gets voted as well for Alberta independence. How do you
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think Daniel Smith would react to something like that occurring?
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Daniel Smith This is the big unknowns about politics. I would hope that she takes the bull by the
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horn, so to speak, and leads the pro-independence, what, faction, party, group, set of Albertans. Whether she
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will or not is obviously up to her and how she reads the political landscape. But if that happened, then I think,
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I think it would certainly strengthen the hand of Alberta vis-a-vis, it's basically about Ontario and
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Quebec. We don't care much about what New Brunswick thinks about anything. And neither do Ontario and
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Quebec. They haven't thought much about the Maritimes since about two decades after Confederation. So it's not
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really about them. It's about Alberta and Saskatchewan, vis-a-vis the central provinces, the big central
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provinces, Quebec and Ontario. And because of the question of Quebec, I mean, they've been talking
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about independence now as well. And if the Bloc Quebecois wins, or the Parti Quebecois wins the next
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election there, then the government of Canada will have, let's say, it'll have its business cut out for
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it. And, and, and, you know, that, that nothing could, but good would come of that for, for this
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province. Like, so when you're talking about Alberta and Saskatchewan being the central provinces,
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and so it would be dependent on them as well. Like, so do you mean when Alberta, if Alberta were to get
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its independence, would Saskatchewan be a part of that? Or it would be more likely that Saskatchewan would be a
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part of that? Yeah, well, that's obviously up to the citizens of Saskatchewan. But Premier Moe has made
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comments very similar to those of Daniel Smith, and to some of the, what they call the Alberta
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prosperity people regarding independence, that it becomes a viable option. Why? Because Laurentian
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Canadians don't want to change what benefits them so enormously, which is, you know, it's perfectly
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understandable. But they have to understand that we get a vote in this too. It's not just up to them.
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What, so would it be more beneficial if Alberta was, sorry, if Saskatchewan joined Alberta in
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independence? Yeah. Yeah, yeah. And I think, I mean, it's, it's hard to tell how these things will play
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out. But that is certainly a, let's say, live possibility, say sometime late next spring, early
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summer, when the intransigence of Laurentian Canada becomes obvious, even to them, one would think. But,
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you know, the barriers to understanding in that part of the country are enormously high. But let's say
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they even understood that there's a crisis from which they will not emerge triumphant. That will be
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because the economic engines of the country, namely Alberta and Saskatchewan, are united on taking a
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different path. And we'll have to see what happens. But that's certainly a live possibility.
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Okay, well, I would also love to know your thoughts on the recent MOU that was signed by
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Daniel Smith and Mark Carney. And do you, do you think this will actually go anywhere? Yeah, what are
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your thoughts on this? I, it was a, I would say it was a triumph of obfuscation on the part of the
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government of Canada. They've left just so many loopholes that everything has to line up like the
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government of BC is going to have to change 180 degrees. They're not going to do that. There are
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well funded spokespeople for Aboriginal communities that are opposed to any pipelines. They're not going
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to change because they're on the payroll. So what Alberta should do if they want to play this game as
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well is start funding Aboriginal communities that want the pipeline. And let's hear from them. That
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would make a, you know, an interesting conversation because both sides then would be in the back
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pocket of, of third parties, either the government of Alberta and the government of BC or, or all of
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these, you know, anti-pipeline foundations, mostly, most of which are funded out of San Francisco. So it,
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you know, there's, there's a lot of really, uh, let's say interesting possibilities for a serious debate,
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uh, sometime in the, in the new year. Oh, okay. That's interesting. Um, I guess also you wrote quite a
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few articles about, uh, Alberta independence in the Western standard and one of them you were talking about
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how Carney's basically anti-Alberta policies was pushing more Alberta separatists. Um, yeah, they're,
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for it basically morale burdens are for it. So I remember you wrote about how, this is just because
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I found it funny, about how Carney, um, plagiarized his PhD thesis. And I just wanted to know more
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about that because I thought it would be wild. Yeah, these are press reports, um, that came out when,
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when, uh, he was elected leader of the Liberal Party. Uh, and, uh, he wrote his PhD, uh,
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at Oxford, uh, you know, which is a quite a respectable university. Um, but somebody did a,
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uh, comparison. I mean, you can do this now by computer and it takes about, you know, four seconds,
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uh, that, uh, indicated that a lot of the, the, uh, quotations without attribution were taken from
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other sources. This was brought to the attention of his PhD supervisor at Oxford, uh, and the guy denied it.
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Um, but you know, I, I didn't, I haven't checked it myself. I mean, God, it's, you know, it's,
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it's, uh, unintelligible economics. Um, I, you know, I don't know this. Uh, I'm just,
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I was just reporting what was said. Uh, I think it was in the Manchester Guardian. I'm not sure,
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but it was fairly, it was widely circulated. Put it that way.
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Oh yeah. Yeah. I remember reading that the, uh, uh, professor or whatever that was
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supervising him. Um, yeah, I said it wasn't plagiarized, but I was just wondering if he
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knew more about it because I thought it was, uh, okay. Anyways, what else? And do you, okay.
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When did you start, um, talking about Alberta independence and what got you interested in the subject?
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Well, that's a good question. Um, I suppose the, the sort of deep roots of this, uh, were from my
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childhood. Um, I remember going on a fishing trip, uh, in the, uh, Chilkootin in, in, uh, BC when I was
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about, I don't know, eight maybe. And my, my two grandfathers were along. My dad was, uh, sort of
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organized the thing. And he, he took, uh, my two grandfathers along. And I remember listening to them
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talk, um, about, uh, social credit, which was the government of, uh, WAC Bennett, you know, way back,
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uh, way back then. Uh, and, um, I had one grandfather from Newfoundland and the other was, uh, from, uh, from
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Nanton, from Alberta. Uh, and, uh, they both agreed that this, uh, BC social credit was not the same as
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social credit in Alberta. Um, and they talked about why. And, uh, the argument from my Alberta
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grandfather basically was that it was a way of, uh, Albertans taking, um, an initiative because the
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government of Canada would not, this was during the depression when, uh, when Premier Everhart was
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first, uh, was first elected. Um, and my, uh, Newfoundland, uh, Grant grandfather said that he
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was always slightly mystified by, by what he called Canadian politics. Uh, and he, uh, the main thing that
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I remember from, uh, from him is that he spoke of Canada as a kind of foreign country. Um, as you know,
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many Newfoundlanders did because of the, uh, uh, let's say, uh, questionable election results in 1949
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about the accession of Newfoundland, uh, to Canada. Um, so then, you know, I always started
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thinking about, you know, what did these odd political parties mean? Uh, and when I was an
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undergraduate at UBC, I had a very, very good, uh, uh, professor of, of, uh, Canadian federalism,
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a guy named Alan Cairns. Um, and he mentioned in a class one night, um, on Canadian federalism,
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it took part, it took place in the evening. He thought it was rather odd that, uh, social credit
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and, uh, the NDP were called third parties by, uh, Canadian, uh, political scientists, when in fact,
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um, social credit and the NDP were the major parties, uh, in British Columbia.
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And the, uh, third parties were the liberals and the conservatives. And he just sort of left it
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there and, and, uh, left us to try and, you know, figure out this, what this meant. Um, you know,
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needless to say, you know, none of us, uh, undergraduates, uh, we sort of said, yeah,
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that's kind of weird and left it at that. Well, then, you know, five forward another, say,
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I don't know, 20 years and I was teaching at York. Uh, and I, I couldn't quite understand the
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attitudes of my students there because they were so different than, uh, than the ones that I had
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thought of as being normal. Um, and so I, uh, taught, uh, a course, uh, on Canadian political
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thought. Um, and then a lot of things became a lot clearer to me, uh, partly in response to the, uh,
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the East Toronto students, uh, and what they, what they made of the stuff that I, I made them read.
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Uh, and, and basically the bottom line was that the myths of Laurentian Canada, uh, are not those
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of the Prairie West, uh, and they're not, those of British Columbia or Newfoundland for that matter
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either. Uh, so I started thinking of Canada, not so much the way it was for my dad's generation. I mean,
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he was, you know, he was in the, what was then the RCA F course it is again. Uh, but, uh, and he thought
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of this as a Canadian war effort and so on. Um, but it, I was struck by how, uh, the self-understanding of,
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of Albertans Westerners generally is not that of, um, of central Canada. Uh, so, you know, that was
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the kind of, um, uh, what intellectual roots of this, this view of Canada as, uh, as a very tenuous, uh,
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coalition that was established initially in the 19th century, uh, by the imperial ambitions of, uh,
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John A. MacDonald, uh, which he inherited from the Brits, uh, and never really was based on any
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self-understanding of people who actually lived here. Uh, so, so then, uh, you can see where, uh,
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if the Laurentians are not willing to change, uh, the legal structure, uh, and everyone has said since
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1982, uh, that it's impossible to open the constitution again. We can't have any more amendments,
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which is complete nonsense. Uh, of course you can. The question is, do you have the will to do it?
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Um, so then that became, uh, the way that I, I looked at the relationship between, uh, Albertan,
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Saskatchewan, um, and, uh, and Ottawa, I'd say. Uh, and it's not a, it's not a, uh, it's not a structure
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that is viable over the longterm because of the enormous wealth, uh, that has come to the, uh,
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to Prairie provinces. Um, so what we do about it as, you know, as, uh, as Canadians, uh, you know,
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we all hold the same citizenship, uh, is going to be very interesting. I don't think that the
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Laurentians are going to do anything. Uh, so, you know, it's up to us. We'll do it by ourselves.
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And that's where the independence question comes from. I guess I have a question. And when we compare,
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I guess, Canada to the U S so if he, it feels like the U S doesn't really have the same issue that
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Canada does, where some States are wanting independence from like the whole of the U S.
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So you said that Ottawa and like Eastern and you called it Laurentian, those people don't think the
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same, obviously as like Western Canada does. So how come there's like this stark difference between
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the U S and Canada if they were both like from the British empire originally?
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Well, there are two things that are different, uh, in, in the American case, the, the first is
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that they actually established a new regime, uh, from the British empire, uh, after the declaration and
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the war against the, uh, the war for independence. The second is, uh, they also had a civil war.
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Uh, and we have had none of those things. Uh, we have never had any serious rebellion against, uh, against
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Britain, uh, you know, despite the rebellions in upper and lower Canada, uh, in the, in 1850s,
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those were not really serious rebellions. Um, and we certainly have not have had a civil war, uh,
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for obvious reasons, partly because of the slavery question, but also, but we've been able to make,
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uh, deals with the only, um, let's say potentially here to four anyway, potentially secessionist
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part of the country, namely Quebec. And that's what the 1982, uh, constitution, um, uh, basically
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responded to. It responded to the, uh, growing sentiments, uh, in Quebec towards independence.
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So we had this, uh, one of the most Machiavellian of our prime ministers, namely Pierre Trudeau,
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uh, who put together this, the, uh, constitution act, um, and put it together in such a way that it,
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that it became difficult, uh, to amend. Uh, and that's why all of these, uh, uh, esteemed
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Canadian political scientists say it can't be amended. We can't open the constitution again.
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Uh, and as I said, that's not, that's, uh, not true. Uh, they don't want to open the constitution
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again and, uh, reconsider the position of Quebec, uh, in the country because they actually believe
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that Canada is a, uh, bilingual country. Uh, they think that, that somehow bilingualism and, uh,
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and then they, you know, multiculturalism after that, uh, becomes, became defining characteristics
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of the country, um, which is, you know, which is also nonsense. Parts of Canada are bilingual,
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parts of the Ottawa Valley, parts of Northern, uh, Ontario, parts even of Northern, uh, or central, uh,
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Alberta, uh, and parts of Quebec are bilingual, but, you know, that's not the country, uh, that's,
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those are parts, uh, and the, the myth of Canadian bilingualism then becomes, um, a kind of moral
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equivalent to something that we cannot talk about, um, and just as, as, uh, in the, let's say in the 1830s
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and 40s in the United States, nobody wanted to talk about the, uh, consequences of slavery in the
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South. Um, but, you know, it's, it's still part of the reality. Wow. That's, that's very interesting.
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And I would ask you more about also your book, but unfortunately we're running out of time
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since it has to be 22 minutes and my producer just reminded me. So, um, thank you very much,
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Barry, for coming in today. Really appreciate you being able to join us.
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And yeah, so if you guys enjoyed this, then you should definitely subscribe to our YouTube channel
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if you're watching this on YouTube. You can also, um, check out our actual website where we have a
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bunch of news. So, it's westernstandard.news where you can subscribe for $10 a month or $100 a year.
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Yeah, that's all I got. So, thank you everyone for joining The Hannaford Show and goodbye.
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