HANNAFORD: American advice for Canada's PM - 'Get rid of DEI!'
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Summary
Almost every week since President Trump was sworn in seven months ago, he has announced that as part of his strategy to rebuild America s industrial base, foreign companies and even countries are pledging significant investments in the United States. According to a recent White House statement, these pledges now exceed a massive $8 trillion in just seven months. Since that statement, there s been a $550 billion country-to-country deal announced with Japan, but are these promises leading to real, on-the-ground activity in the U.S.? Is it all a show? Are we about to lose our Canadian automotive manufacturing industry? With me today is Andrew Hale, a senior policy analyst in trade policy at the Heritage Foundation.
Transcript
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Good evening, Western Standard viewers, and welcome to Hannaford, a weekly politics show.
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It is Thursday, August 21st. Almost every week since President Trump was sworn in seven months
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ago, he has announced that as part of his strategy to rebuild America's industrial base, foreign
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companies and even countries are pledging significant investments in the United States.
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According to a recent White House statement, these pledges now exceed a massive $8 trillion
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in just seven months. Since that statement, there's been a $550 billion country-to-country
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deal announced with Japan. But are these promises leading to real, on-the-ground activity in
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the U.S.? Is it all a show? Are we about to lose our Canadian automotive manufacturing industry?
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With me today is Andrew Hale, a senior policy analyst in trade policy in Washington's Heritage
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Andrew, is this real? When do struggling Americans in the Rust Belt or anywhere actually start
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getting good jobs out of all this? And is part of the good jobs that they hope to get, jobs
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that are presently in Canada making motor cars?
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Well, I think that it takes literally years to build factories. It can take up to 10 years
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to build a nuclear reactor. So yes, we do want to make more infrastructure here in the United States.
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We definitely want to expand manufacturing. But I don't necessarily agree with the approach. I think
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you could do a lot with deregulation here in the United States. To give you an example,
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in 1990, we had 57 blast furnaces in which to make steel. We're now down to 11 blast furnaces. And
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that's largely because it's so difficult to build new blast furnaces given the regulations. And even just
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last year, the Biden-Harris administration imposed new regulations on the emissions of steel production.
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And steel production and net zero targets don't mix. So we're actually purchasing 40% of our steel
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from Canada, our refined steel, because in Canada, you have green steel. You're making your steel
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from nuclear power in Ontario. And of course, the steel and aluminium being made in Quebec
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with hydroelectric power. So again, if we want to compete with that, we'll have to build new nuclear
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reactors. But of course, they take about 10 years to build. So I'm afraid it would be better to free
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up the regulation of a focus on that, as opposed to a focus on the terrorists.
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Yes. Well, I actually found an article that you co-wrote with Dr. Stern in the New York Post
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just last year. And I think you made very much that point, talking about the trade in the United States.
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And we're talking about the US, but obviously, we're a Canadian outlet. I think we suffer from
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some of the same things in this country. And you made the point that economic gains need to come
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through merit, not be conferred by government favoritism. Yes.
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Yes. Do you think that President Trump is actually addressing that? And further on in that same
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article, you did speak quite positively about tariffs. So when did...
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Well, I spoke positively about a border adjustment tax, which is a tariff-like tax. I didn't specifically
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speak positively about tariffs in general. I was specifically talking about a border adjustment tax,
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which would be like a GST that you have in Canada. Okay. You explained that China routinely
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violates American patents, and foreign countries often restrict US companies. They restrict Canadian
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companies as well, and use tariffs and subsidies to funnel investments and jobs out of the United States.
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Well, I think what Mr. Trump is trying to do is reverse that process.
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But maybe you think otherwise. Where do you and he part company on this?
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Well, I was expecting, you know, when President Trump was going to be elected, I was expecting this,
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which was Ambassador Robert Lighthizer's, no trade is free, Cheney and Gore's taking on China.
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That's what we were told was going to be the playbook for the Trump administration, number two,
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second term administration. And Ambassador Lighthizer hasn't returned yet. He didn't,
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of course, join the first Trump administration at the beginning. There's still time for him to come
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back. And remember, of course, the USMC negotiations or KUSMA, as you'd say in Canada,
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were going nowhere. So we were expecting a real emphasis on China. I wasn't expecting a tariff
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war against all of our friends and allies. And I have to, like I said, I think that's because
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the driving force is not Ambassador Lighthizer in this term, as he was very much in charge of trade
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policy in President Trump's first term, we have Peter Navarro. And he basically is someone who
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doesn't see tariffs as a means to, as a negotiating tool, which clearly they are. But he also sees
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them as a means to pay off the national debt and raise revenue. And I would like to address that
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because we have, what, now 37 trillion in national debt in the United States, and you could abolish
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every government department except the Pentagon and the entitlement programs, and you'd only take off
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one trillion off the national debt. And tariffs are not going to pay down the national debt.
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And I would have to address the actual methodology behind this, I think is somewhat flawed. We have
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to ask ourselves, what was the methodology behind the tariffs against Canada and Mexico, the initial
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25% they announced earlier this year, as well as the Liberation Day tariffs in April? They did not
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actually calculate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers as they said they did. Instead, for every
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country, they just took our trade deficit with that country of only goods and not services,
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and divided it by the exports to us. And I think it's important to remember that our trade deficit
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is the flip side of a demand for our assets. So here in the United States, instead of exchanging
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exported goods for imported goods, we make financial assets. And we all seek foreign investment, but some
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deride the trade deficits. And to put it in a different way, if you have a capital account surplus,
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you must have an equal and opposite signed current account deficit. And most of our current account
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involves trades and goods and services. So in other words, we have an investment surplus,
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and God help us if we lose that, because that's a sign of a very wealthy country that people want
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to invest in. Also, proportionally speaking, Americans have more purchasing power, we purchase stuff
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as a wealthy country with wealthy citizens, purchasing the world.
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That's okay. Now that's a very degree level analysis, which is what I would expect from the
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Heritage Foundation. Thank you. But let's bring this back to, first of all, the Canadian auto industry.
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I mean, the idea, I think, is that if you put tariffs on a Canadian manufacturer, then eventually it will
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make more sense. It may be a messy process, it may take a little while, but eventually it's going to make
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sense for the auto industry to establish itself back in Detroit, back at the south of the border.
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Anyway, Louisville, Kentucky, maybe a lot of them seem to be going there. That's where my car came from.
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So this, and of course, Canada can sustain an auto industry on its own market of 40 million people.
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Now, it's messy, but given time, is that actually a viable strategy on Mr. Trump's part? And should we be,
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frankly, if we're a Canadian auto worker, looking for something else to do?
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Well, I think when President Trump initially told the auto manufacturers in Detroit they had 30 days in
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which to rejig their supply chains back in the United States. I think that what wasn't understood at the time
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was the fact that it takes literally years to build factories, and it takes decades to establish, in some
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cases, supply chains. And remember that on average, in the auto industry, auto parts crisscross the U.S. Canadian border,
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on average, five times, sometimes as much as 10 times in the manufacturing process. So we really do need to have
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no tariffs on intermediate goods to facilitate that process. Already, we've had some bad news in
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Michigan. They've closed five plants already. Stellantis has closed a plant. And Cleveland Cliffs,
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the steel manufacturer, has idled one of its blast furnaces. So again, we've had some bad news as a
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result of this. And this is with most of the tariffs currently being in abeyance. This data came through
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before we had the full force of the tariffs. So again, I think that as this, we get more and more
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bad news going forward. If the tariffs are fully implemented and maintained, we will get a recession.
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And that will, of course, have an effect on the midterm elections next year. And of course, I think
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a lot of Republican congressmen and senators are being quite quiet now, hoping that the courts will shut
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down the use of IEPA emergency legislation to implement tariffs. And because they're frightened,
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they don't want to be primary right now. So again, but I think the markets will be
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a moderating force because we have had some bad news.
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So, Canadian auto workers, do they have a career to look forward to or not?
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I think they do. I think that Canada does need to diversify its trade export markets and not be
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dependent on a single market like the United States. I would call for that in any situation. I do think
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Canada is too heavily dependent upon the United States. And remember, Canada does have free trade
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agreements all around the world. Indeed, I worked on the CETA agreement between Canada and the European
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Union, so that Canada can take advantage of trade with Europe, Asia, and all around the world,
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given that certainly the Harper government and others were very activist in promoting free trade
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and getting comprehensive free trade agreements.
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They certainly were. I actually worked for Mr. Harper during those years, and that was pretty much
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all I was writing for a couple of years, is releasing trade agreements. So we were free traders then,
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we're free traders now, except that we're not dealing with the free trade United States anymore.
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I have to wonder whether, at a given time, nevertheless, notwithstanding all of the
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arguments that you've made, the idea of erecting a tariff wall around the United States is actually
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ultimately going to serve the US well. I wasn't there to listen to the
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radio broadcast, but we were all taught early on about President Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt,
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talking about America as the arsenal of democracy. I don't think that's true anymore. Certainly, that
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enormous industrial base that enabled the United States to take the war across the Pacific to Japan
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in 1941, 42, 45. I don't think America could do that today. Do you think it could?
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Whether it could or whether it wants to, I think if you're looking, for example, I mean,
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President Trump certainly has had more of a focus on home, as well as not getting entangled in forever
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wars abroad. Remember, when in his first term, he didn't want to intervene in Syria. To the anxiety of
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Prime Minister David Cameron, who's very keen to do so, keeping on the Blair doctrine of humanitarian
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intervention, I think the United States is pivoting its resources more towards Asia. Ukraine is not in
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America's backyard. And I don't think it's not electorally, you know, favourable to invest in
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the war in Ukraine, the billions of the Biden administration invested. I think the United States
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sees more of investing towards Asia, because they see China, the people's world of China as more of a
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serious threat. So and of course, making other countries pay for their own defence. I mean, Canada,
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you know, should spend more on its defence, but not just to appease the United States,
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the United States isn't paying for it. So it can be independently responsible for its own seas,
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lab and skies, as Stephen Harper recently said. I think that, you know, why should the you know,
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if you look at just one country in Europe, like, the Kingdom of Denmark, they've have a very,
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very social, generous social welfare system. And they were able to have that throughout the Cold
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War to the present day, because they weren't spending money on their own defence, they're
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relying upon the United States security umbrella. And I think President Trump is right to say,
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and others say it's time for other countries to step up the plate, because United States does have 37
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trillion in national debt, which is unsustainable. And we can no longer afford to pay for the entire
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world security, nor should we. Yes. Well, I must say, Andrew, you're speaking to,
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speaking to a true believer here, and to a lot of true believers who watch this programme,
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everybody thinks, everybody except our own government thinks that we should have done more,
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and should in the future, do very much more in terms of our own defence. Promises have been made to
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spend enormous amounts of money. It's one thing to promise it, it's another thing to actually do it,
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to, A, provide the funds, and B, provide the mechanism to buy the equipment. Canada has a very
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bad record of doing that. But anyway, that's a slightly different project. I'm just trying to focus on
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whether this actually makes sense for America, given the time, make the adjustments, bring the
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industrial base back onto the continent, from where it's been. A lot of people will be affected by it.
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But in the long haul, is this not a good thing to do?
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Well, I think as if, like I said, I refer to the former, you know, Ambassador of the United States
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Trade Representative Office, Ambassador Robert Lighthizer in his book and his focus on China,
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and I would have thought we would be doing this. I actually believe that these duties,
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these tariffs harm America's global leadership. And it undermines our progress in establishing
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resilient supply chains in this region, and outside China in particular. I think the trade war
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also has the potential to push our allies into the arms of China. So for example, if you want to
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convince the Dutch, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, not to transfer critical chip-making technology to the
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people of the book of China, don't tariff all their stuff. And I just think that the approach on
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Liberation Day, by just announcing these tariffs, I've already mentioned, I don't agree with the
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methodology. But also, I just think with the wrong approach, because we want to trade with these
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countries, and have our allies be able to influence them away from and decouple and de-risk for the
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people of the world of China. And I feel that that actually has had a very negative effect. I mean,
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look, if you look at some very, very hyper-protectious groups like Coalition for Prosperous
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America would be one of them. And actually, their head of the trade program is actually Canadian.
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And he said to me, he says, oh, I think Canadians should just buy local, and Americans should just
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buy local. Look, we're not going to build factories here, for example, to make rope. We wouldn't even
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employ people to do that. We would just automate that. It's best that we purchase rope from India,
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or Africa, or somewhere else. We can buy legacy products from other countries. We don't want
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Americans to all work in those factories. And often cases, we wouldn't even employ Americans to work
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with factories. We would just automate that. And of course, the unions are opposed to automation.
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So I just don't think what they're talking about being a sort of totally self-sufficient
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United States is possible. What we do want to do is near shore and friend shore, away from the
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People's Republic of China, and trade with our allies and friends like Canada, not tariff them,
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Okay, fair enough. Point well made. Now, let's turn back to Canada. You've lived in Canada. You
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have strong Canadian connections. I even went to school here. So you understand the situation very
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well. You know how we think north of the border. And of course, you're working for the Heritage
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Foundation. So you're very au fait with how things are done in Washington. Andrew, if you had 10 minutes
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with Prime Minister Carney, and he were to ask you what you thought Canada should be doing, how we
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should approach this situation, what would you tell him? I would say give up the net zero scams. I would
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say give up all of the ESG and DEI programs. I just feel that there's too many navel gazing on what I would
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call luxury beliefs. And net zero targets, manufacturing don't mix. I call it not zero.
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And I think that's going to be a huge problem going forward between, and it has been, between
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the Trump administration and the current liberal government in Ottawa. And it's obviously caused
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friction between the aspirations of provinces like Alberta and Saskatchewan and the federal government in
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Ottawa. I just feel that there is an obsession with net zero targets. And really, it's counterproductive.
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I would say to Prime Minister Carney, look, your windmills, your solar panels are being made in China,
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and they're building two new coal fire power plants a week. And it's the dirtiest coal in the world.
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So good luck with that one. That is not helping the environment. So I agree with President Trump when
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he says, drill, baby, drill, we have false natural resources here in North America. I believe in,
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you know, we have this, I believe that the United States should be purchasing Canadian
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energy as we do. And I believe in a great single market here between, under KUSMA, between Canada,
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the United States and Mexico. And I think that we need to build pipelines as well to export that energy
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down here in the United States and abroad. Obviously not be totally dependent upon the US market,
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but also open up markets abroad for Canadian energy. And I know that on the provincial level,
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there's been a lot of outreach and that's being done. I've spoken to Danielle Smith. She's doing a
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great job as Scott Moe is doing as well in Saskatchewan. I would just simply, I mean,
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I think that would be fallen deaf ears to finish because I mean, Mark Carney's wife, who's brilliant,
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she works for the Eurasia Group, as does Gerald Butts. They're brilliant people. But I think this
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obsession, which is almost like a new religion with these people on ESG is just really a non-starter
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for discussions between the United States right now and Canada under the current Trump administration.
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Okay. Just for the benefit of people who don't keep up with acronyms, I think a lot of people know
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what ESG is something that's not good, but environmental, social governments, how does that
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actually interfere with what Canada needs to be doing now to get his house in order?
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Well, I mean, so with regards to the net zero targets, I mean, net zero targets in manufacturing,
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as I already said, don't mix. They kill industry. I mean, right now, Canada has very, very high energy
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to a degree and a much higher, for example, Europe has literally outsourced much of its manufacturing
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to China. And of course, the energy, the United Kingdom has some of the highest energy in the
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world now, and it's killing what's left of British industry. I was speaking to an auto manufacturer,
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parts manufacturer in Northern Ireland, and he showed me his energy bill. And I just was shocked
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that compared to the energy prices we pay here in the United States. And so basically,
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if you want to engage in that ESG, and Mark Carney has even written in one of his books,
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that to achieve these net zero targets and goals, and to fully implement ESG and make it a success,
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there has to be, we have to become poorer. And we have to, there will be losers. I don't agree with
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him. I don't, like I said, this is, it's not just, it pollutes and poisons everything. So for example,
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just last year, in the United States, we were trying to renew the generalized system of preference,
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which is a trade preference program for developing countries. And we had the Democrats in trying to
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impose ESG regulations in the renewal of that legislation. Now in India, gender parity requirements
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perhaps wouldn't work culturally. In Africa, LGBT requirements perhaps wouldn't work culturally either.
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And the environmental regulations would make this trade preference program so prohibitively expensive
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for these, these developing countries, people will just trade with China anyway. So again,
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I just don't think it's feasible. It's, it's, it's, and I quite frankly, I don't actually believe
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in the climate hysteria either. Well, I think you're, I think you're speaking for a lot of people who
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watch this program. And those are exactly the prescriptions that we, that, that, that we offer
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here through the Western Standard. Let's get rid of the climate change nonsense. Let's get rid of the ESG,
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the DEI, and concentrate on doing a good job of what we do best, which is producing energy and exporting it.
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Uh, Andrew, this has been a great conversation. I really appreciate you taking the time. The Heritage
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Foundation, of course, is a, is a really good, good group. Uh, congratulations on, uh, being a member
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of that. And, uh, I want to thank you again for coming on and, uh, explaining some of these basic
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things to us. Thank you so much for having me on. It's been a pleasure. It has been a pleasure.