HANNAFORD: Raped by the system
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Summary
In the upside down world of woke Canadian politics, where nothing makes sense and appearance is always more important than reality, this week we re talking about the incredible practice of the Liberal government of Canada to jail men who say they re women in women s jails.
Transcript
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Good evening, Western Standard viewers, and welcome to Hannaford, a weekly politics show.
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It is Thursday, July the 31st. In the upside-down world of woke Canadian politics, where nothing
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makes sense and appearance is always more important than reality. I thought I'd seen everything in 50
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years of journalism and government service, but this week we're talking about the incredible
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practice of the Liberal government of Canada to jail men who say they're women in women's jails.
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The women are pushing back. No surprise there. There's an organization, Cause Bar, which is leading
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the charge on that. And with me today is their lawyer, Chris Fleury. Mr. Fleury, welcome to the
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show. Great. Thanks for having me, Nigel. I'm glad you're here. Mr. Fleury, you're legal counsel for
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Cause Bar, the women fighting this. You're with Charter Advocates, and I think the case is being
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funded by the Justice Center for Constitutional Freedoms. Lay it out for us.
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Yes. Thank you, Nigel, again, for having me. So this is a case challenging what is the government's
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policy of placing male inmates, trans-identified male inmates, male-to-female trans inmates, into
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female institutions. This is a practice that fundamentally changed in 2017, following the
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passage of what was called Bill C-16. So Bill C-16 amended the Canadian human rights legislation.
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It also, following that, there were amendments to Correctional Services Canada's governing legislation,
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which essentially protected trans persons from discrimination within the penitentiary system.
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So after that, the government of Canada changed their policy. And up until that point, what were called
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preoperative trans individuals could not be placed into a female institution. So following basically the
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amendment of their, it's called a commissioner's directive, essentially their policy, the inmates
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will be placed presumptively according to their gender of their choice, the gender to which they
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identify, unless there are overriding health and safety concerns. And I think what you might find
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interesting is that prior to 17, the government of Canada opposed the placement of these individuals
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into female institutions, including in court cases. So there's a court case from the early 2000s called
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Kavanaugh, where a male to female trans inmate wanted to be placed in a female institution, they were denied,
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this person brought a human rights claim. And the government of Canada opposed that. And they opposed
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it in court, and they brought expert evidence, which essentially said, the risks presented by the transfer of
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these individuals are just far too high. And that case went in the government of Canada's favour. The person was
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denied the transfer. Ultimately, after the case, they did complete the surgery and were transferred. But the point
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is that the government of Canada actually agreed in part with what we're arguing in this lawsuit, right up until 2017, and the
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Yes. That Kavanaugh case that you just described, did you say that was 2003, 2004?
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It was in that range. I don't have it in front of me. I know it was before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal,
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and then it went to the federal court as well, which upheld the tribunal's decision.
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So, okay, so 20 years ago, we, you know, it was a bit of a struggle, but somehow or other, we got it right.
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Let me just put it to you. If some Nancy boy wants to go and do his term among the girls, is that a big deal?
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There's, and this is perhaps what people might be missing, because the penitentiary system is,
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I would say, largely misunderstood by the Canadian population, that it's just not something that
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many people ever have exposure to. So one thing that people might not know is that,
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first of all, in addition to being convicted of a criminal offense, most female inmates
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are themselves victims. So they're disproportionately, wildly disproportionately likely to have been the victim
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of physical or sexual violence at the hands of men. And that's who we are placing, who the government
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of Canada is placing male inmates into. That's the population that is being exposed to this.
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Well, let's talk about the male inmates a little bit, Mr. Fleury. They, you know, I'd probably use what
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many people would consider an offensive term in characterizing them as effeminate, but are they?
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Well, this is, and that's sort of where I was going, Nigel, is that there are fundamental,
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it's not just about physical differences necessarily between men and women, although
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obviously those are present. There are profound psychological differences between men and women
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that actually lead to them committing different types of crimes, them finding themselves,
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them being essentially behaving differently in the carceral context. So for example, men are much more
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likely to have been convicted of a serious violent crime. They're much more likely to be found guilty
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or to be designated as a dangerous offender. They're much more likely to essentially be aggressive
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and act aggressively within the prison system. And that's the population that is being transferred.
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We're not talking about the average male, the average woman, the average trans person. That's not who
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we're talking about in this case. We're talking about, as a starting point, individuals who have been
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sentenced to a penitentiary term, meaning more than two years in custody. So they must have,
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by definition, committed a serious violent crime and have a lengthy criminal record in most cases,
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or both, in order to even find themselves in that situation. And I mean, there are statistics about
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this that the government of Canada has produced. Actually, here's another one that I missed is that
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men are much more likely to be sex offenders and convicted of a sexual offense than women are.
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And not only are men disproportionately likely to have been found guilty of a
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sexual offense in relation to women, the rate of sexual offenders among this population that is
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seeking transfer is just disproportionately high. We're talking 40 to 50 percent are convicted sex
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offenders, and those are the individuals who are seeking transfer into a women's prison.
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So really, we're talking about putting the wolves in among the sheep. Now, I can't imagine that even
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our corrective system would actually have them sharing cells. How are things organized in the prisons
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It, the short answer is that it varies. There are, just like in a male institution,
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a female institution will have different security designations. So you'll have a minimal,
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a medium and a maximum security. In the maximum security, you will get individual cells. In some cases,
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trans persons are housed there. There are community living units within the female institution.
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Those do involve sharing what are essentially like cottages and being in a community living
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situation, if I can call it that, sharing kitchens and bathrooms and this sort of thing with the inmates.
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I hope you're going to tell me that those community living facilities are not available to somebody
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who's claiming to be a woman, but has actually been convicted of raping women.
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No, they, there's nothing precluding them from being housed in there, and we have certainly heard
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from inmates to confirm that they are being housed in that sort of situation.
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We have heard, the stories have been awful. I'm not going to go into a tremendous amount of detail,
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because it is still before the courts, and some of this evidence hasn't come out yet. But in
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general terms, we've certainly heard about physical assaults happening, sexual assaults, harassment,
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abuse, certainly psychological impacts on the part of the women who are again, you can imagine someone
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who has been the victim of a physical or sexual assault then being confined in close quarters with
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essentially a man, the impact that that might have on someone. And in the context of the carceral
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system, it's about punishment, but it's also about rehabilitation. And part of our argument in this
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lawsuit is that the placement of males within female institutions, not only does it present these
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sorts of harms of physical and psychological harms, but it also impacts their prospects at rehabilitation.
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So it's extremely, extremely concerning. Mr. Fleury, how many trans men are presently incarcerated in
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Canadian jails and within women's institutions? We don't know exactly, unfortunately. There's no
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publicly available statistics to tell us this. The percentage of female inmates in and of itself is
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actually very, very low. They're a small portion of the overall incarcerated population. It's mostly men
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in federal institutions. But the transfer of even, so it's in that context that the transfer of even a
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small number, a handful of individuals can have a disproportionate impact. Unfortunately, I can't say
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exactly how many that is at the moment. Okay. And how many women's jails are affected by this?
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There's six across Canada. So there's five, what we would usually think of as a penitentiary,
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five located across Canada, as well as a, what's called a healing lodge, which I believe is in
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Saskatchewan, which is also impacted by this. So in terms of scale, this is not a huge problem,
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but in terms of principle, it seems to me as an editorialist, and I'm not putting words in your
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mouth, but it seems utter folly, as well as deeply evil to put the, as I say, the wolves in among the
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sheep. I cannot imagine who came up with this idea, but who actually, when you follow the trail of
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command from the prison warden through the, up through the bureaucracy to the Department of Justice,
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and ultimately the federal cabinet, where does the responsibility for this decision rest?
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It seems, I have difficulty answering that question. The Bill C-16, as I imagined, or sorry,
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as I mentioned earlier, was passed by the federal government of the time that was under Justin Trudeau
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and his cabinet. Justin Trudeau certainly did make public statements prior to that. He was asked directly
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about the transfer of men into women's prisons, and he did say, this was, I believe, immediately prior to
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the changing of the directive. He did say that that was something that they were considering. So it certainly,
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it seems to go right to the top, I would say, in terms of Justin Trudeau and his federal cabinet.
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Well, certainly, every member of parliament who voted for that legislation, most of whom obviously
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would have been liberals, has some responsibility for it. But it just seems, it's one of those things,
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say, how can such a stupid situation come about, especially when you have referred to an earlier
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precedent, where the courts have looked at it and decided, no, it's not a good idea. And then the
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government comes along and changes it. Now, this case that you are now engaged upon, does it have the
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capacity to actually reverse the effects of that 2017 legislation that made all this possible?
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So what precisely we're asking for in this case is a declaration that this particular, it's called
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a Commissioner's Directive, Commissioner's Directive 100, is in violation of female inmates'
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constitutional rights. Their right to life, liberty, security of persons, Section 7 of the Charter.
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Their right under Section 12 to be free from cruel and unusual punishment. And their equality rights
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under Section 15 of the Charter. So we're asking the court to declare that this particular policy
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is in contravention of their rights. And then ultimately, once we've done that, then the
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legislation will have to be amended. And in the amendment, it would presumably put an end to this
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practice. I mean, I can't see how you would amend it otherwise. That's me speaking. Am I correct on that?
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There are. I would say it would be open to the federal government to attempt to bring the policy
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back into line to where it was prior to 2017, which was post-operative trans inmates. I don't want to get
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too graphic, but essentially they've had the surgery cutting off their bits. And those individuals could
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be transferred prior to 17 on a case-by-case basis. It would be open to the federal government to
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attempt to bring the legislation back to that state. We would oppose that. We would say
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it's certainly, there are serious risks that are present there. It's not just about the presence or
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lack of genitalia. It's about physical and psychological danger that's created by men
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in women's prisons. And that's not necessarily alleviated just by a surgery.
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Mr. Fleury, let's just talk about, I think there was a particular case involving a
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young man, I think this may be in BC, I'm sure you're familiar with it,
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that raped a baby and then ended up in a prison where there were mothers with their babies. Can you
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just talk about that case a little bit and how it illustrates the dilemma we're dealing with here?
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I've heard the story. I'm not particularly familiar with it. What I will say is that it shows the problem
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with the system as it is. That there is, as I said, a presumption that individuals will be placed in a
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penitentiary according to their chosen gender. And that can only be overridden on the basis of proven
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health and safety concerns. So essentially, a proven risk. And it's a pretty high bar
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uh, to, to prove that. And in this case, uh, notwithstanding that, as you mentioned,
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there are convictions for serious offenses involving women and children. Uh, they, um,
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the government of Canada presumably, uh, did an assessment, uh, and did not believe that there was a,
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um, a serious risk in that case of placing that inmate with, uh, with female offenders. And it is,
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um, as you say, it's, it's ludicrous. It's, uh, the average person on the street,
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it's just never going to understand, uh, why this is happening. And they're, they're right not to.
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Tell us about your client, sir. Cause bar, who are they? And, and, um,
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So cause bar is the Canadian women's sex-based rights. Uh, they're a national nonprofit organization.
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Um, they advocate across the country for, as the name suggests, uh, women's sex-based rights,
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uh, in the context of, uh, prisons. Certainly they're, um, they've done a lot of advocacy work
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there, but also in the context of, uh, bathrooms, uh, changing rooms, um, sports teams, uh, this sort
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of thing, uh, venues where, uh, traditionally there's been a, a, a sex segregated environment
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that now in, in 2025, we find these sorts of protections, uh, reversing. They're, um, they're
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certainly, uh, um, advocating on behalf of women in, in that context broadly.
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They are, uh, relatively new. I, I don't have it in front of me in terms of, uh, exactly when they
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were founded. It's certainly been within the last decade or so. Um, but to be, uh, fair to them,
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that these issues, uh, I don't recall them really existing a decade or so ago. So they're,
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they're responding to these new sorts of issues that we find ourselves with.
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Now are the, uh, the women, and I'm sure it is mainly women, are the women driving this
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Uh, there is one, uh, one of their directors is a former inmate, um, and is, uh, how essentially
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this case came to our attention is, is through her. Uh, the rest of the women are, uh, just
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members of Canadian society, if I can put it that way, who are deeply concerned about these issues.
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Well, bless their hearts for coming forward. Um, do they have a, you mentioned bathrooms and
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I mean, that's pretty obvious. Have they had any successes in that area?
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Uh, so my understanding is that this is the first, um, legal action that they've taken.
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Uh, everything else has been, um, advocacy work that they're doing. Uh, so they hold protests,
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they do, uh, conferences and speeches and, uh, this sort of thing.
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Okay. And, uh, the Justice Center for Constitutional Freedoms, I think is fairly well known to,
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to our, uh, readers and our viewers, but, uh, they are funding this defense.
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Did they approach Colesbar or did Colesbar come to them?
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This case, um, you know what, I, I can't recall offhand exactly how that happened. Um, I know that,
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this is something that, uh, the particular director who I was talking about, who's been incarcerated,
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uh, previously, uh, has certainly been thinking about for, uh, for quite some time.
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Okay. We're rapidly, uh, getting to the running out of time here, but the, uh, you, you, uh, mentioned
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Mr. Trudeau's personal opinions on the matter and the success of the legislation that followed in 2017.
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Um, Mr. Trudeau obviously had a lot of, uh, ideas that Western standard viewers tend not to agree with.
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And in fact, I think now that he is out of office, it's probably safe to say that, uh, a majority of
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Canadians find these kinds of things utterly stupid. But what is the genesis of a, uh, of a philosophy
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that could actually make the argument for putting men into women's jails with a straight face saying
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that this was the fulfillment of the ultimate, uh, uh, rights of, uh, of human rights?
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I, I, truly, Nigel, I, I wish I had a good answer for you on that one. Um, as I said, it's,
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it's not something that we've, uh, seen, you know, uh, 10, 20 years ago. It appears to,
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from my perspective, have, have come out of left field, uh, that I, again, I, I don't recall
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anyone talking like this 10 or 20 years ago. And if you had have said something like this
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to someone 10 or 20 years ago, I think 99% of the population would have said that's absolutely crazy.
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Well, you know something, Mr. Fleury? I think that the number would have been higher than 99%
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and that it still is. Wish you good luck and, uh, everything that a lawyer needs to make the case.
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This is actually a symbolic case. If you can turn this one over, a lot of us will take tremendous
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encouragement for reversing some of the folly and the stupidity that we have seen. So thank you for
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joining us and, uh, I'm sure all Western Standard viewers join me in, and wishing you well with this
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case. Thank you, Nigel. Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for being with us. For the Western Standard,