Professor Michael Geist explains the impacts of Canada's bill c11 and c18.
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Summary
Bill C-11 and C-18 are two of the government's most controversial pieces of legislation that could have a big impact on Canadian content. In this episode of the podcast, we speak with the author of the book "The Canadian Content Problem" about the two bills, and how they might impact Canadian content in the future.
Transcript
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things I want to talk about, and it's very familiar ground for you. You've been outspoken
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and writing on it lately, and there's two bills, C-11 and C-18. Particularly as an independent
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media outlet, we're, of course, very concerned about C-18. But I guess in a nutshell, could you
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kind of give some short definitions of what those bills are and what they entail?
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Yeah, absolutely. And I'm glad you raised both, because I think they're both really important as
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part of this discussion. C-11 is probably better known to certainly some of your audience as C-10,
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because it was C-10 in an earlier life. That was last year. It died and has returned as Bill C-11.
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It is reformed to the Broadcasting Act. And while it started, I think, somewhat uncontroversially when
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people looked at it and thought, well, this is a bill that tries to bring companies like Netflix
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and Disney into the Canadian broadcast system, became much more controversial once government
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removed some safeguards that then brought in user-generated content within its ambit. And I
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think caused a fair amount of concern. We can get into some of those details if you like in a
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moment. C-18 quickly involves the, is called the Online News Act, and it is designed to provide
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support, the government says, for Canada's media. That includes not only a conventional print,
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but also any number of radio, of the CDC even. And the idea that they've got is that that should
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all be paid for by, by the large internet platforms, such as YouTube, such as Google and Facebook.
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Okay. So yeah, I guess starting with the C-11 and the, and that's talking about the regulation of user
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content. I mean, they kind of deny that, but that's essentially what it's about. And they use the CanCon
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basis for, for feeling that they're going to do it. And one of the things you'd spoken on was that,
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that it wouldn't even necessarily protect Canadian content all that better anyhow,
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and then it might not be the route to go. Yeah. Well, I think one of, you know, to me,
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one of the foundational problems with C-11, the Broadcasting Act bill, is that it is framed by the
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government as, as being there largely to promote Canadian content. And they, they, they often discuss
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that in the, in terms of saying, we want to ensure that Canadian stories get made, but the, the not so
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secret reality of the current Canadian system is that it does a really lousy job of doing that. And so
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it's a bit more of a tick box exercise where if you check the right boxes, you are considered to be
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Canadian content. And if you don't, you're not. And the problem with that is that there is content that
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qualifies as being Canadian content that most would agree has really nothing to do with, uh,
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or even pretend to be about Canadian stories in any meaningful way. It just ticked the right boxes.
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And then on the other hand, you get content that in many respects meets all the standards that we
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would otherwise consider to be Canadian content, yet it doesn't qualify. Just to give you one example,
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I raised it when I appeared before the Heritage Committee earlier this week. One of Netflix's
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productions is a French Quebec produced French based film called just a decline.
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It's a Canadian, it's got a Canadian production company, screenwriter, director, lead performers,
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photography director, production designer, composer, editor, quite literally, it takes every box. But
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the fact that it is Netflix that financed and produced it means that it does not count as certified
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Canadian content. So we've got a system that frankly, just isn't fit for purpose. If the goal is,
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is truly to promote these so-called Canadian stories.
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Yeah. I mean, the goal shouldn't matter which outlet or which media source is doing it. Like
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we've have a changing world where it's going to be cooperation with large operators such as Netflix
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and streaming services that are going to be partnered in making Canadian content that gets to a broader
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audience. So if we don't recognize what they're producing under that field, we're doing ourselves a
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Yeah, no, I think that, you know, I think we should recognize we've got a hugely successful sector right
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now, and one in which there's record amounts that are coming into the sector. Part of the challenge
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with this issue is that when people talk about Canadian content, there's real differences in terms
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of their views about what they're trying to achieve. So sometimes it's about Canadian stories. Sometimes
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it's about the economic imperative of jobs. And sometimes it's about intellectual property. It's
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about Canadians owning these productions. Depending on what you're trying to achieve, you need a policy
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that kind of moves you in that direction. But it's pretty tough to achieve all three, at least
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simultaneously, and have a coherent policy. And yet that's what we have right now, which I think helps
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explain a little bit why the policy is so incoherent.
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So, I mean, just to, you know, play a little devil's advocate, at least as far as I'm concerned,
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is more libertarian minded of saying, kind of, let it go. I trust our Canadian producers to come
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up with good quality content and do well. But people are concerned they'll be overwhelmed. We
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have a neighbor who is very large and can really dominate the media industry. Is there room then for
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some sort of legislation, though, to protect Canadian content? Or does the current legislation still
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serve even? Or does it need change? Well, that's a great question. I guess I would start by saying,
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you know, there's a number. Let me unpack a few things there. First, specifically on the question,
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is there a role for government to support the production of content in Canada, including, of
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course, Canadian content? I think my view is that the answer is yes, there is. We already certainly
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provide significant support through tax credits. And we know that without some of that tax credit
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system, both federally and provincially, that a lot of that economic activity will simply walk
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away and go elsewhere. And so there is a role. All countries do it. All jurisdictions do it. If you
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want to have a robust sector, there is a role for the government to play. And I think I'd be willing to
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go further and say that if you want to ensure that there are certain kinds of stories and productions,
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that you're not just a so-called branch plant for production, let's say, coming out of the United States,
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there is also a role for government to incentivize some of that kind of creativity and provide
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support in that regard. Part of the problem, I would say, is that our current system does a pretty
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bad job of that, even though it is used as the rationale for the kinds of reforms that we're
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seeing. In terms of whether or not we need some of these changes, you know, I think you can make an
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argument that the large curated streaming services, so the Netflix and Disney's of the world, function in
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many ways like large broadcasters. And so you could try to make the case that, you know what, it makes sense to
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have some kind of regulations associated with those large curated streaming services in the same way
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that you would with broadcasters. The problem with this bill is that it goes way, way, way beyond that.
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It covers all streaming services, covers, frankly, all audio visual content anywhere in the world,
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and then leaves it up to the CRTC to decide what gets exempted. And I think that kind of flips the
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approach we ought to be taking. We could identify, I think, a narrow group of very large influential
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streaming services and say, you sure look a lot like a broadcaster. We want to bring in some of
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those same kinds of rules. That's a far cry, though, from what the government has in mind with Bill C-11.
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And I had Peter Menzies on as a guest before. I believe he spoke to the same committee that you
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did, and he was a former head of the CRTC. I mean, he's not fully opposed to a degree of regulation and
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mandating in broadcast and journalism, but he's quite concerned with what he's seeing coming out, too.
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Oh, no, no doubt. I mean, certainly, you know, Peter and I did appear together and we raised
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concerns. Notably, I think on that same day, we had some coming from the Digital First creative
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community. Morgan Forche, for example, who runs a company called Skyship Entertainment, which is
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Canada's largest YouTube streamer. Frankly, its numbers would be mind-boggling,
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even to some of the very well-established Canadian services. We're talking about tens of millions of
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subscribers, billions of streams, 97 percent of which occur outside the country. All of their
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intellectual property and their creativity created here in Canada, yet you don't hear about them.
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They don't actively use some of the kind of government granting systems that we've seen.
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And they're concerned about the bill because they're concerned that when the government oversteps
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into this area, because they are not one, they're not a Netflix and they're not using those kinds of
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platforms, they're worried it could have a real negative impact for them.
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Well, there's a lot of unique ventures and companies and things that didn't exist 20 years
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ago that exist today. And it's hard to keep legislation to keep up with what's going to develop.
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So it's good to hear that concern. So to kind of pivot to C18 then, that's a little different and
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that's getting more towards independent media a lot. And the big providers, Facebook, Google and others,
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it's basically looking for a setup. I kind of see it as putting the screws to them a little, but
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paying for access and placement. Can you kind of explain how that's working?
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Yeah, no. So, so it's the way it's working or the way it could end up working is that,
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you know, you've had some of the very large Canadian media organizations, Post Media and TorStar,
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I suppose most notably, arguing that they would like to see companies like Google and Facebook pay them
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for sort of the references to their news articles that exist on their sites. And I think that for some
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people, if what we were talking about was some of these platforms taking full copies of their
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articles and posting them on those sites and then perhaps selling ads against it, they would say,
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you know what, that's something that we think you ought to be compensating for. But that's not what
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we're talking about, in part because those platforms don't copy full text of these articles.
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They typically just post links to the underlying services themselves. And so it seems to me that
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that's, as I say, that's not what we're, we're not even talking about full copying. And the legislation
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is pretty clear that it goes well beyond the notion of reap of compensation for reproduction of works.
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It talks about facilitating access to the news or any portion thereof. And so when you're talking
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about facilitating access to news, you're talking about linking to the news, you're talking about
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creating an index that might include various news services. So for example, if you include if,
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if someone ran a search on Google for tell me Western based news organizations and your news
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organization and a bunch of others showed up, the mere fact that they were on that list under this
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legislation would be viewed as facilitating access to the news and would be viewed as something that
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Google ought to be compensating the underlying companies for, which I must admit, I find baffling because
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they're actually driving traffic to these underlying sites. And yet the position is that somehow it's
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Google that benefits, let's say, from the inclusion of this information in their index,
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and thus they ought to be compensating the underlying news organizations that are linked to.
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Yeah, I find it kind of bizarre. I mean, for our organization, we are very dependent on that. If we
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aren't listed in Google and Facebook and some of those, we can't get our message to the broader
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audience very easily at all. I mean, we have newsletters, we do everything we can. If anything,
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and I'm not proposing that we should almost be paying them a little bit for how much they promote
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us outside of that. When we bring traffic in, we bring subscribers, we make our money on the
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advertising after that. So it's just sort of absurd. But the thing is, this will stack things if they got
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what they wanted, sort of more heavily for those, the larger the heavyweights out there, as you said,
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Taurus star post media, and the little independent outlets like ourselves could end up finding
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ourselves on the outside looking in. And that's very troubling for us. And I think for people in
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general, I think the independents find themselves in a very, very difficult position, you know,
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the government has tried to make the case that no, this is, this is not, not going to hurt the
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independents, that they will have the opportunity to benefit from the negotiations in the same way that
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the large players would. But left unsaid is that there are, and I think you've hinted at it here,
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there are many independents that recognize that if anything, the value proposition is one where
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they're the beneficiaries of this. And those free referrals are worth quite a bit. And we know that,
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of course, because media organizations pay to advertise on these services all the time to drive
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links. They, they literally are paying for those links in many circumstances. And suddenly now they're
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saying, no, no, you should be paying us for those links. I think the problem for many independents is that
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they may find themselves in a position where they feel they have no choice but to enter into this
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process, that if your competitors are doing it, then suddenly you say, well, how can I compete if
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I've created a digital only news service in a local community, and I've got this literally the CBC is my
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primary competitor already potentially supported by tax dollars suddenly now gaining additional support
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by participating in a process where they're getting money from Google and Facebook. Can I really afford
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it to stay on the sidelines and, you know, and put myself in a less competitive position over time?
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It puts us at a disadvantage. Wasn't there a battle similar to this in Australia in the past? It was
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sort of Facebook versus Australia. And how did that all finish out? Actually, I think somebody backed off
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somewhere. It was and so and it's the government will tell you that they're using the Australian example
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as their model. And the Australian approach did involve Facebook for a brief period of time saying they
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were simply going to remove news links from their service altogether, that that the reality for them
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is that news on their platform just is a relatively trivial part of the overall content world on a
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Facebook platform. And so if they're facing a world in which they're required to pay for that compensation,
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for links, you know, I think that these companies look at this a little bit as an existential threat
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because they say, listen, what makes news so special that if I have to pay for links for news,
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why don't I have to pay for links for a myriad of other content that people happen to post on my site?
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They might come and say, hey, I want to get paid for that, too. And so they did take a strong
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position and say that they weren't going to they weren't going to include news. They backed off
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under a clearly enormous political pressure. But we need to understand, of course, that the Australian
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market is pretty different than the Canadian market, not the least of which is that in some ways it
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was largely a battle by Rupert Murdoch on the one side and Facebook, Google, Google on the other. And,
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you know, as a home cooking, so to speak, for Murdoch, as an Australian based media organization,
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no surprise what the outcome was. We don't have quite the same kind of media environment in Canada, though.
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Yeah. So I guess kind of in wrapping up, it looks like these bills, though, are sort of getting rammed
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through. You wrote recently the government moved to end debate and kind of ramrodding, ramrodded
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through the next step in the legislative process. Is there much chance, do you think, of having these
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bills amended or perhaps scrapped? Or does it look like they're pretty much a done deal?
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That's a great question. You know, obviously, they've got the government right now has the votes
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minority government, but has support from the NDP. And frankly, on this issue,
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these issues has the support from the bloc as well. So scrapping the bills does not seem like a likely
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outcome. Is there the prospect for change in the context of C11? I think we're about to find out,
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given that the hearings will continue next week and very soon afterwards, we'll see what amendments
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are proposed. And so it is possible that the government may be open to some change.
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On C18, on the news bill, it's hard to know, in part because the government is trying to move this
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very expeditiously with really no debate at all. I mean, it's frankly, I think, remarkable to see the
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government move ahead with this, with the minister responsible, the heritage minister, Pablo Rodriguez,
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has quite literally not given a speech on this bill in the House yet. He's never even responded to a
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question about the bill in the House. And yet the government's already moved to end debate on the
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bill starting next week. That's quite problematic. I guess all we can do is just keep watching and try
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to point things out. And I hope perhaps in the Senate, they'll get some more scrutiny. And, you know,
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sometimes we do get amendments and some good changes in there. So I appreciate you coming on to talk to
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us about that today and the work you're doing, you know, and bringing attention to this. As I said,
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kind of some of the viewers, it can be considered somewhat dry content to some, but it's very
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important. And I appreciate your work on it. So where can people find more information on what you're
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doing and to keep track of these sorts of issues? Yeah, sure. So I'm online at michaelgeist.ca,
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m-i-c-h-a-e-l-g-e-i-s-t.ca. And I'm on Twitter at mgeist, at m-g-e-i-s-t.
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Well, great. Well, thank you again for coming on. And well, let's hope for the best. And
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perhaps we'll talk again down the road with some positive developments on this front.
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That would be great. Thanks so much for having me.