00:03:40.920So that's one problem, I think. And that's one problem I want our book to address or remedy. And the other is my worry, and I'm sure it varies from school to school. My worry is that the currently fashionable story about Britain's past as being a litany of racism and oppression and exploitation is being fed to kids.
00:04:06.500I'm sure it won't happen in every school, but I'm sure in some schools it will be the case.
00:04:10.200So it's not just a matter of giving them the whole story of the development of the country,
00:04:16.600but feeding them a particularly ideologically partisan story.
00:08:12.220Another thing is some years ago, many teachers, many educationalists decided that the only way you could justify the teaching of history was because it taught certain skills.
00:08:24.840So it wasn't about learning about the history of Britain or indeed the history of Britain.
00:08:28.700It was about learning how to criticize sources, deconstruct arguments and so on in a way that in a very crude way that, in fact, historians would never actually do.
00:08:41.220You can't just do it without knowing what you're talking.
00:08:44.380You know, without knowing the basics, you can't do anything like this.
00:08:47.240But it was assumed that this was all about skills,
00:08:49.180and therefore these would be the sort of skills you could then go and get a job with.
00:08:52.420You know, I can write an essay, I can read a document, and therefore I can get a job.
00:08:57.940And another damaging thing was, okay, the ideological use of history.
00:09:04.040I think we can probably take for granted that that was undesirable.
00:14:58.580But the other issue about there being plural views,
00:15:01.340I mean, there are always different views of the past,
00:15:04.840always been controversy about how to interpret the past.
00:15:08.360But I think whatever our view, if we're honest,
00:15:12.760our view needs to be accountable to reason and evidence.
00:15:15.340Yeah. Right. So the data might allow a variety of interpretations, some of which fit better than others.
00:15:21.600But you've got to allow the data to control you. Otherwise, it's a completely free for all.
00:15:25.440You believe whatever you want. And I think the problem with a lot of the ideological history is its refusal to take into account certain data.
00:15:35.440So, for example, I referred earlier to my book on colonialism,
00:15:41.540which an academic at Sussex University, Alan Lester,
00:15:45.980spent 15,000 words taking down, right?
00:15:49.700And in this 15,000 words, Alan Lester could find nothing,
00:15:54.080absolutely nothing, good to say about the British Empire.
00:15:57.720Now, whatever overall judgment we come to about whether the empire is good or bad,
00:16:02.860No one can deny, it seems to me, that it was good that the British Empire abolished slavery and slave trading and suppressed it worldwide, nor that it was good that the British Empire decided to fight Hitler in 1939.
00:16:17.460So in other words, no one, as it were, accountable to all the data can deny that the British Empire did some things good.
00:16:25.080But there's Alan Lester in 15,000 words, cannot say single, cannot recognize a single positive facet.
00:16:32.780And so that's the problem with ideological views of history.
00:16:38.000It simply refuses to accept all the data
00:16:40.800or to be challenged by data it hadn't taken into account.
00:16:44.580What I suppose as a total layman and outsider I am seeing
00:16:49.260is I think inevitably with all of this stuff that we've seen,
00:16:53.180we all know it's representative of a much massive underlying iceberg.
00:31:29.740though you may have quite a different,
00:31:31.440And if I were to say what was the British Empire in the 19th century, I would say something like it was an effort to manage the unprecedented contacts that were being made between developed Western states and undeveloped, what we would later call Third World, but African, Asian and Pacific states.
00:32:00.480in order to try to prevent a chaotic and violent free-for-all.
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00:51:34.480Would there also be some far more pragmatic reasons as well? I think often people think about culture being the sort of the driver of things, but I often think that technology creates culture, which then creates politics. It's that kind of trajectory.
00:51:51.560And I imagine once territories to be colonized have run out, number one, and you have the Industrial Revolution and now it's, if you want to create wealth, you don't need to, you know, the easiest way to create wealth is no longer to go and conquer other people who have wealth and take their wealth, but it's now to build a factory and produce wealth.
00:52:14.160Because if you look at the curve of wealth creation, it's sort of flat for about X thousand years and then it explodes in the 18th century.
00:52:22.420You no longer need to conquer anywhere and you no longer can conquer anywhere because there's nowhere else to conquer.
00:52:27.840At that point, these ideas, which were always there about people being equal and equal human dignity and so on,
00:52:35.880then they can flourish because it's no longer economically necessary for you to have a kind of more warrior conquering mindset.
00:53:38.640To take that as an instance of what you're saying,
00:53:40.300The data says not. In fact, there were genuine humanitarian reasons, and in fact, the abolition cost Britain, or at least cost some Britons.
00:53:52.320And slavery was still very profitable, until the 1880s, after all, in Brazil and Cuba.
00:53:59.140And indeed, one historian, distinguished historian of slavery says the British missed out on the great coffee boom.
00:54:05.700They could have been selling slaves for the coffee plantations of Brazil, but they didn't.
00:54:12.340But I think the thing is, if you build a factory, you want raw materials and you want markets.
00:54:19.840So, in fact, this could have been, and indeed to some extent was, and particularly for some
00:54:56.000So the sort of universality almost of empires in the late 19th century seems to be directly connected with the growth of industrial societies.
00:55:08.100But just in terms of reasons of occupying territory, I'm thinking in the late 19th century, 1870s, 80s, that's when the so-called scramble for Africa happened.
00:55:20.140and lots of territories, particularly in Africa,
00:55:26.740were carved up between France and Britain and Italy and Belgium.
00:55:31.640And the motive for that, I just finished reading a biography of Lord Salisbury
00:55:35.480who dominated British government toward the end of the 1800s.
01:00:35.360Now, if I'd known we're going to talk about this, I'd have checked.
01:00:38.320But it meant that they were paying 3 or 4% lower interest on their loans than were independent
01:00:44.840countries or other European countries.
01:00:48.340And that was directly a consequence of being part of the British Empire and hence being regarded as international investors as a safe place to put your money.
01:00:59.500Well, let me ask just one thing. I think it's worth when we talk about India, actually, you used the word colonization to describe what happened there.
01:01:07.860And I think the ordinary person is very well acquainted with the story about the colonization of North America, maybe less so of South America.
01:01:17.540But what happened in India was so different to what happened there,